CHAPTER XII.

The North Sea Outrage--Seizures of Neutrals--The Case of the

"Malacca"--The Baltic Fleet--Departure at Last--Russian

Alarms--In the North Sea--Bringing Home the News--Russian

Allegations--Naval Preparations--Supplementary Information--The

Baltic Fleet Proceeds to Madagascar.

[Sidenote: The North Sea Outrage]

No sooner had the echoes of the terrific battle of the Sha-ho begun to

subside than the attention of the civilized world, which had so long

been concentrated on the vicissitudes of the Titanic struggle in the

Far East, was suddenly focussed on a spot separated from the theatre of

war by more than half the circumference of the globe, and on an

incident fraught, as it seemed, with more direful and tremendous

consequences even than the momentous rupture between Russia and Japan.

On the 15th of October, Russia's Baltic Fleet--which for many months

had been preparing as a reinforcement to the Pacific Squadron--at last

left port on its voyage to the Far East; and within six days of its

departure it had so effectually asserted itself as a factor in the

naval situation that Europe, shocked and startled, woke up one morning

to find itself hanging on the perilous brink of that Armageddon which

has been the nightmare of statesmen for the last twenty years. In

passing through the North Sea, the Russian fleet--for causes which have

yet to be fully elicited--fired on a flotilla of British fishing-boats

engaged in trawling on the Dogger Bank; killed and wounded several of

the fishermen; sunk one of the trawlers, and more or less grievously

injured others. When the news of this amazing outrage was published a

storm of indignation and resentment swept over England such as has not

been known for more than a generation; and feeling was embittered and

intensified to a truly dangerous pitch, first by the callous

indifference displayed by the perpetrators of the outrage, and next by

the indisposition of the Russian Government to offer those immediate

apologies and amends which alone could palliate so wanton a breach of

the comity of nations. It seemed for the moment that Russia had

deliberately designed to provoke England to hostilities, in the hope of

redeeming her own desperate position by extending the area of the

conflict and by dragging into it first the ally of Japan, and by

consequence her own ally, France. The prospect, though almost too

terrible to contemplate, did not for a moment quench the resolution of

the people of England, where men of all parties were found standing

shoulder to shoulder in the demand for ample reparation. What made the

situation especially dangerous was that public patience had at last

been well-nigh exhausted by the repeated provocations of

Russia--provocations which the North Sea outrage was only the crown and

culmination. To understand this fact, it is necessary to go back a

little.

[Sidenote: Seizures of Neutrals]

When Russia found that she could not hope successfully to contest the

supremacy of the sea with Japan, she turned her attention to the

subsidiary enterprise of commerce-raiding. In this task the

Vladivostock Squadron were particularly active, and, unsated by the

destruction of such Japanese transports and trading vessels as they

encountered, seized or sunk many vessels flying neutral flags. On the

16th of June the Vladivostock cruisers seized the _Allanton_, a British

steamer, carrying coal from Hokkaido Island to Singapore. There was

nothing contraband in the cargo or destination of this vessel, as the

subsequent decision of the St. Petersburg Prize Court proved, yet the

_Allanton_ was confiscated, and her crew held prisoners at Vladivostock

for months. The real reason for this high-handed conduct was that the

_Allanton_ had previously carried a cargo of coal from Cardiff to

Japan--but she had been chartered for that voyage before the outbreak

of war. On the 16th of July the Indo-China Steam Navigation Company's

steamer, the _Hispang_, was wantonly sunk in Pigeon Bay by a Russian

torpedo-boat. The _Hispang_ was engaged in a lawful trade; there was no

suggestion that she carried contraband; and indeed no examination of

her cargo was even attempted. She was flying the British flag, and she

stopped directly she was ordered to do so. But in spite of these facts,

a Russian torpedo-boat came straight out to her and sunk her--the

captain, officers, and passengers being rescued with difficulty. It was

afterwards confessed by the Russian officer that did this deed that his

orders were given under the impression that the _Hispang_ was the

steamer _Haimum_, which was being employed by the London _Times_'

correspondent. On the 26th of July an equally gross outrage was

perpetrated by the Vladivostock Squadron, who, besides unjustifiably

seizing the _Chalcas_, deliberately sunk on the 23rd of July the

British steamer _Knight Commander_. This vessel was carrying rails for

Japan; and even if such a cargo could be regarded as contraband, there

was no excuse for sinking the vessel. Such an act, in the words of Mr.

