DOMESTIC LIFE—_continued_.
Quitting the lower apartments, where we have been long detained, I must
enter upon a more presumptuous office than I have yet undertaken, which
is that of a guide to the “Hareem:”[274] but first I must give some
account of marriage, and the marriage-ceremonies.
To abstain from marrying when a man has attained a sufficient age, and
when there is no just impediment, is esteemed, by the Egyptians,
improper, and even disreputable. For being myself guilty of this fault
(to use no harsher term), I have suffered much inconvenience and
discomfort during my stay in this country, and endured many reproaches.
During my former visit to Egypt, having occasion to remove from a house
which I had occupied for some months in a great thoroughfare-street in
Cairo, I engaged another house, in a neighbouring quarter: the lease was
written, and some money paid in advance; but a day or two after, the
agent of the owner came to inform me that the inhabitants of the
quarter, who were mostly “shereefs” (or descendants of the Prophet),
objected to my living among them, because I was not married. He added,
however, that they would gladly admit me if I would even purchase a
female slave, which would exempt me from the opprobrium cast upon me by
the want of a wife. I replied, that, being merely a sojourner in Egypt,
I did not like to take either a wife or female slave, whom I must soon
abandon: the money that I had paid was, therefore, returned to me. In
another quarter, I was less unfortunate; such heavy objections on
account of my being unmarried were not raised: I was only required to
promise that no persons wearing hats should come into the quarter to
visit me; yet, after I had established myself in my new residence, the
sheykh (or chief) of the quarter often endeavoured to persuade me to
marry. All my arguments against doing so he deemed of no weight. “You
tell me,” said he, “that in a year or two you mean to leave this
country: now, there is a young widow, who, I am told, is handsome,
living within a few doors of you, who will be glad to become your wife,
even with the express understanding that you shall divorce her when you
quit this place; though, of course, you may do so before, if she should
not please you.” This young damsel had several times contrived to let me
catch a glimpse of a pretty face, as I passed the house in which she and
her parents lived. What answer could I return? I replied, that I had
actually, by accident, seen her face, and that she was the last woman I
should wish to marry, under such circumstances: for I was sure that I
could never make up my mind to part with her. But I found it rather
difficult to silence my officious friend.—It has been mentioned before,
in the Introduction, that an unmarried man, or one who has not a female
slave, is usually obliged to dwell in a wekáleh, unless he has some near
relation with whom to reside; but that Franks are now exempted from this
restriction.
The Egyptian females arrive at puberty much earlier than the natives of
colder climates. Many marry at the age of twelve or thirteen years; and
some remarkably precocious girls are married at the age of _ten_:[275]
but such occurrences are not common. Few remain unmarried after sixteen
years of age. An Egyptian girl at the age of thirteen, or even earlier,
may be a mother. The women of Egypt are generally very prolific; but
females of other countries residing here are often childless; and the
children of foreigners, born in Egypt, seldom live to a mature age, even
when the mother is a native. It was on this account that the emancipated
Memlooks (or military slaves) usually adopted Memlooks.
It is very common among the Arabs of Egypt and of other countries, but
less so in Cairo than in other parts of Egypt, for a man to marry his
first cousin. In this case, the husband and wife continue to call each
other “cousin;” because the tie of blood is indissoluble; but that of
matrimony very precarious. A union of this kind is generally lasting, on
account of this tie of blood; and because mutual intercourse may have
formed an attachment between the parties in tender age; though, if they
be of the higher or middle classes, the young man is seldom allowed to
see the face of his female cousin, or even to meet and converse with
her, after she has arrived at or near the age of puberty, until she has
become his wife.
Marriages in Cairo are generally conducted, in the case of a virgin, in
the following manner; but in that of a widow, or a divorced woman, with
little ceremony. Most commonly, the mother, or some other near female
relation, of the youth or man who is desirous of obtaining a wife,
describes to him the personal and other qualifications of the young
woman with whom she is acquainted, and directs his choice:[276] or he
employs a “khát’beh,” or “khátibeh;” a woman whose regular business it
is to assist men in such cases. Sometimes two or more women of this
profession are employed. A khát’beh gives her report confidentially,
describing one girl as being like a gazelle, pretty and elegant and
young; and another, as not pretty, but rich, and so forth. If the man
have a mother and other near female relations, two or three of these
usually go with a khát’beh to pay visits to several hareems, to which
she has access in her professional character of a matchmaker; for she is
employed as much by the women as by the men. She sometimes also
exercises the trade of a “delláleh” (or broker) for the sale of
ornaments, clothing, etc., which procures her admission into almost
every hareem. The women who accompany her in search of a wife for their
relation are introduced to the different hareems merely as ordinary
visitors; and as such, if disappointed, they soon take their leave,
though the object of their visit is of course understood by the other
party: but if they find among the females of a family (and they are sure
to see all who are marriageable) a girl or young woman having the
necessary personal qualifications, they state the motive of their visit,
and ask, if the proposed match be not at once disapproved of, what
property, ornaments, etc., the object of their wishes may possess. If
the father of the intended bride be dead, she may perhaps possess one or
more houses, shops, etc.; and in almost every case, a marriageable girl
of the middle or higher ranks has a set of ornaments of gold and jewels.
The women-visitors, having asked these and other questions, bring their
report to the expectant youth or man. If satisfied with their report, he
gives a present to the khát’beh, and sends her again to the family of
his intended wife, to make known to them his wishes. She generally gives
an exaggerated description of his personal attractions, wealth, etc. For
instance, she will say, of a very ordinary young man, of scarcely any
property, and of whose disposition she knows nothing, “My daughter, the
youth who wishes to marry you is young, graceful, elegant, beardless,
has plenty of money, dresses handsomely, is fond of delicacies, but
cannot enjoy his luxuries alone; he wants you as his companion; he will
give you everything that money can procure; he is a stayer-at-home, and
will spend his whole time with you, caressing and fondling you.”
The parents may betroth their daughter to whom they please, and marry
her to him without her consent, if she be not arrived at the age of
puberty; but after she has attained that age, she may choose a husband
for herself, and appoint any man to arrange and effect her marriage. In
the former case, however, the khát’beh and the relations of a girl
sought in marriage usually endeavour to obtain her consent to the
proposed union. Very often, a father objects to giving a daughter in
marriage to a man who is not of the same profession or trade as himself;
and to marrying a younger daughter before an elder.[277] The bridegroom
can scarcely ever obtain even a surreptitious glance at the features of
his bride, until he finds her in his absolute possession, unless she
belong to the lower classes of society; in which case, it is easy enough
for him to see her face.
When a female is about to marry, she should have a “wekeel” (or deputy)
to settle the compact, and conclude the contract, for her, with her
proposed husband. If she be under the age of puberty, this is absolutely
necessary; and in this case, her father, if living, or (if he be dead)
her nearest adult male relation, or a guardian appointed by will, or by
the Kádee, performs the office of wekeel: but if she be of age, she
appoints her own wekeel, or may even make the contract herself; though
this is seldom done.
After a youth or man has made choice of a female to demand in marriage,
on the report of his female relations, or that of the khát’beh, and, by
proxy, made the preliminary arrangements before described with her and
her relations in the hareem, he repairs with two or three of his friends
to her wekeel. Having obtained the wekeel’s consent to the union, if the
intended bride be under age, he asks what is the amount of the required
“mahr” (or dowry).
The giving of a dowry is indispensable, as I have mentioned in a former
chapter. It is generally calculated in “riyáls,” of ninety faddahs (now
equivalent to five pence and two-fifths) each. The riyál is an imaginary
money, not a coin. The usual amount of the dowry, if the parties be in
possession of a moderately good income, is about a thousand riyáls (or
twenty-two pounds ten shillings); or, sometimes, not more than half that
sum. The wealthy calculate the dowry in purses, of five hundred piasters
(now, five pounds sterling) each; and fix its amount at ten purses, or
more. It must be borne in mind that we are considering the case of a
virgin-bride; the dowry of a widow or a divorced woman is much less. In
settling the amount of the dowry, as in other pecuniary transactions, a
little haggling frequently takes place: if a thousand riyáls be demanded
through the wekeel, the party of the intended bridegroom will probably
make an offer of six hundred: the former party then gradually lowering
the demand, and the other increasing the offer, they at length agree to
fix it at eight hundred. It is generally stipulated that two-thirds of
the dowry shall be paid immediately before the marriage contract is
made; and the remaining third held in reserve, to be paid to the wife in
case of divorcing her against her own consent, or in case of the
husband’s death.