Balfour and Lord Lansdowne, constituted "a grave breach of

international law"; and it was aggravated by the circumstances in which

it was committed. The captain and crew were ordered to get clear of the

vessel in ten minutes, and such was the haste with which they were

compelled to leave the boats in order to save their lives, that nearly

all the personal effects had to be sacrificed. The growing irritation

with these acts was brought to a head in England by the famous case of

the _Malacca_--a P. and O. mail steamship which was seized by Russian

cruisers in the Red Sea on the 19th July. At the beginning of June two

vessels of the Russian Volunteer Fleet in the Black Sea--the

_Petersburg_ and the _Smolensk_--were "designated for Government

service outside the Black Sea." Even their commanders were kept in the

dark as to their destination and the nature of the service that they

were to perform. The two vessels, which, as warships, would not by

international treaty have been able to leave the Black Sea, passed

through the Dardanelles under the commercial flag, and then steered

straight to the Suez Canal, where the non-belligerent character was

still maintained. But it seems that on reaching Constantinople the

commanders had been informed that their ships had been raised to the

rank of second-class cruisers in the Russian fleet; and no sooner had

the Red Sea been reached than the _Petersburg_ and the _Smolensk_ put

off their commercial disguise and put on the character of ships of war.

They flew the naval flag, and mounted the armament of 5in.

quick-firers, which had been up to that moment securely stowed away.

The Government service for which they had been designated was that of

searching for contraband on neutral vessels, and the _soi-disant_

cruisers lost no time in demonstrating their zeal. All this time, by

the way, the Russian Admiralty was strenuously denying that the

_Petersburg_ and the _Smolensk_ had left the Black Sea at all. On the

15th July the commerce-raiders began operations, rather tactlessly, by

stopping and seizing the German mail steamer, _Prinz Heinrich_, and by

confiscating the Japanese mails. The indignation and astonishment of

the German public had only begun to make itself heard, when it was

distracted by the intelligence that the P. and O. steamer _Malacca_ had

also been stopped, and had been actually brought back to Suez in charge

of a Russian prize crew. The vessel, flying the Russian flag, reached

Suez on the 19th July, and on the 20th the English Government, moved

thereto by the clamor which began to be heard both in Parliament and in

the press, addressed to the Government of the Czar a strongly-worded

protest against the seizure and a demand that the _Malacca_ should be

instantly released. The demand was based on the irregular position of

the _Petersburg_--a vessel which, if a ship of war, ought not to have

passed the Dardanelles, and which, if not a ship of war, had no right

to stop and search neutral vessels. This contention was unanswerable;

for it is evident that if a ship could be permitted to change its

character at will, it could perform all the functions of a ship of war

and still enjoy all the privileges of a non-belligerent at neutral

ports.

[Sidenote: Case of the "Malacca"]

Incidentally it was pointed out in Lord Lansdowne's dispatch that the

ammunition found on board the _Malacca_ belonged to the British

Government, and was intended for the China Squadron. It subsequently

came to light that the seizure of the _Malacca_ was no mere accident;

but that the vessel had been waited for by the Russian cruisers acting

on secret information from Russian agents at Antwerp. For several days

no reply was vouchsafed by the Russian Government, and feeling in this

country rose to such a height that the situation became dangerous.

While the whole British nation was chafing under the indignity and

affront, the _Malacca_ was being navigated by her prize crew, with

almost deliberate insolence, through the Suez Canal on the way to the

Baltic port of Libau. A British liner, in the eyes of the whole world,

was made an ignominious captive, and, like a pickpocket in the clutch

of a police-constable, was dragged away to judgment. The humiliation of

the situation was aggravated by the fact that at Suez--a port of the

English Protectorate of Egypt--the Russian officer in charge of the

_Malacca_ demanded to be supplied with coal, water, and provisions. In

spite of the strong representations which had been made by the British

Government, nothing was done at St. Petersburg to alleviate the

situation. The _Malacca_ reached Suez on the 19th of July and Port Said

on the 20th, and on the 21st she sailed unconcernedly for her

destination, which was ostentatiously announced to be Libau. Then at

last the Russian Government broke the silence. Having inflicted the

greatest possible humiliation on this country, they were pleased to

accept the assurances of the British Government that the prize had no

contraband on board, and to consent that the _Malacca_ should not be

brought before a Prize Court. A claim for damages for detention was to

be admitted, and the vessel was to be handed over to the British

authorities at "some Mediterranean port," after formal examination in

the presence of the British Consul. On the 27th July the terms of this

agreement--so extravagantly indulgent to Russia--were carried out, and

the incident of the _Malacca_ closed; but there remained still

unsettled the fundamental question of the status of the volunteer

cruisers, _Smolensk_ and _Petersburg_. Meanwhile, for the German liner

_Scandia_, which had been seized on the 23rd July, very different

treatment was reserved--she was released on the following day. The only

public recognition of the protests of the British Government which was

given by the Government of the Czar was the publication on the 3rd

August of an official communication declaring that "the special

commission" of the cruisers _Petersburg_ and _Smolensk_ had "expired;"

and these vessels promptly disappeared from the Red Sea. But their

mischievous career was not yet at an end. Although the Russian

Government had specifically promised that they should not be employed

in searching neutral shipping any longer, the world was startled at the

end of August to learn that the British steamer _Comedian_ had been

stopped 80 miles from East London and 10 miles only from the coast of

British territory by a mysterious Russian cruiser. The unpleasant

impression in England was deepened when it was discovered that this

strange cruiser was no other than the _Smolensk_ of Red Sea fame. Well

might Mr. Balfour, who received at this moment a deputation of British

shipowners, declare that the incident had produced "a painful

impression" in the minds of the English Government. Representations to

the Russian Government produced the characteristic excuse that the

messages sent to the _Smolensk_ and _Petersburg_ had not reached their

destination. There is, indeed, good reason to believe that the Russian

Admiralty, which had done its best to thwart the Russian Foreign

Office, had taken particularly good care that the messages should be

delayed until the _Petersburg_ and _Smolensk_ were out of reach. But

realizing the gravity of the situation, and protesting their own

helplessness, the Russian Government now invited the British Government

itself to communicate to the raiders a cypher message of recall.

Accordingly the cruisers on the Cape Station were sent out to find the

delinquents; and on the 5th September they were discovered coaling in

the territorial waters of Zanzibar with German colliers in attendance.

Their whereabout was at any rate sufficiently well known for them to

command the means to replenish their bunkers, and as soon as they saw a

British warship, they prepared for instant flight. But H.M.S. _Forte_

managed to communicate to them the orders of their own Government, and

as these were too unequivocal to be disregarded, the raiding career of

the _Petersburg_ and _Smolensk_ forthwith came to an end. But they had

done enough, in conjunction with the Vladivostock Squadron, to rouse

feeling in England to a high pitch of irritation; and to make it

ill-prepared to endure with patience or forbearance the greater and

still more wanton outrage with which the Baltic Fleet was to inaugurate

its voyage to the Far East.

[Sidenote: The Baltic Fleet]

The dispatch of this fleet had been the feverish pre-occupation of the

Russian Admiralty from the moment that the first disasters befell the

Pacific Squadron at Port Arthur. Naval reinforcements were on the way,

it will be remembered, at the outbreak of war, and had reached the Red

Sea; but they were recalled when the news of the successful torpedo

attack on the Port Arthur Fleet reached Europe. It was realized how

vital must be the command of the sea to the achievement of victory; and

Russia at once set about preparing an Armada which should restore to

her the naval preponderance so suddenly lost. At first the intention,

which was so loudly proclaimed, was not taken quite seriously; but it

was decidedly encouraged as the weeks went on and as the resisting

power of Port Arthur to assault gave hopes that the new fleet might

still find a warm-water port to receive it. At first the departure of

the Baltic Fleet was announced for June; though everyone knew the

design, only formed perhaps to reassure public opinion in Russia, was

incapable of fulfilment. Then June came, and the date of departure was

again postponed; and in July the world was informed that there was "no

hurry;" and that it had been thought advisable to "test thoroughly" the

new ships and to familiarize the officers and crews with their work.

All through the summer the game of fixing the day of departure and then

postponing it went merrily on; but on the 15th August Admiral

Rozhestvensky, on whom supreme command of the fleet had been bestowed,

went on board the flagship with his staff; and received from the Port

Admiral at Kronstadt by signal a formal message of farewell. But

nothing more happened, except that on the 20th August it was announced

that the Baltic Fleet would not leave before the 28th September.

[Illustration: HUGE SIEGE GUNS BEFORE PORT ARTHUR.]

[Sidenote: Departure at Last]

On the 26th August the fleet went for a trial trip with the most

discouraging results, for several of the new ships broke down and the

battleship _Orel_ ran aground, inflicting structural injuries on

herself. Early in September there was another false alarm. Danish

pilots had been procured, and on the 11th September the fleet again put

to sea; but it only got as far as the port of Libau, and the next news

was that it would remain there "some weeks longer" for firing practice

and manoeuvres. The next definite date fixed was the 7th October; but

two days later than that the fleet had only got as far as Reval, where

it was inspected and blessed by the Czar in person. On the 15th

October, however, the long delay at last came to an end, and the fleet,

consisting of thirty-six vessels, actually left Russian waters.