This affair being settled, and confirmed by all persons present reciting
the opening chapter of the Kur-án (the Fát’hah), an early day (perhaps
the day next following) is appointed for paying the money, and
performing the ceremony of the marriage-contract, which is properly
called “’akd ennikáh.”[278] The making this contract is commonly called
“ketb el-kitáb” (or the writing of the writ); but it is very seldom the
case that any document is written to confirm the marriage, unless the
bridegroom is about to travel to another place, and fears that he may
have occasion to prove his marriage where witnesses of the contract
cannot be procured. Sometimes the marriage-contract is concluded
immediately after the arrangement respecting the dowry, but more
generally a day or two after. On the day appointed for this ceremony,
the bridegroom, again accompanied by two or three of his friends, goes
to the house of the bride, usually about noon, taking with him that
portion of the dowry which he has promised to pay on this occasion. He
and his companions are received by the bride’s wekeel; and two or more
friends of the latter are usually present. It is necessary that there be
two witnesses (and those must be Muslims) to the marriage-contract,
unless in a situation where witnesses cannot be procured. All persons
present recite the Fát’hah; and the bridegroom then pays the money.
After this, the marriage-contract is performed. It is very simple. The
bridegroom and the bride’s wekeel sit upon the ground, face to face,
with one knee upon the ground, and grasp each other’s right hand,
raising the thumbs, and pressing them against each other. A fikee[279]
is generally employed to instruct them what they are to say. Having
placed a handkerchief over their joined hands, he usually prefaces the
words of the contract with a “khutbeh,” consisting of a few words of
exhortation and prayer, with quotations from the Kur-án and Traditions,
on the excellency and advantages of marriage. He then desires the
bride’s wekeel to say, “I betroth [or marry], to thee, my daughter [or
the female who has appointed me her wekeel], such a one [naming the
bride], the virgin[280] [or the adult virgin], for a dowry of such an
amount.” (The words “for a dowry,” etc., are sometimes omitted.) The
bride’s wekeel having said this, the bridegroom, prompted in the same
manner by the fikee, says, “I accept from thee her betrothal [or
marriage] to myself, and take her under my care, and bind myself to
afford her my protection; and ye who are present bear witness of this.”
The wekeel addresses the bridegroom in the same manner a second and a
third time; and each time, the latter replies as before. They then
generally add, “And blessing be on the Apostles, and praise be to God,
the Lord of all creatures: amen:” after which, all present again repeat
the Fát’hah. It is not always the same form of “khutbeh” that is recited
on these occasions: any form may be used; and it may be repeated by any
person: it is not even necessary; and is often altogether omitted. The
contract concluded, the bridegroom sometimes (but seldom unless he be a
person of the lower orders) kisses the hands of his friends and others
there present; and they are presented with sherbet, and generally remain
to dinner. Each of them receives an embroidered handkerchief, provided
by the family of the bride; excepting the fikee, who receives a similar
handkerchief, with a small gold coin tied up in it, from the bridegroom.
Before the persons assembled on this occasion disperse, they settle when
the “leylet ed-dukhleh” is to be: this is the night when the bride is
brought to the house of the bridegroom, and the latter, for the first
time, visits her.
In general, the bridegroom waits for his bride about eight or ten days
after the conclusion of the contract. Meanwhile, he sends to her, two or
three or more times, some fruit, sweetmeats, etc.; and perhaps makes her
a present of a shawl, or some other article of value. The bride’s family
are at the same time occupied in preparing for her a stock of household
furniture (as deewáns, matting, carpets, bedding, kitchen-utensils,
etc.) and dress. The portion of the dowry which has been paid by the
bridegroom, and generally a much larger sum (the additional money, which
is often more than the dowry itself, being supplied by the bride’s
family), is expended in purchasing the articles of furniture, dress, and
ornaments, for the bride. These articles, which are called “gaház,” are
the property of the bride; and if she be divorced, she takes them away
with her. She cannot, therefore, with truth, be said to be
_purchased_.[281] The furniture is sent, commonly borne by a train of
camels, to the bridegroom’s house. Often, among the articles of the
gaház is a chair for the turban or head-dress, alluded to in a former
page. It is of a large size, but slight make; the bottom and back
generally of cane-work; sometimes with a canopy. It is never used to sit
upon. The turban, when placed upon it, is covered with a kerchief of
thick silk stuff, usually ornamented with gold thread. There are
sometimes sent two of these chairs; one for the husband and the other
for the wife.
The bridegroom should receive his bride on the eve of Friday, or that of
Monday;[282] but the former is generally esteemed the more fortunate
period. Let us say, for instance, that the bride is to be conducted to
him on the eve of Friday. During two or three or more preceding nights,
the street or quarter in which the bridegroom lives is illuminated with
chandeliers and lanterns, or with lanterns and small lamps, some
suspended from cords drawn across from the bridegroom’s and several
other houses on each side to the houses opposite; and several small silk
flags, each of two colours, generally red and green, are attached to
these or other cords.[283] An entertainment is also given on each of
these nights, particularly on the _last_ night before that on which the
wedding is concluded, at the bridegroom’s house. On these occasions, it
is customary for the persons invited, and for all intimate friends, to
send presents to his house, a day or two before the feast which they
purpose or expect to attend; they generally send sugar, coffee, rice,
wax-candles, or a lamb: the former articles are usually placed upon a
tray of copper or wood, and covered with a silk or embroidered kerchief.
The guests are entertained on these occasions by musicians and male or
female singers, by dancing girls, or by the performance of a “khatmeh”
or a “zikr.”[284]
[Illustration: LANTERN, ETC., SUSPENDED ON THE OCCASION OF A WEDDING.]
In the houses of the wealthy, the khát’beh or khat’behs, together with
the “dáyeh” (or midwife) of the family, the “belláneh” (or female
attendant of the bath), and the nurse of the bride, are each presented,
a day or two after the conclusion of the contract, with a piece of gold
stuff, a Kashmeer shawl, or a piece of striped silk, such as yeleks and
shintiyáns are made of; and, placing these over the left shoulder, and
attaching the edges together on the right side, go upon asses, with two
or more men before them beating kettle-drums or tabours, to the houses
of all the friends of the bride, to invite the females to accompany her
to and from the bath, and to partake of an entertainment given on that
occasion. At every house where they call, they are treated with a
repast, having sent notice the day before of their intended visit. They
are called “mudnát.”[285] I have sometimes seen them walking, and
without the drums before them; but making up for the want of these
instruments by shrill, quavering cries of joy called “zagháreet.”[286]
On the preceding Wednesday (or on the Saturday if the wedding be to
conclude on the eve of Monday), at about the hour of noon, or a little
later, the bride goes in state to the bath.[287] The procession to the
bath is called “Zeffet el-Hammám.” It is headed by a party of musicians
with a hautboy, or two, and drums of different kinds.[288] Frequently,
as I have mentioned in a former chapter, some person avails himself of
this opportunity to parade his young son previously to circumcision; the
child, and his attendants, in this case, follow next after the
musicians, in the manner already described. Sometimes, at the head of
the bride’s party are two men who carry the utensils and linen used in
the bath, upon two round trays, each of which is covered with an
embroidered or a plain silk kerchief; also a sakka, who gives water to
any of the passengers, if asked; and two other persons, one of whom
bears a “kumkum,” or bottle of plain or gilt silver, or of china,
containing rose-water, or orange-flower-water, which he occasionally
sprinkles on the passengers; and the other, a “mibkhar’ah” (or
perfuming-vessel) of silver, with aloes-wood, or some other odoriferous
substance, burning in it: but it is seldom that the procession is thus
attended. In general, the first persons among the bride’s party are
several of her married female relations and friends, walking in pairs;
and next, a number of young virgins. The former are dressed in the usual
manner, covered with the black silk habarah: the latter have white silk
habarahs, or shawls. Then follows the bride, walking under a canopy of
silk, of some gay colour, as pink, rose-colour, or yellow, or of two
colours composing wide stripes, often rose-colour and yellow. It is
carried by four men, by means of a pole at each corner, and is open only
in front; and at the top of each of the four poles is attached an
embroidered handkerchief. The dress of the bride, during this
procession, entirely conceals her person. She is generally covered, from
head to foot, with a red Kashmeer shawl; or with a white or yellow
shawl, though rarely. Upon her head is placed a small pasteboard cap, or
crown. The shawl is placed over this, and conceals from the view of the
public the richer articles of her dress, her face, and her jewels, etc.,
excepting one or two “kussahs”[289] (and sometimes other ornaments),
generally of diamonds and emeralds, attached to that part of the shawl
which covers her forehead. She is accompanied by two or three of her
female relations within the canopy; and often, when in hot weather, a
woman, walking backwards before her, is constantly employed in fanning
her, with a large fan of black ostrich-feathers, the lower part of the
front of which is usually ornamented with a piece of looking-glass.
Sometimes one zeffeh, with a single canopy, serves for two brides, who
walk side by side. The procession moves very slowly, and generally
pursues a circuitous route, for the sake of greater display. On leaving
the house, it turns to the right. It is closed by a second party of
musicians, similar to the first, or by two or three drummers.
-------------------------------------------
[Illustration: BRIDAL PROCESSION. (Part I.)]
_Lane’s Modern Egyptians_] [_Page 150_
-------------------------------------------
In the bridal processions of the lower orders, which are often conducted
in the same manner as that above described, the women of the party
frequently utter, at intervals, those shrill cries of joy called
zagháreet, which I have before had occasion to mention; and females of
the poorer classes, when merely spectators of a zeffeh, often do the
same.
The whole bath is sometimes hired for the bride and her party
exclusively. They pass several hours, or seldom less than two, occupied
in washing, sporting, and feasting; and frequently “’A′l’mehs” (or
female singers) are hired to amuse them in the bath: they then return in
the same order in which they came. The expense of the zeffeh falls on
the relations of the bride; but the feast is supplied by the bridegroom.
Having returned from the bath to the house of her family, the bride and
her companions sup together. If ’A′l’mehs have contributed to the
festivity in the bath, they also return with the bride, to renew their
concert. Their songs are always on the subject of love, and of the
joyous event which occasions their presence. After the company have been
thus entertained, a large quantity of henna having been prepared, mixed
into a paste, the bride takes a lump of it in her hand, and receives
contributions (called “nukoot”) from her guests: each of them sticks a
coin (usually of gold) in the henna which she holds upon her hand; and
when the lump is closely stuck with these coins, she scrapes it off her
hand upon the edge of a basin of water. Having collected in this manner
from all her guests, some more henna is applied to her hands and feet,
which are then bound with pieces of linen; and in this state they remain
until the next morning, when they are found to be sufficiently dyed with
its deep orange-red tint. Her guests make use of the remainder of the
dye for their own hands. This night is called “Leylet el-Henna,” or “the
Night of the Henna.”
It is on this night, and sometimes also during the latter half of the
preceding day, that the bridegroom gives his chief entertainment.
“Mohabbazeen” (or low farce-players) often perform on this occasion
before the house, or, if it be large enough, in the court. The other and
more common performances by which the guests are amused have been before
mentioned.
On the following day the bride goes in procession to the house of the
bridegroom. The procession before described is called “the zeffeh of the
bath,” to distinguish it from this, which is the more important, and
which is therefore particularly called “Zeffet el-’Arooseh,” or “the
Zeffeh of the Bride.” In some cases, to diminish the expenses of the
marriage-ceremonies, the bride is conducted privately to the bath, and
only honoured with a zeffeh to the bridegroom’s house. This procession
is exactly similar to the former. The bride and her party, after
breakfasting together, generally set out a little after mid-day. They
proceed in the same order, and at the same slow pace, as in the zeffeh
of the bath; and, if the house of the bridegroom be near, they follow a
circuitous route, through several principal streets, for the sake of
display. The ceremony usually occupies three or more hours.
-------------------------------------------
[Illustration: BRIDAL PROCESSION. (Part II.)]
_Lane’s Modern Egyptians_] [_Page 152_
-------------------------------------------
Sometimes, before bridal processions of this kind, two swordsmen, clad
in nothing but their drawers, engage each other in a mock combat; or two
peasants cudgel each other with nebboots, or long staves. In the
procession of a bride of a wealthy family, any person who has the art of
performing some extraordinary feat to amuse the spectators is almost
sure of being a welcome assistant, and of receiving a handsome
present.[290] When the seyyid ’Omar, the Nakeeb el-Ashráf (or chief of
the descendants of the Prophet), who was the main instrument of
advancing Mohammad ’Alee to the dignity of Básha of Egypt, married a
daughter, about twenty-seven years since, there walked before the
procession a young man who had made an incision in his abdomen, and
drawn out a large portion of his intestines, which he carried before him
on a silver tray. After the procession he restored them to their proper
place, and remained in bed many days before he recovered from the
effects of this foolish and disgusting act. Another man, on the same
occasion, ran a sword through his arm, before the crowding spectators,
and then bound over the wound, without withdrawing the sword, several
handkerchiefs, which were soaked with the blood. These facts were
described to me by an eye-witness. A spectacle of a more singular and
more disgusting nature used to be not uncommon on similar occasions, but
is now very seldom witnessed.[291] Sometimes, also, “háwees” (or
conjurors and sleight-of-hand performers) exhibit a variety of tricks on
these occasions. But the most common of all the performances here
mentioned are the mock fights. Similar exhibitions are also sometimes
witnessed on the occasion of a circumcision.[292]
The bride and her party, having arrived at the bridegroom’s house, sit
down to a repast. Her friends, shortly after, take their departure,
leaving with her only her mother and sister, or other near female
relations, and one or two other women, usually the belláneh. The ensuing
night is called “Leylet ed-Dukhleh,” or “the Night of the Entrance.”
[Illustration: MESH’ALS.]
The bridegroom sits below. Before sunset, he goes to the bath, and there
changes his clothes; or he merely does the latter at home, and, after
having supped with a party of his friends, waits till a little before
the “’eshë” (or time of the night-prayer), or until the third or fourth
hour of the night, when, according to general custom, he should repair
to some celebrated mosque, such as that of the Hasaneyn, and there say
his prayers. If young, he is generally honoured with a zeffeh on this
occasion: he goes to the mosque preceded by musicians with drums and one
or more hautboys, and accompanied by a number of friends, and by several
men bearing “mesh’als.” The mesh’al is a staff with a cylindrical frame
of iron at the top filled with flaming wood, or having two, three, four,
or five of these receptacles for fire. The party usually proceeds to the
mosque with a quick pace, and without much order. A second group of
musicians, with the same instruments, or with drums only, closes the
procession. The bridegroom is generally dressed in a kuftán with red
stripes, and a red gibbeh, with a Kashmeer shawl of the same colour for
his turban; and walks between two friends similarly dressed. The prayers
are commonly performed merely as a matter of ceremony; and it is
frequently the case that the bridegroom does not pray at all, or prays
without having previously performed the wudoó, like memlooks who say
their prayers only because they fear their master.[293] The procession
returns from the mosque with more order and display, and very slowly;
perhaps because it would be considered unbecoming in the bridegroom to
hasten home to take possession of his bride. It is headed, as before, by
musicians, and two or more bearers of mesh’als. These are generally
followed by two men, bearing, by means of a pole resting horizontally
upon their shoulders, a hanging frame, to which are attached about sixty
or more small lamps, in four circles, one above another, the uppermost
of which circles is made to revolve, being turned round occasionally by
one of the two bearers. These numerous lamps, and several mesh’als
beside those before mentioned, brilliantly illumine the streets through
which the procession passes, and produce a remarkably picturesque
effect. The bridegroom and his friends and other attendants follow,
advancing in the form of an oblong ring, all facing the interior of the
ring, and each bearing in his hand one or more wax candles, and
sometimes a sprig of henna or some other flower, excepting the
bridegroom and the friend on either side of him. These three form the
latter part of the ring, which generally consists of twenty or more
persons. At frequent intervals the party stops for a few minutes; and
during each of these pauses, a boy or man, one of the persons who
compose the ring, sings a few words of an epithalamium. The sounds of
the drums, and the shrill notes of the hautboy (which the bride hears
half an hour or more before the procession arrives at the house), cease
during these songs. The train is closed, as in the former case, by a
second group of musicians.
In the manner above described, the bridegroom’s zeffeh is most commonly
conducted; but there is another mode, that is more respectable, called
“zeffeh sádátee,” which signifies “the gentlemen’s zeffeh.” In this, the
bridegroom is accompanied by his friends in the same manner as before
related, and attended and preceded by men bearing mesh’als, but not by
musicians: in the place of these are about six or eight men, who, from
their being employed as singers on occasions of this kind, are called
“wilád el-läyálee,” or “sons of the nights.” Thus attended, he goes to
the mosque; and while he returns slowly thence to his house, the singers
above mentioned chant, or rather sing, “muweshshahs” (or lyric odes) in
praise of the Prophet. Having returned to the house, these same persons
chant portions of the Kur-án, one after another, for the amusement of
the guests; then, all together, recite the opening chapter (the
Fát’hah); after which one of them sings a “kaseedeh” (or short poem) in
praise of the Prophet: lastly, all of them again sing muweshshahs. After
having thus performed, they receive “nukoot” (or contributions of money)
from the bridegroom and his friends.