It is necessary now to describe the fleet in which Russia had placed so

many of her hopes. The class and character of the principal vessels is

best realized from a table:--

Displace- Indic'd Nom'l Gun W'ght of

ment in horse- speed in Protec'n b'side fire

BATTLESHIPS. tons. power. knots. in inches. in lbs.

Kniaz Suvaroff

(flagship) 13,516 16,800 18 11.6 4,426

Alexander III 13,516 16,800 18 11.6 4,426

Borodino 13,516 16,800 18 11.6 4,426

Orel 13,516 16,800 18 11.6 4,426

Ossliabia 12,674 14,500 18 10.5 2,672

Sissoi Veliky

(flagship) 8,880 10,400 16 12.5 3,186

Navarin 9,476 18,206 16 12.5 3,404

Displace- Indic'd Nom'l Gun W'ght of

ment in horse- speed in Protec'n b'side fire

tons. power. knots. in inches. in lbs.

ARMORED CRUISERS.

Admiral Nakhimoff 8,500 9,000 16.7 6 944

Dmitri Donskoi 5,893 7,000 16 6.2 444

PROTECTED

Oleg 6,675 19,500 23 4 872

Aurora 6,630 11,600 20 4.5 632

Svietlana 3,828 8,500 20 4 476

Almaz 3,285 7,500 19 -- 184

Jemtchug 3,200 7,000 24 -- 184

Izumrud 3,200 7,000 24 -- 184

[Sidenote: Strength of Baltic Fleet]

In addition to these ships there was a torpedo flotilla of 7 destroyers

of 28 knots speed, and 8 torpedo-boats; the following vessels of the

Volunteer Fleet: _Kiev_, _Vladimir_, _Voronej_ (each of 10,500 tons and

with a speed of 12 knots), _Tambov_, and _Yawslar_ (each of 8,640 tons

and with a speed of 12 knots); 13 transports armed with light guns; and

a hospital ship, the _Orel_--not to be confused with the battleship of

the same name. On paper, at least, this was a very formidable fleet;

but its fighting efficiency appears much reduced on analysis. There

were four modern battleships of a powerful type and of homogeneous

design; but their value is much discounted by the fact that some of

their consorts are distinctly less powerful; and in naval warfare the

manoeuvring power of a fleet becomes that of its weakest item. This

was proved very signally on the occasion of the engagement between

Admiral Kamimura and the Vladivostock Squadron, when the Russian

cruisers _Gromoboi_ and _Rossia_ suffered most severely from having to

stand by the _Rurik_, the lame duck of the squadron. The _Ossliabia_,

it is true was not much inferior to the battleships of the _Kniaz

Suvaroff_ class. She was a sister ship to the _Peresviet_ and

_Pobieda_, sunk in the harbor of Port Arthur, and was launched in 1898.