Soon after his return from the mosque, the bridegroom leaves his friends
in a lower apartment, enjoying their pipes and coffee and sherbet. The
bride’s mother and sister, or whatever other female relations were left
with her, are above; and the bride herself, and the belláneh, in a
separate apartment.[294] If the bridegroom be a youth or young man, it
is considered proper that he, as well as the bride, should exhibit some
degree of bashfulness: one of his friends, therefore, carries him a part
of the way up to the hareem. On entering the bride’s apartment, he gives
a present to the belláneh, and she retires. The bride has a shawl thrown
over her head; and the bridegroom must give her a present of money,
which is called “the price of the uncovering of the face,” before he
attempts to remove this, which she does not allow him to do without some
apparent reluctance, if not violent resistance, in order to show her
maiden modesty. On removing the covering, he says, “In the name of God,
the Compassionate, the Merciful;” and then greets her with this
compliment: “The night be blessed,” or “—is blessed:” to which she
replies, if timidity do not choke her utterance, “God bless thee.” The
bridegroom now sees the face of his bride for the first time, and
generally finds her nearly what he has been led to expect. He remains
with her but a few minutes longer:[295] having satisfied his curiosity
respecting her personal charms, he calls to the women (who generally
collect at the door, where they wait in anxious suspense) to raise their
cries of joy, or zagháreet: and the shrill sounds acquaint the persons
below and in the neighbourhood, and often, responded by other women,
spread still further the news, that he has acknowledged himself
satisfied with his bride: he soon afterwards descends to rejoin his
friends, and remains with them an hour, or more, before he returns to
his wife. It very seldom happens that the husband, if disappointed in
his bride, immediately disgraces and divorces her; in general, he
retains her, in this case, a week or more.
Having now described the most usual manner in which the marriages of
virgin-brides are conducted in Cairo, I may add a few words on some of
the ceremonies observed in other cases of matrimony, both of virgins and
of widows or divorced women.
The daughters of the great, generally having baths in their own houses,
seldom go to the public bath previously to marriage. A bride of a
wealthy family, and her female relations and friends, if there be not a
bath in her house, go to the public bath, which is hired for them
exclusively, and to the bridegroom’s house, without music or canopy,
mounted on asses: the bride herself generally wearing a Kashmeer shawl,
in the manner of a habarah.
If the bridegroom or the bride’s family have eunuchs, these ride before
the bride; and sometimes a man runs at the head of the procession,
crying, “Bless ye the Prophet!” This man, on entering the house, throws
down upon the threshold some leaves of the white beet (“salk”), over
which the ladies ride. The object of this act is to propitiate fortune.
The same man then exclaims, “Assistance from God, and a speedy
victory!”[296]
Marriages, among the Egyptians, are sometimes conducted without any pomp
or ceremony, even in the case of virgins, by mutual consent of the
bridegroom and the bride’s family, or the bride herself; and widows and
divorced women are never honoured with a zeffeh on marrying again. The
mere sentence, “I give myself up to thee,” uttered by a female to a man
who proposes to become her husband (even without the presence of
witnesses, if none can easily be procured), renders her his legal wife,
if arrived at puberty; and marriages with widows and divorced women,
among the Muslims of Egypt, and other Arabs, are sometimes concluded in
this simple manner. The dowry of such women is generally one quarter or
third or half the amount of that of a virgin.
In Cairo, among persons not of the lowest order, though in very humble
life, the marriage ceremonies are conducted in the same manner as among
the middle orders. But when the expenses of such zeffehs as I have
described cannot by any means be paid, the bride is paraded in a very
simple manner, covered with a shawl (generally red), and surrounded by a
group of her female relations and friends, dressed in their best, or in
borrowed, clothes, and enlivened by no other sounds of joy than their
zagháreet, which they repeat at frequent intervals.
The general mode of zeffeh among the inhabitants of the villages is
different from those above described. The bride, usually covered with a
shawl, is seated on a camel, and so conveyed to the bridegroom’s
dwelling. Sometimes four or five women or girls sit with her on the same
camel, one on either side of her, and two or three others behind: the
seat being made very wide, and usually covered with carpets or other
drapery. She is followed by a group of women singing. In the evening of
the wedding, and often during several previous evenings, in a village,
the male and female friends of the two parties meet at the bridegroom’s
house, and pass several hours of the night in the open air, amusing
themselves with songs and a rude kind of dance, accompanied by the
sounds of a tambourine or some kind of drum: both sexes sing; but only
the women dance.—I have introduced here these few words on the
marriage-ceremonies of the peasantry to avoid scattering notes on
subjects of the same nature. I now revert to the customs of the people
of Cairo.
On the morning after the marriage, “khäwals”[297] or “gházeeyehs”
(dancing men or girls) perform in the street before the bridegroom’s
house, or in the court.[298] On the same morning also, if the bridegroom
be a young man, the person who carried him upstairs generally takes him
and several friends to an entertainment in the country, where they spend
the whole day. This ceremony is called “el-huroobeh,” or the flight.
Sometimes the bridegroom himself makes the arrangements for it, and pays
part of the expenses, if they exceed the amount of the contributions of
his friends; for they give nukoot on this occasion. Musicians and
dancing girls are often hired to attend the entertainment. If the
bridegroom be a person of the lower orders, he is conducted back in
procession, preceded by three or four musicians with drums and hautboys;
his friends and other attendants carrying each a nosegay, as in the
zeffeh of the preceding night; and if their return be after sunset, they
are accompanied by men bearing mesh’als, lamps, etc.; and the friends of
the bridegroom carry lighted wax candles, besides the nosegays.[299]
Subsequent festivities occasioned by marriage will be described in a
later chapter.
The husband, if he can conveniently so arrange, generally prefers that
his mother should reside with him and his wife; that she may protect his
wife’s honour, and consequently his own also. It is said that the
mother-in-law is, for this reason, called “hamah.”[300] The women of
Egypt are said to be generally prone to criminal intrigues; and I fear
that, in this respect, they are not unjustly accused. Sometimes a
husband keeps his wife in the house of her mother, and pays the daily
expenses of both. This ought to make the mother very careful with regard
to expenditure, and strict as to her daughter’s conduct, lest the latter
should be divorced; but it is said that, in this case, she often acts as
her daughter’s procuress, and teaches her innumerable tricks, by which
to gain the upper hand over her husband, and to drain his purse. The
influence of the wife’s mother is also scarcely less feared when she
only enjoys occasional opportunities of seeing her daughter: hence it is
held more prudent for a man to marry a female who has neither mother nor
any near relations of her own sex; and some wives are even prohibited
receiving any female friends but those who are relations of the husband:
they are very few, however, upon whom such severe restrictions are
imposed.
For a person who has become familiar with male Muslim society in Cairo,
without marrying, it is not so difficult as might be imagined by a
stranger to obtain, directly and indirectly, correct and ample
information respecting the condition and habits of the women. Many
husbands of the middle classes, and some of the higher orders, freely
talk of the affairs of the hareem with one who professes to agree with
them in their general moral sentiments, if they have not to converse
through the medium of an interpreter.
Though the women have a particular portion of the house allotted to
them, the _wives_, in general, are not to be regarded as prisoners; for
they are usually at liberty to go out and pay visits, as well as to
receive female visitors, almost as often as they please. The slaves,
indeed, being subservient to the wives, as well as to their master, or,
if subject to the master only, being under an authority almost
unlimited, have not that liberty. One of the chief objects of the master
in appropriating a distinct suite of apartments to his women, is to
prevent their being seen by the male domestics and other men without
being covered in the manner prescribed by their religion. The following
words of the Kur-án show the necessity under which a Muslim’eh is placed
of concealing whatever is attractive in her person or attire from all
men, excepting certain relations and some other persons. “And speak unto
the believing women, that they restrain their eyes, and preserve their
modesty, and discover not their ornaments, except what [necessarily]
appeareth thereof: and let them throw their veils over their bosoms, and
not show their ornaments, unless to their husbands, or their fathers, or
their husbands’ fathers, or their sons, or their husbands’ sons, or
their brothers, or their brothers’ sons, or their sisters’ sons, or
their women, or those [captives] which their right hands shall possess,
or unto such men as attend [them] and have no need [of women], or unto
children:” “and let them not make a noise with their feet, that their
ornaments which they hide may [thereby] be discovered.”[301] The last
passage alludes to the practice of knocking together the anklets which
the Arab women in the time of the Prophet used to wear, and which are
still worn by many women in Egypt.
I must here transcribe two notes of eminent commentators on the Kur-án,
in illustration of the above extract, and inserted in Sale’s
translation. This I do, because they would convey an erroneous idea of
modern customs with regard to the admission, or non-admission, of
certain persons into the hareem. The first is on the above words, “or
their women,” which it thus explains:—“That is, such as are of the
Mohammadan religion: it being reckoned by some unlawful, or, at least,
indecent, for a woman who is a true believer to uncover herself before
one who is an infidel; because the latter will hardly refrain from
describing her to the men: but others suppose all women in general are
here accepted; for, in this particular, doctors differ.” In Egypt, and,
I believe, in every other Muslim country, it is not now considered
improper for any woman, whether independent, or a servant, or a slave, a
Christian, a Jewess, a Muslim’eh, or a pagan, to enter a Muslim’s
hareem.—The second of the notes above alluded to is on the words “or
those captives,” and is as follows:—“Slaves of either sex are included
in this exception, and, as some think, domestic servants who are not
slaves, as those of a different nation. It is related that Mohammad once
made a present of a man-slave to his daughter Fátimeh; and when he
brought him to her, she had on a garment which was so scanty, that she
was obliged to leave either her head or her feet uncovered: and that the
Prophet, seeing her in great confusion on that account, told her she
need be under no concern, for that there was none present but her father
and her slave.” Among the Arabs of the Desert, this may still be the
case; but in Egypt I have never heard of an instance of an adult male
slave being allowed to see the hareem of a respectable man, whether he
belonged to that hareem or not, and am assured that it is never
permitted. Perhaps the reason why the man-slave of a woman is allowed
this privilege by the Kur-án is, because she cannot become his lawful
wife as long as he continues her slave: but this is a poor reason for
granting him access to the hareem, in such a state of society. It is
remarkable that, in the verse of the Kur-án above quoted, uncles are not
mentioned as privileged to see their nieces unveiled: some think that
they are not admissible, and for this reason, lest they should describe
the persons of their nieces to their sons; for it is regarded as highly
improper for a man to describe the features or person of a female (as to
say, that she has large eyes, a straight nose, small mouth, etc.) to one
of his own sex, by whom it is unlawful for her to be seen, though it is
not considered indecorous to describe her in general terms, as, for
instance, to say, “She is a sweet girl, and set off with kohl and
henna.”
It may be mentioned here, as a general rule, that a man is allowed to
see unveiled only his own wives and female slaves, and those females
whom he is prohibited by law from marrying, on account of their being
within certain degrees of consanguinity or family connexion, or having
given him suck, or being nearly related to his foster-mother.[302] The
high antiquity of the veil has been alluded to in the first chapter of
this work. It has also been mentioned that it is considered more
necessary, in Egypt, for a woman to cover the upper and back part of her
head than her face; and more requisite for her to conceal her face than
most other parts of her person. For instance, a female who cannot be
persuaded to unveil her face in the presence of men, will think it but
little shame to display the whole of her bosom, or the greater part of
her leg. There are, it is true, many women among the lower classes in
this country who constantly appear in public with unveiled face; but
they are almost constrained to do so by the want of a burko’ (or
face-veil), and the difficulty of adjusting the tarhah (or head-veil),
of which scarcely any woman is destitute, so as to supply the place of
the former; particularly when both their hands are occupied in holding
some burden which they are carrying upon the head. When a respectable
woman is, by any chance, seen with her head or face uncovered by a man
who is not entitled to enjoy that privilege, she quickly assumes or
adjusts her tarhah, and often exclaims, “O my misfortune!” or “O my
sorrow!” Motives of coquetry, however, frequently induce an Egyptian
woman to expose her face before a man when she thinks that she may
appear to do so unintentionally, or that she may be supposed not to see
him. A man may also occasionally enjoy opportunities of seeing the face
of an Egyptian lady when she really thinks herself unobserved; sometimes
at an open lattice, and sometimes on a house-top. Many small houses in
Cairo have no apartment on the ground-floor for the reception of male
visitors, who therefore ascend to an upper room; but as they go upstairs
they exclaim several times, “Destoor!” (“Permission!”), or “Yá Sátir!”
(“O Protector!” that is, “O protecting God!”), or use some similar
ejaculation, in order to warn any woman who may happen to be in the way,
to retire, or to veil herself; which she does by drawing a part of her
tarhah before her face, so as to leave, at most, only one eye visible.
To such an absurd pitch do the Muslims carry their feeling of the
sacredness of women, that entrance into the _tombs_ of some females is
denied to men; as, for instance, the tombs of the Prophet’s wives and
other females of his family, in the burial-ground of El-Medeeneh; into
which women are freely admitted; and a man and woman they never bury in
the same vault, unless a wall separate the bodies. Yet there are among
the Egyptians a few persons who are much less particular in this
respect: such is one of my Muslim friends here, who generally allows me
to see his mother when I call upon him. She is a widow, of about fifty
years of age; but, being very fat, and not looking so old, she calls
herself forty. She usually comes to the door of the apartment of the
hareem, in which I am received (there being no lower apartment in the
house for male visitors), and sits there upon the floor, but will never
enter the room. Occasionally, and as if by accident, she shows me the
whole of her face, with plenty of kohl round her eyes; and does not
attempt to conceal her diamonds, emeralds, and other ornaments, but
rather the reverse. The wife, however, I am never permitted to see,
though once I was allowed to talk to her, in the presence of her
husband, round the corner of a passage at the top of the stairs.
I believe that in Egypt the women are generally under less restraint
than in any other country of the Turkish empire; so that it is not
uncommon to see females of the lower orders flirting and jesting with
men in public, and men laying their hands upon them very freely. Still
it might be imagined that the women of the higher and middle classes
feel themselves severely oppressed, and are much discontented with the
state of seclusion to which they are subjected; but this is not commonly
the case. On the contrary, an Egyptian wife who is attached to her
husband is apt to think, if he allows her unusual liberty, that he
neglects her, and does not sufficiently love her; and to envy those
wives who are kept and watched with greater strictness.
It is not very common for an Egyptian to have more than one wife, or a
concubine-slave, though the law allows him _four_ wives (as I have
before stated), and, according to common opinion, as many
concubine-slaves as he may choose. But though a man restrict himself to
a single wife, he may change as often as he desires; and there are
certainly not many persons in Cairo who have not divorced one wife, if
they have been long married. The husband may, whenever he pleases, say
to his wife, “Thou art divorced;” if it be his wish, whether reasonable
or not, she must return to her parents or friends. This liability to an
unmerited divorcement is the source of more uneasiness to many wives
than all the other troubles to which they are exposed; as they may
thereby be reduced to a state of great destitution; but to others, who
hope to better their condition, it is, of course, exactly the reverse. I
have mentioned, in a former chapter, that a man may divorce his wife
twice, and each time receive her again without any ceremony; but that he
cannot legally take her again after a third divorce until she has been
married and divorced by another man. The consequences of a triple
divorce conveyed in one sentence are the same, unless the man and his
wife agree to infringe the law, or the former deny his having pronounced
the sentence; in which latter case the woman may have much difficulty to
enforce his compliance with the law, if she be inclined to do so.
In illustration of this subject, I may mention a case in which an
acquaintance of mine was concerned as a witness of the sentence of
divorce. He was sitting in a coffee-shop with two other men, one of whom
had just been irritated by something that his wife had said or done.
After a short conversation upon this affair, the angry husband sent for
his wife, and as soon as she came, said to her, “Thou art trebly
divorced;” then addressing his two companions, he added, “You, my
brothers, are witnesses.” Shortly after, however, he repented of this
act, and wished to take back his divorced wife; but she refused to
return to him, and appealed to the “Shara Allah” (or Law of God). The
case was tried at the Mahkem′eh. The woman, who was the plaintiff,
stated that the defendant was her husband; that he had pronounced
against her the sentence of a triple divorce; and that he now wished her
to return to him, and live with him as his wife, contrary to the law,
and consequently in a state of sin. The defendant denied that he had
divorced her. “Have you witnesses?” said the judge to the plaintiff. She
answered, “I have here two witnesses.” These were the men who were
present in the coffee-shop when the sentence of divorce was pronounced.
They were desired to give their evidence, and they stated that the
defendant divorced his wife by a triple sentence, in their presence. The
defendant averred that she whom he had divorced in the coffee-shop was
another wife of his. The plaintiff declared that he had no other wife:
but the judge observed to her that it was impossible she could know
that; and asked the witnesses what was the name of the woman whom the
defendant divorced in their presence? They answered that they were
ignorant of her name. They were then asked if they could swear that the
plaintiff was the woman who was divorced before them? Their reply was,
that they could not swear to a woman whom they had never seen unveiled.
Under these circumstances, the judge thought it advisable to dismiss the
case, and the woman was obliged to return to her husband. She might have
demanded that he should produce the woman whom he professed to have
divorced in the coffee-shop, but he would easily have found a woman to
play the part he required, as it would not have been necessary for her
to show a marriage certificate; marriages being almost always performed
in Egypt without any written contract, and sometimes even without
witnesses.