But the _Sissoi Veliky_ and the _Navarin_ both dated from 1891, and

were distinctly inferior in the all-important matter of speed, even

their nominal speed never having been attained. The only armored

cruisers with the Baltic Fleet--the _Admiral Nakhimoff_ and the _Dmiti

Donskoi_--were barely entitled to their description, as they have a low

speed, light armor, and comparatively small gun power. Certainly they

were not fit, like the best armored cruisers of to-day, to lie in the

line of battle. Some of the other cruisers were little more than armed

merchantmen, and none of them were formidable warships. Another

circumstance that detracted from the fighting value of this fleet was

the character of the officers and crews. All Russia's best and most

highly-trained sailors and marine engineers were sent out before the

war to the Pacific Squadron; and she had no adequate reserve to draw

on. The modern man-of-war's-man--whether he is in the engine-room or on

the gun-deck--is a highly specialized product, and he cannot be turned

out at a moment's notice. Stokers, artificers, engineers, as well as

torpedo lieutenants, gunners, and even admirals, have to be carefully

trained for years before they become efficient, and the inefficiency

and inexperience of the scratch crews and raw officers put on board the

Baltic Fleet was the main cause of the long delay in that fleet's

departure and of the disaster that occurred immediately after the start

had been made, and that nearly brought the voyage to a tragic and

ignominious conclusion. When all these circumstances were taken into

consideration, it became obvious that the Baltic Fleet was hopelessly

inferior to the fleet which, on reaching Far Eastern waters, it would

have to encounter in order to wrest from the Japanese their command of

the sea. But one question, even more urgent than that of the fate which

would befall the fleet on arrival, was how it was to overcome the

difficulties of the voyage. Russia had no coaling stations; and coaling

at sea from attendant colliers has not yet become a feasible operation

for a great fleet. The larger vessels would require from 5,000 to 6,000

tons of coal each, and the smaller cruisers from 2,000 to 3,000 tons in

the course of a voyage of nearly 13,000 miles, occupying at least 100

days, and very possibly 30 days more. But the coaling difficulty proved

less insuperable than it had appeared, and Russia's energy and

ingenuity in overcoming it were the first symptoms that she meant the

Baltic Fleet to be taken seriously. Negotiations for the supply of coal

were opened with English firms; but our Foreign Office ruled that such

contracts would be an infringement of neutrality. The Germans, however,

were much more complaisant; and their attitude of "benevolent

neutrality," as Count Von Bulow called it, enabled them to meet all

demands of Russia. Large orders for English coal to be delivered to

German consignees at neutral ports were received at Cardiff; and this

coal was then transferred to the ports at which the Baltic Fleet was to

call. According to the strict interpretation of international law these

facilities for coaling in port ought not to have been extended to the

fleet of a belligerent. But Russia was a close neighbor of the Powers

concerned, and the ally of one of them, while her enemy was a long way

off; and so it happened that Admiral Rozhdestvensky suffered no more

inconvenience than if he had been engaged on a yachting cruise. He and

his fleet put into any port that they fancied, and stayed, practically,

as long as they had a mind to!

[Sidenote: Russian Alarms]

The Baltic Fleet was divided into three divisions, and on the 16th-18th

October the first division left Libau. The daring surprise attacks of

the Japanese torpedo-boats at Port Arthur had filled the minds of the

Russian naval authorities with every kind of misgiving; and by some

means not yet disclosed, they had become possessed of the idea that the

Japanese meditated an attempt on the Baltic Fleet during its passage

through the narrow waters of the Danish Straits and the North Sea.

Rumors of mysterious Japanese agents, endeavoring to charter vessels in

obscure Danish and Norwegian ports filled the Russian newspapers. On

the 14th October Admiral Wirenius, the Chief of the Russian Admiralty,

solemnly declared to an interviewer that the narrow waters of the Belt

and the Sound were particularly favorable for a surprise attack; that

officers of the Japanese Navy were known to have left for Europe; and

that there was reason to apprehend an attempt to throw mines in the

track of the Russian Squadron in the Danish Straits. The state of

"nerves" to which the Russian naval officers had been reduced by these

apprehensions was shown when, as the Russian fleet passed through the

Kattegat, an attempt was made to deliver to the Russian Admiral a

cypher dispatch that had arrived from St. Petersburg. Two fishermen

were sent out with the dispatch in a motor-launch, but when their

vessel approached the flagship the searchlights were turned on, and

blank charges fired to forbid a nearer approach. The dispatch was taken

in by a boat launched by the battleship for the purpose.

[Sidenote: In the North Sea]

On the 19th of October the first division of the fleet passed through

the Kattegat; and by the 21st of October all the ships had left Danish

waters and entered on their course down the North Sea. Immediately

followed an occurrence almost without parallel in naval history--an

occurrence that was only saved from inextinguishable ridicule and

contempt by the tragic consequences which it unhappily involved. On

this memorable night of Friday, the 21st of October, some fifty vessels

of the Hull fishing fleet were engaged in trawling on the Dogger

Bank--one of the places in the North Sea most frequented by the

fishermen not only of Great Britain, but of Germany, Denmark, Holland

and Norway. It is a prominent figure in all charts of the North Sea,

and to every sailor and seafaring man its situation and character are

perfectly familiar. The Hull fishermen, of the Gamecock and Great

Northern Fleets, had their trawls down and were thus deprived of the

possibility of rapid movement, when about midnight they sighted a

number of warships steaming from the northeast. At first they did not

suspect that it was the Russian Baltic Fleet that had come their way,

because in that event the fleet must have been navigating some 40 miles

out of the true course; but very soon their ignorance was enlightened.

While the men were watching the passing warships, searchlights were

suddenly flashed on the trawlers, and then, to the horror and amazement

of these innocent fishermen engaged peaceably in their lawful

occupations, a sudden storm of shot and shell broke upon them from

unknown men-of-war. The steam-trawler _Crane_ was sunk and its skipper

and mate were decapitated by a shell, and all but one of the crew were

injured; while the trawlers _Moulmein_ and _Mino_ were seriously

damaged, the latter vessel having no fewer than sixteen holes in her.