It not unfrequently happens that, when a man who has divorced his wife
the third time wishes to take her again (she herself consenting to their
reunion, and there being no witnesses to the sentence of divorce), he
does so without conforming with the offensive law before mentioned. It
is also a common custom for a man under similar circumstances to employ
a person to marry the divorced woman on the condition of his resigning
her, the day after their union, to him, her former husband, whose wife
she again becomes, by a second contract; though this is plainly contrary
to the spirit of the law. The wife, however, can withhold her consent,
unless she is not of age; in which case, her father, or other lawful
guardian, may marry her to whom he pleases. A poor man (generally a very
ugly person, and often one who is blind) is usually chosen to perform
this office. He is termed a “Mustahall,” or “Mustahill,” or a
“Mohallil.” It is often the case that the man thus employed is so
pleased with the beauty of the woman to whom he is introduced on these
terms, or with her riches, that he refuses to give her up; and the law
cannot compel him to divorce her, unless he act unjustly towards her as
her husband; which of course he takes good care not to do. But a person
may employ a mustahall without running this risk. It is the custom of
many wealthy Turks, and of some of the people of Egypt, to make use of a
slave, generally a black, their own property, to officiate in this
character. Sometimes, a slave is purchased for this purpose; or if the
person who requires him for such a service be acquainted with a
slave-dealer, he asks from the latter a present of a slave, signifying
that he will give him back again. The uglier the slave, the better. The
Turks generally choose one not arrived at puberty, which the tenets of
their sect allow. As soon as the woman has accomplished her “’eddeh” (or
the period during which she is obliged to wait before she can marry
again), the husband who divorced her, having previously obtained her
consent to what he is about to do, introduces the slave to her, and asks
her if she will be married to him. She replies that she will. She is
accordingly wedded to the slave, in the presence of witnesses, and a
dowry is given to her, to make the marriage perfectly legal. The slave
consummates the marriage, and thus becomes the woman’s legitimate
husband. Immediately after, or on the following morning, her former
husband presents this slave to her as her own property, and the moment
that she accepts him, her marriage with him becomes dissolved; for it is
unlawful for a woman to be the wife of her own slave: though she may
emancipate a slave, and _then_ marry him. As soon as her marriage is
dissolved by her accepting the gift of the slave, she may give back this
slave to her husband: but it seldom happens that the latter will allow a
person who has been a mustahall for him to remain in his house. The
wife, after this proceeding, may, as soon as she has again accomplished
her ’eddeh, become reunited to her former husband, after having been
separated from him, by the necessity of her fulfilling two ’eddehs,
about half a year, or perhaps more.
That the facility of divorce has depraving effects upon both sexes may
be easily imagined. There are many men in this country who, in the
course of ten years, have married as many as twenty, thirty, or more
wives; and women not far advanced in age who have been wives to a dozen
or more men successively. I have heard of men who have been in the habit
of marrying a new wife almost every month. A person may do this although
possessed of very little property: he may choose, from among the females
of the lower orders in the streets of Cairo, a handsome young widow or
divorced woman who will consent to become his wife for a dowry of about
ten shillings; and when he divorces her, he need not give her more than
double that sum to maintain her during her ensuing ’eddeh. It is but
just, however, to add that such conduct is generally regarded as very
disgraceful; and that few parents in the middle or higher classes will
give a daughter in marriage to a man who has divorced many wives.
Polygamy, which is also attended with very injurious effects upon the
morals of the husband and the wives, and only to be defended because it
serves to prevent a greater immorality than it occasions, is more rare
among the higher and middle classes than it is among the lower orders;
and it is not very common among the latter. A poor man may indulge
himself with two or more wives, each of whom may be able, by some art or
occupation, nearly to provide her own subsistence; but most persons of
the middle and higher orders are deterred from doing so by the
consideration of the expense and discomfort which they would incur. A
man having a wife who has the misfortune to be barren, and being too
much attached to her to divorce her, is sometimes induced to take a
second wife, merely in the hope of obtaining offspring; and from the
same motive, he may take a third and a fourth; but fickle passion is the
most evident and common motive both to polygamy and repeated divorces.
They are comparatively very few who gratify this passion by the former
practice. I believe that not more than one husband among twenty has two
wives.
When there are two or more wives belonging to one man, the first (that
is, the one first married) generally enjoys the highest rank; and is
called “the great lady.” Hence it often happens that, when a man who has
already one wife wishes to marry another girl or woman, the father of
the latter, or the female herself who is sought in marriage, will not
consent to the union unless the first wife be previously divorced. The
women, of course, do not approve of a man’s marrying more than one wife.
Most men of wealth, or of moderate circumstances, and even many men of
the lower orders, if they have two or more wives, have, for each, a
separate house. The wife has, or can oblige her husband to give her, a
particular description of lodging, which is either a separate house, or
a suite of apartments (consisting of a room in which to sleep and pass
the day, a kitchen, and a latrina) that are, or may be made, separate
and shut out from any other apartments in the same house. A fellow-wife
is called “durrah.”[303] The quarrels of durrahs are often talked of:
for it may be naturally inferred that, when two wives share the
affection and attentions of the same man, they are not always on terms
of amity with each other; and the same is generally the case with a wife
and a concubine-slave living in the same house, and under similar
circumstances.[304] If the chief lady be barren, and an inferior, either
wife or slave, bear a child to her husband or master, it commonly
results that the latter woman becomes a favourite of the man, and that
the chief wife or mistress is “despised in her eyes,” as Abraham’s wife
was in the eyes of Hagar on the same account.[305] It therefore not very
unfrequently happens that the first wife loses her rank and privileges;
another becomes the chief lady, and, being the favourite of her husband,
is treated by her rival or rivals, and by all the members and visitors
of the hareem, with the same degree of outward respect which the first
wife previously enjoyed: but sometimes the poisoned cup is employed to
remove her. A preference given to a second wife is often the cause of
the first’s being registered as “náshizeh,”[306] either on her husband’s
or her own application at the Mahkem′eh. Yet many instances are known of
neglected wives behaving with exemplary and unfeigned submission to
their husband, in such cases, and with amiable good nature towards the
favourite.[307]
Some wives have female slaves who are their own property, generally
purchased for them, or presented to them, before marriage. These cannot
be the husband’s concubines without their mistress’s permission, which
is sometimes granted (as it was in the case of Hagar, Sarah’s
bondwoman); but very seldom. Often, the wife will not even allow her
female slave or slaves to appear unveiled in the presence of her
husband. Should such a slave, without the permission of her mistress,
become the concubine of the husband, and bear him a child, the child is
a slave, unless, prior to its birth, the mother be sold, or presented,
to the father.
The white female slaves are mostly in the possession of wealthy Turks.
The concubine-slaves[308] in the houses of Egyptians of the higher and
middle classes are, generally, Abyssinians, of a deep brown or bronze
complexion. In their features, as well as their complexions, they appear
an intermediate race between the negroes and white people: but the
difference between them and either of the above-mentioned races is
considerable. They themselves, however, think that they differ so little
from the white people, that they cannot be persuaded to act as servants,
with due obedience, to their master’s wives; and the black (or negro)
slave-girl feels exactly in the same manner towards the Abyssinian; but
is perfectly willing to serve the white ladies. I should here mention,
that the slaves who are termed Abyssinians are not from the country
properly called Abyssinia, but from the neighbouring territories of the
Gallas. Most of them are handsome. The average price of one of these
girls is from ten to fifteen pounds sterling, if moderately handsome;
but this is only about half the sum that used to be given for one a few
years ago. They are much esteemed by the voluptuaries of Egypt; but are
of delicate constitution: many of them die, in this country, of
consumption. The price of a white slave-girl is usually from treble to
tenfold that of an Abyssinian; and the price of a black girl, about half
or two-thirds, or considerably more if well instructed in the art of
cookery. The black slaves are generally employed as menials.[309]
Almost all of the slaves become converts to the faith of El-Islám; but,
in general, they are little instructed in the rites of their new
religion; and still less in its doctrines. Most of the white female
slaves who were in Egypt during my former visit to this country were
Greeks; vast numbers of that unfortunate people having been made
prisoners by the Turkish and Egyptian army under Ibráheem Básha; and
many of them, males and females, including even infants scarcely able to
walk, sent to Egypt to be sold. Latterly, from the impoverishment of the
higher classes in this country, the demand for white slaves has been
small. A few, some of whom undergo a kind of preparatory education
(being instructed in music or other accomplishments, at Constantinople),
are brought from Circassia and Georgia. The white slaves, being often
the only female companions, and sometimes the wives, of the Turkish
grandees, and being generally preferred by them before the free ladies
of Egypt, hold a higher rank than the latter in common opinion. They are
richly dressed, presented with valuable ornaments, indulged, frequently,
with almost every luxury that can be procured, and, when it is not their
lot to wait upon others, may, in some cases, be happy: as lately has
been proved, since the termination of the war in Greece, by many females
of that country, captives in Egyptian hareems, refusing their offered
liberty, which all of these cannot be supposed to have done from
ignorance of the state of their parents and other relations, or the fear
of exposing themselves to poverty. But, though some of them are
undoubtedly happy, at least for a time, their number is comparatively
small: most are fated to wait upon more favoured fellow-prisoners, or
upon Turkish ladies, or to receive the unwelcome caresses of a wealthy
dotard, or of a man who has impaired his body and mind by excesses of
every kind; and, when their master or mistress becomes tired of them, or
dies, are sold again (if they have not borne children), or emancipated,
and married to some person in humble life, who can afford them but few
of the comforts to which they have been accustomed. The female slaves in
the houses of persons of the middle classes in Egypt are generally more
comfortably circumstanced than those in the hareems of the wealthy: if
concubines, they are, in most cases, without rivals to disturb their
peace; and if menials, their service is light, and they are under less
restraint. Often, indeed, if mutual attachment subsist between her and
her master, the situation of a concubine-slave is more fortunate than
that of a wife: for the latter may be cast off by her husband in a
moment of anger, by an irrevocable sentence of divorce, and reduced to a
state of poverty; whereas a man very seldom dismisses a female slave
without providing for her in such a manner that, if she have not been
used to luxuries, she suffers but little, if at all, by the change: this
he generally does by emancipating her, giving her a dowry, and marrying
her to some person of honest reputation; or by presenting her to a
friend. I have already mentioned, that a master cannot sell nor give
away a slave who has borne him a child, if he acknowledge it to be his
own; and that she is entitled to her freedom on his death. It often
happens that such a slave, immediately after the birth of her child, is
emancipated, and becomes her master’s wife: when she has become free,
she can no longer lawfully supply the place of a wife unless he marry
her. Many persons consider it disgraceful even to sell a female slave
who has been long in their service. Most of the Abyssinian and black
slave-girls are abominably corrupted by the Gellábs, or slave-traders,
of Upper Egypt and Nubia, by whom they are brought from their native
countries: there are very few of the age of eight or nine years who have
not suffered brutal violence; and so severely do these children,
particularly the Abyssinians, and boys as well as girls, feel the
treatment which they endure from the Gellábs, that many instances occur
of their drowning themselves during the voyage down the Nile.[310] The
female slaves of every class are somewhat dearer than the males of the
same age. Those who have not had the small-pox are usually sold for less
than the others. Three days’ trial is generally allowed to the
purchaser; during which time, the girl remains in his, or some friend’s,
hareem; and the women make their report to him. Snoring, grinding the
teeth, or talking during sleep, are commonly considered sufficient
reasons for returning her to the dealer.—The dresses of the female
slaves are similar to those of the Egyptian women.
The female servants, who are Egyptian girls or women, are those to whom
the lowest occupations are allotted. They generally veil their faces in
the presence of their masters, with the head-veil; drawing a part of
this before the face, so that they leave only one eye and one hand at
liberty to see and perform what they have to do. When a male visitor is
received by the master of a house in an apartment of the hareem (the
females of the family having been sent into another apartment on the
occasion), he is usually, or often, waited upon by a female servant, who
is always veiled.
Such are the relative conditions of the various classes in the hareem. A
short account of their usual habits and employments must be added.
The wives, as well as the female slaves, are not only often debarred
from the privilege of eating with the master of the family, but also
required to wait upon him when he dines or sups, or even takes his pipe
and coffee in the hareem. They frequently serve him as menials; fill and
light his pipe, make coffee for him, and prepare his food, or, at least,
certain dainty dishes; and if I might judge from my own experience, I
should say that most of them are excellent cooks; for, when a dish has
been recommended to me because made by the wife of my host, I have
generally found it especially good. The wives of men of the higher and
middle classes make a great study of pleasing and fascinating their
husbands by unremitted attentions, and by various arts. Their coquetry
is exhibited, even in their ordinary gait, when they go abroad, by a
peculiar twisting of the body.[311] In the presence of the husband, they
are usually under more or less restraint; and hence they are better
pleased when his visits, during the day, are not very frequent or long:
in his absence, they often indulge in noisy merriment.
The diet of the women is similar to that of the men, but more frugal;
and their manner of eating is the same. Many of them are allowed to
enjoy the luxury of smoking; for this habit is not considered unbecoming
in a female, however high her rank; the odour of the finer kinds of the
tobacco used in Egypt being very delicate. Their pipes are generally
more slender than those of the men, and more ornamented; and the
mouth-piece is sometimes partly composed of coral, in the place of
amber. They generally make use of perfumes, such as musk, civet, etc.,
and often, also, of cosmetics, and particularly of several preparations
which they eat or drink with the view of acquiring what they esteem a
proper degree of plumpness:[312] one of these preparations is extremely
disgusting; being chiefly composed of mashed beetles.[313] Many of them
also have a habit of chewing frankincense, and labdanum, which impart a
perfume to the breath. The habit of frequent ablutions renders them
cleanly in person. They spend but little time in the operations of the
toilet; and, after having dressed themselves in the morning, seldom
change their clothes during the day. Their hair is generally braided in
the bath; and not undone afterwards for several days.
The care of their children is the primary occupation of the ladies of
Egypt: they are also charged with the superintendence of domestic
affairs; but, in most families, the husband alone attends to the
household expenses. Their leisure-hours are mostly spent in working with
the needle; particularly in embroidering handkerchiefs, head-veils,
etc., upon a frame called “menseg,” with coloured silks and gold. Many
women, even in the houses of the wealthy, replenish their private purses
by ornamenting handkerchiefs and other things in this manner, and
employing a “delláleh” (or female broker) to take them to the market, or
to other hareems, for sale. The visit of one hareem to another often
occupies nearly a whole day. Eating, smoking, drinking coffee and
sherbet, gossiping, and displaying their finery, are sufficient
amusements to the company. On such occasions, the master of the house is
never allowed to enter the hareem, unless on some particular and
unavoidable business; and in this case, he must give notice of his
approach, and let the visitors have sufficient time to veil themselves,
or to retire to an adjoining room. Being thus under no fear of his
sudden intrusion, and being naturally of a lively and an unreserved
disposition, they indulge in easy gaiety, and not unfrequently in
youthful frolic. When their usual subjects of conversation are
exhausted, sometimes one of the party entertains the rest with the
recital of some wonderful or facetious tale. The Egyptian ladies are
very seldom instructed either in music or dancing; but they take great
delight in the performances of professional musicians and public
dancers; and often amuse themselves and their guests, in the absence of
better performers and better instruments, by beating the “darabukkeh”
(which is a kind of drum) and the “tár” (or tambourine); though seldom
in houses so situated that many passengers might hear the sounds of
festivity. On the occasion of any great rejoicing among the women (such
as takes place on account of the birth of a son, or the celebration of a
circumcision, or a wedding, etc.), “’A′l’mehs” (or professional female
singers) are often introduced; but not for the mere amusement of the
women, on common occasions, in any respectable family; for this would be
considered indecorous. The “Gházeeyehs” (or public dancing-girls), who
exhibit in the streets with unveiled faces, are very seldom admitted
into a hareem; but on such occasions as those above mentioned, they
often perform in front of the house, or in the court; though, by many
persons, even this is not deemed strictly proper. The “A′látees” (or
male musicians) are never hired exclusively for the amusement of the
women; but chiefly for that of the men: they always perform in the
assembly of the latter: their concert, however, is distinctly heard by
the inmates of the hareem.
When the women of the higher or middle classes go out to pay a visit, or
for any other purpose, they generally ride upon asses. They sit astride,
upon a very high and broad saddle, which is covered with a small carpet;
and each is attended by a man on one or on each side. Generally, all the
women of a hareem ride out together; one behind another. Mounted as
above described, they present a very singular appearance. Being raised
so high above the back of the “homár ’álee” (or the “high ass”—for so
the animal which they ride, furnished with the high saddle, is commonly
called[314]), they seem very insecurely seated; but I believe this is
not really the case: the ass is well girthed, and sure-footed; and
proceeds with a slow, ambling pace, and very easy motion. The ladies of
the highest rank, as well as those of the middling classes, ride asses,
thus equipped: they are very seldom seen upon mules or horses. The asses
are generally hired. When a lady cannot procure a homár ’álee, she rides
one of the asses equipped for the use of the men; but has a “seggádeh”
(or prayer-carpet) placed over its saddle; and the inferior members of
the hareem, and females of the middle orders, often do the same. Ladies
never walk abroad, unless they have to go but a very short distance.