From the evidence given at the subsequent inquiries the following facts

were elicited: All the trawlers had their own lights up--namely, a

lantern showing a white light ahead, a green light on the starboard

side, a red light on the port side. Several vessels also had lights in

the fishing pound so that the men could work on deck. None of the

trawlers were without lights. As the approaching vessels came nearer

they were seen to signal to one another in a way that conveyed to the

minds of the trawlers that they were warships. Some of the vessels were

in advance of the others. The exact number was very difficult to tell,

but in the first division there were probably four or five. They passed

the trawlers to the westward, where the admiral's trawler, the _Ruff_,

was, and to the eastward of a few of the trawlers. One of them, at any

rate, showed a searchlight. They passed on, and nothing happened. It

was noticed that they were signalling to the other vessels behind, and

that the other vessels were repeating the signals and signalling to

each other. These other vessels then came on to the eastward of the

admiral's ship, _Ruff_, but there were trawlers on both sides of them.

Then, without any warning to the trawlers, these vessels opened fire.

The crews on the trawlers were at first under the impression that it

was a sham fight in some manoeuvres, but they soon discovered that it

was live shot. Some of the warships fired from both port and starboard

side. After the firing had begun, this second division of vessels came

more to the west, and there were others which came down more to the

east. The third division, which came furthest to the eastward, came

near some of the outlying trawlers, who were more to the south and

east. They turned their searchlights upon them. A great many of the

trawlers, in the attempt to get away from the firing when it began,

lost their trawls or damaged them.

[Illustration: THIRSTY JAPANESE TROOPS CROSSING THE SHA-HO.]

[Sidenote: Bringing Home the News]

On Sunday night, the 23rd of October, two steam trawlers, one of them

flying her flag at half-mast, and both riddled with shot, entered St

Andrew's Dock at Hull. Their own condition, and the lifeless and

mutilated bodies that they brought with them, were ghastly confirmation

of the amazing tidings that they had to tell; and next morning, not

only England, but all the world, was ringing with the news of the

Baltic fleet's first warlike exploit. Amazement quickly gave place to

indignation--an indignation of passionate intensity; and with one voice

the people of England cried aloud for retribution at any cost on the

perpetrators of so wanton an outrage. Nor was this indignation confined

to the countrymen of the victims. In the United States, in France, and

even in Germany, unsparing reprobation of a deed so unjustifiable was

freely uttered; and the belief was confidently expressed that the only

possible explanation was to be found in the undiscipline and probable

drunken frenzy of the Russian naval officers. Be it remembered, too,

that the heinousness of the offence was infinitely increased by the

fact that the Russian ships, whose commanders must have discovered

their grievous blunder before leaving the neighborhood of the Dogger

Bank, made no effort to ascertain the injury they had inflicted, or to

render help to their innocent victims. Neither did the Russian Admiral

condescend to make the least report of the circumstances. He and his

fleet proceeded on their way as if the sinking of fishing-boats and the

slaughtering of fishermen were too trifling an incident to engage

serious attention and notice; and when the news of the outrage reached

London, the Baltic Squadron had already been sighted in the Channel. No

Government could sit down under such provocation as this, and the

English ministers, who realized well enough the dangerous pitch to

which public feeling had been wrought, lost no time in addressing the

strongest demands for immediate redress to St. Petersburg, accompanied

by the intimation that the situation was one not admitting of delay.

Their action was emphasized by that of King Edward himself, who, in

sending a subscription of 200 guineas for the relief of the sufferers,

declared that he had heard with profound sorrow of the "unwarrantable

action" to which the North Sea fishing-fleet had been subjected. The

principal witnesses of the outrage were summoned at once to the Foreign

Office, and Lord Lansdowne had long audience of the King, while the

Prime Minister, who happened to be in Scotland, came back post-haste to

London. On the 25th of October Count Lamsdorff, the Russian Minister

for Foreign Affairs, called at the British Embassy in St. Petersburg

and requested the British Ambassador, Sir Charles Hardinge, to convey

to King Edward and the British Government a message from the Czar, who,

while he had received no message from the Admiral in command of the

Baltic Fleet, could only attribute "the incident in the North Sea to a

very regrettable misunderstanding". It was added that the Czar wished

to express his sincere regret for the sad loss of life that had

occurred, and to say that he would take steps to afford complete

satisfaction to the sufferers as soon as the circumstances of the case

were cleared up. These assurances, though far from adequate, would have

done something to calm the temper of public opinion in England if they

had been accompanied by any sign of a similar spirit in the Czar's

advisers. But the latter seemed inclined to be as intractable as the

Russian press was impenitent. While the Russian Government pursued a

policy of delay and evasion, the Russian newspapers roundly denied that

any blame attached to the Baltic Fleet, and scouted all idea of

reparation; and all the time Admiral Rozhdestvensky was proceeding

serenely on his voyage. On the 26th of October his battleships arrived

at Vigo Harbor, where at last he took the trouble to communicate his

report of what had happened to St. Petersburg. The statement is such an

amazing one that it may be given in full. It was communicated to the

world under the authority of the Russian Naval General Staff, and ran

as follows:--

"1.--The incident in the North Sea was provoked by two torpedo-boats

which, without showing any lights, under cover of darkness, advanced to

attack the vessel steaming at the head of the detachment. When the

detachment began to sweep the sea with its searchlights and opened

fire, the presence was also discovered of several small steam vessels

resembling small steam fishing-boats. The detachment endeavored to

spare these boats and ceased fire as soon as the torpedo-boats were out

of sight.

"The English press is horrified at the idea that the torpedo-boats of

the squadron, left by detachment until the morning on the scene of the

occurrence, did not render assistance to the victims. Now, there was

not a single torpedo-boat with the detachment and none were left on the

scene of the occurrence. In consequence, it was one of the two

torpedo-boats which was not sunk, but which was only damaged, which

remained until the morning near the small steam craft. The detachment

did not assist the small steam craft because it suspected them of

complicity, in view of their obstinate persistence in cutting the line

of advance of the warships. Several of them did not show any lights at

all. The others showed them very late.

"2.--Having met several hundreds of fishing-boats, the squadron showed

them every consideration, except where they were in company of the

foreign torpedo-boats, one of which disappeared, while the other,

according to the evidence of the fishermen themselves, remained among

them until the morning. They believed her to be a Russian vessel, and

were indignant that she did not come to the assistants of the victims.

She was, however, a foreigner, and remained until the morning looking

for the other torpedo-boat, her companion, either with the object of

repairing her damage or from fear of betraying herself to those who

were not accomplices.

"If there were also on the scene of the occurrence fishermen

imprudently involved in this enterprise, I beg, in the name of the

whole fleet, to express our sincere regret for the unfortunate victims

of circumstances in which no warship could, even in time of profound

peace, have acted otherwise."

[Sidenote: Naval Preparations]

But before this preposterous and long-delayed explanation was

vouchsafed, the British Government had taken steps to prove that they

were not in the mood to be trifled with, and that the subjects of the

greatest naval power in the world were not to be shot down with

impunity. To the intense satisfaction of the whole nation, an instant

mobilization of the British fleets in European waters was ordered. The

Home Fleet, which had been cruising away to the north of Scotland, was

ordered south; the Channel Fleet, lying at Gibraltar, was warned to be

in instant readiness for active service; and the Mediterranean Fleet

was instructed to join up with the Channel Fleet with all speed. The

naval dockyards were kept working night and day to prepare the reserve

fleet for commission, and to be ready for the demands which an

immediate outbreak of war might involve. In forty-eight hours every

requisite preparation had been completed, and three fleets, any one of

them capable of dealing faithfully with Admiral Rozhdestvensky's

squadron, were ready for instant action. Directly in the path of the

Baltic Fleet, now assembled at Vigo, lay the Channel Fleet under the

command of Lord Charles Beresford, and so acute was the crisis that it

seemed as if at any moment that fleet might be ordered to take the sea.

Among the secret preparations made was the dispatch of four battleships

from the Channel Squadron at Gibraltar to Portland and the assembly of

all available submarines at Dover. What made the situation especially

dangerous was the conflict which in this hour of desperate emergency

was being waged between the Russian Admiralty and the Russian Foreign

Office. The former department, which had done so much to aggravate the

case of the _Malacca_ and to flout the assurances which had been given

as to the withdrawal of the _Petersburg_ and _Smolensk_, was now

determined that no surrender should be made to the British demands for

satisfaction in the matter of the North Sea outrage; and for several

days the more pacific Foreign Office wrestled with these fire-eaters in

vain. War between England and Russia, with the prospect of indefinite

extension to other countries, seemed inevitable; but thanks largely to

the friendly offices of the French Government, who, as the ally of

Russia and the friend of Great Britain, had exceptional claims to act

as an intermediary between the disputants, a settlement was at length

arrived at. On the 28th of October, Mr. Balfour was able to announce to

the world that that morning an agreement had been arrived at which

averted all further apprehension of the rupture of peaceful relations.

Great Britain and Russia had consented to refer the case in dispute to

an impartial International Tribunal of Inquiry; the terms of the

Convention, which were signed after much further negotiation on the

24th of November, being as follows:--

1.--The Commission is to consist of five members, namely, officers of

Great Britain, Russia, the United States, and France. The fifth

Commissioner is to be selected by agreement between them. If they

cannot agree, the choice to be entrusted to the king of a country

subsequently to be determined upon.