They have a slow and shuffling gait, owing to the difficulty of
retaining the slippers upon their feet; and, in walking, they always
hold the front edges of the habarah in the manner represented in the
engraving in page 38 in this volume. Whether walking or riding, they are
regarded with much respect in public: no well-bred man stares at them;
but rather directs his eyes another way. They are never seen abroad at
night, if not compelled to go out or return at that time by some
pressing and extraordinary necessity: it is their usual rule to return
from paying a visit before sunset. The ladies of the higher orders never
go to a shop, but send for whatever they want; and there are numerous
dellálehs who have access to the hareems, and bring all kinds of
ornaments, articles of female apparel, etc., for sale. Nor do these
ladies, in general, visit the public bath, unless invited to accompany
thither some of their friends; for most of them have baths in their own
houses.
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Footnote 274:
The term “hareem” (which, as before mentioned, is applied both to the
females of a family and to the apartments which they occupy) signifies
_prohibited_, _sacred_, etc. The Turks, and many of the Arabs, use the
synonymous Arabic term “haram,” which the former pronounce “harem.”
Footnote 275:
They are often betrothed two or three or more years earlier.
Footnote 276:
Abraham’s sending a messenger to his own country to seek a wife for
his son Isaac (see Genesis xxiv.) was just such a measure as most
modern Arabs would adopt under similar circumstances, if easily
practicable.
Footnote 277:
See Genesis xxix. 26.
Footnote 278:
It is a common belief in Egypt, that, if any one makes a
marriage-contract in the month of Moharram, the marriage will be
unhappy, and soon dissolved: wherefore, few persons do so. The most
propitious period is the month of Showwál.
Footnote 279:
This appellation is commonly given to a schoolmaster. See a note in
page 48.
Footnote 280:
If the bride be not a virgin, a word importing this is substituted;
namely, “seyyib,” or, more properly, “theyyib.”
Footnote 281:
Among the peasants, however, the father, or other lawful guardian of
the bride, receives the dowry, and gives nothing in return but the
girl, and sometimes a little corn, etc. The bridegroom, in this case,
supplies everything; even the dress of the bride.
Footnote 282:
Burckhardt has erred in stating that _Monday_ and Thursday are the
days on which the ceremonies _immediately previous_ to the
marriage-night are performed, he should have said _Sunday_ and
Thursday. He has also fallen into some other errors in the account
which he has given of the marriage ceremonies of the Egyptians, in the
illustrations of his “Arabic Proverbs” (pp. 112-118). To mention this
I feel to be a duty to myself; but one which I perform with
reluctance, and not without the fear that Burckhardt’s just reputation
for general accuracy may make my reader think that he is right in
these cases, and that I am wrong. I write these words in Cairo, with
his book before me, and after sufficient experience and inquiries.
Footnote 283:
The lantern here represented, which is constructed of wood, and
painted green, red, white, and blue, is called “tureiya” (the Arabic
name of the Pleiades), and, together with the frame above, from which
six lamps are suspended, and which is termed “khátim Suleymán” (or
Solomon’s seal), composes what is called a “heml kanádeel.”
Footnote 284:
These entertainments I do not here particularly describe, as it is my
intention to devote the whole of a subsequent chapter to the subject
of private festivities. The “khatmeh” is the recitation of the whole
of the Kur-án; and the “zikr,” the repetition of the name of God, or
of the profession of his unity, etc.; I shall have occasion to speak
of both more fully in another chapter, on the periodical public
festivals.
Footnote 285:
From the verb ‘adna,’ “he brought,” etc.
Footnote 286:
These cries of the women, which are heard on various occasions of
rejoicing in Egypt and other Eastern countries, are produced by a
sharp utterance of the voice, accompanied by a quick, tremulous motion
of the tongue.
Footnote 287:
I have once seen this “zeffeh,” or procession, and a second which will
be described hereafter, go forth much later, and return an hour after
sunset.
Footnote 288:
The music is generally of a very rude kind; and the airs usually
played are those of popular songs; specimens of which will be found in
this work.
Footnote 289:
For a description of these ornaments, see the Appendix.
Footnote 290:
One of the most common of the feats witnessed on such an occasion is
the performance of a laborious task by a water-carrier, termed a
“keiyim,” who, for the sake of a present, and this empty title,
carries a water-skin filled with sand and water, of greater weight,
and for a longer period, than any of his brethren will venture to do;
and this he must accomplish without ever sitting down, except in a
crouching position, to rest. In the case of a bridal procession which
I lately witnessed, the keiyim began to carry his burden, a skin of
sand and water weighing about two hundred pounds, at sunset of the
preceding day; bore it the whole night, and the ensuing day, before
and during the procession, and continued to do so till sunset.
Footnote 291:
A correct description of this is given in Burckhardt’s “Arabic
Proverbs,” pp. 115, 116.
Footnote 292:
Grand zeffehs are sometimes accompanied by a number of cars, each
bearing a group of persons of some manufacture or trade performing the
usual work of their craft; even such as builders, white-washers, etc.;
including members of all, or almost all, the arts and manufactures
practised in the metropolis.
Footnote 293:
Hence this kind of prayer is called “salah memáleekeeyeh,” or “the
prayer of memlooks.”
Footnote 294:
Sometimes, when the parties are persons of wealth, the bride is
displayed before the bridegroom in different dresses, to the number of
seven.
Footnote 295:
I beg to refer the reader, if he desire further details on this
subject, to page 117 of Burckhardt’s “Arabic Proverbs.” His account
might have been more complete; but he seems to have studied to be
particularly concise in this case.
Footnote 296:
Kur-án, chap. lxi., ver. 13.
Footnote 297:
A khäwal is also called “gháïsh”; plural, “gheeyásh.”
Footnote 298:
This performance is called the bride’s “sabáheeyeh.”
Footnote 299:
Among the peasants of Upper Egypt, the relations and acquaintances of
the bridegroom and bride meet together on the day after the marriage;
and while a number of the men clap their hands, as an accompaniment to
a tambourine or two, and any other instruments that can be procured,
the bride dances before them for a short time. She has a head-veil
reaching to her heels, and a printed cotton handkerchief completely
covering her face, and wears, externally, the most remarkable of her
bridal garments (mentioned by Burckhardt, in the place before referred
to, and, in some parts of Egypt, hung over the door of a peasant’s
house after marriage). Other women, similarly veiled, and dressed in
their best, or borrowed, clothes, continue the dance about two hours,
or more.
Footnote 300:
Thus commonly pronounced, for “hamáh,” a word derived from the verb
“hama,” “he protected, or guarded.”
Footnote 301:
Chap. xxiv. ver. 31.
Footnote 302:
See the chapter on Religion and Laws. Eunuchs are allowed to see the
face of any woman; so also are young boys.
Footnote 303:
Commonly thus pronounced (or rather “durrah,” with a soft _d_) for
“darrah”; originally, perhaps, by way of a pun; as “durrah” is a
common name for a _parrot_.
Footnote 304:
The law enjoins a husband who has two or more wives, to be strictly
impartial to them in every respect; but compliance with its dictates
in this matter is rare.
Footnote 305:
See Genesis xvi. 4.
Footnote 306:
This has been explained in the 3rd chapter, page 88.
Footnote 307:
In general, the most beautiful of a man’s wives or slaves is, of
course, for a time, his greatest favourite; but in many (if not most)
cases, the lasting favourite is not the most handsome. The love of a
Muslim, therefore, is not always merely sensual; nor does the relative
condition and comfort of his wife, or of each of his wives, invariably
depend so much on his caprice or her own personal charms, as on her
general conduct and disposition.
Footnote 308:
A Muslim cannot take as a concubine a slave who is an idolatress.
Footnote 309:
The white female slave is called “Gáriyeh Beyda;” the Abyssinian,
“Gáriyeh Habasheeyeh;” and the black, “Gáriyeh Sóda.”
Footnote 310:
The Gellábs generally convey their slaves partly over the desert and
partly down the river.
Footnote 311:
The motion here described they term “ghung.”
Footnote 312:
The Egyptians (unlike the Maghrab′ees, and some other people of Africa
and of the East) do not generally admire very fat women. In his
love-songs, the Egyptian commonly describes the object of his
affections as of slender figure and small waist.
Footnote 313:
I observed here,—“It would seem that these insects were eaten by the
Jews (see Leviticus xi. 22); but we cannot suppose that they derived
this custom from the Egyptians, who regarded the beetle as sacred.”—A
learned friend, however, has informed me, that the word rendered
“beetle” in our version of the passage of Scripture which occasioned
this remark properly signifies a kind of locust.
Footnote 314:
It is also called “homár mughattee” (covered ass).
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