2.--The Commission is to report on all the circumstances relating to

the disaster and to establish the responsibility.

3.--The Commission is to have power to settle all questions of

procedure.

4.--The parties bind themselves to supply the Commission with all

necessary information, facilities, &c.

5.--The Commission is to meet at Paris as soon as possible after the

signature of the Convention.

6.--The report of the Commission is to be officially communicated to

the respective Governments.

[Sidenote: Russian Allegations]

Not the least interesting part of Mr. Balfour's statement was that in

which he examined and dealt with the justification which Admiral

Rozhdestvensky had put forward, and in particular with the allegation

that the Russian fleet had been attacked by torpedo-boats. This

allegation, as Mr. Balfour pointed out, involved a charge of bad faith

on the part of Great Britain, and such a charge he indignantly

resented. If only one torpedo-boat was sunk, what, he pertinently

asked, had become of the other? The world did not require to be

convinced of the essential absurdity of this story; but the Russians

persisted in it with determination. The most circumstantial narratives

were presently forthcoming from the four officers who had been detained

to give evidence before the International Commission. One narrator

stated that information of the presence of Japanese torpedo-boats in

the Norway fiords, and of the Japanese having hired fishing vessels in

Hull, Southampton, Hamburg, and Christiania, had been received by the

Russians. He proceeded as follows: "We lodged information of the

Japanese intentions with the Governments of those countries where the

Japanese were making their preparations, but it was only in Denmark and

Germany that we found any readiness to interfere with them.... Before

leaving the Scaw the Russians received a number of alarming messages

from their agents. All these messages agreed in stating that in one

very deep Norwegian fiord four Japanese torpedo-boats had been seen,

and that these vessels were afterwards observed a short distance to the

west of the Scaw. The Russians left the Scaw in the morning, proceeding

in different divisions. All the torpedo craft went on ahead, in two

divisions, making for Cherbourg. Next came Admiral Folkersahm with the

four older battleships making for Tangier. The small cruisers were

under orders to proceed to Arosa, 40 miles north of Vigo, while the

large cruisers with the transport _Kamchatka_, under the command of

Admiral Enquist, had instructions to make for Tangier like Admiral

Folkersahm.

"Last of all we put to sea with the four best battleships, _Suvaroff_,

_Alexander III._, _Borodino_, and _Orel_. Our destination was Brest,

where we were to coal. Observe, therefore, that there was not with us a

single torpedo-boat or a single small vessel. All such were far ahead

of us.... On the 8th of October, at 8 o'clock in the evening, when it

was already quite dark, we received a wireless message stating that 30

miles behind us was the transport _Kamchatka_, which had fallen behind

her consorts (the cruisers _Dmitri Donskoi_ and _Aurora_) in

consequence of an injury to her engines, and that several torpedo-boats

were following her closely, but had not discharged any torpedoes.

Admiral Enquist, who was in front with the two cruisers, was at once

ordered by wireless message to slacken speed and wait for the

_Kamchatka_, or to continue his course in order not to expose himself

to the torpedo-boats, which, of course, also received our messages, but

did not know from what spot they were sent. The Japanese, however,

attempted to find out our whereabouts. While we were exchanging

messages with the _Kamchatka_ we suddenly received a succession of

telegrams, in excellent Russian, purporting to come from the

_Kamchatka_: 'Where is the squadron?' 'Give your latitude and

longitude.' 'Where is the _Suvaroff_?' These telegrams appeared to us

suspicious, and, in order to assure ourselves that they were really

sent by the _Kamchatka_, instead of answering we asked for the name of

one of the officers of the _Kamchatka_. To this no answer was returned,

and we continued our conversation with the _Kamchatka_ in cypher. At

12.55 A. M. we suddenly saw in front of us ... two long dark

silhouettes, emitting quantities of smoke and evidently steaming at high

speed. At the same time we saw a yellow-red rocket, such as is

generally sent up by vessels in distress. A moment later a searchlight

was thrown upon us from ahead.... We at once turned our searchlights on

the torpedo-boats and opened fire on them. As soon as they saw that

they were discovered, they turned aside, but came under the fire of the

_Alexander III._, _Borodino_, and _Orel_, which were following us.

About the same time our searchlights began to fall from time to time on

some small vessels, apparently fishing craft, whose behavior, however,

was very suspicious. They showed no lights, there was not a man on

their decks, and they obstinately remained under the bows of our ships,

barring their course. They were thus in a position to launch floating

mines. In spite of this, however, the Admiral, as soon as he caught

sight of them, ordered that the searchlights on board the _Suvaroff_

should be turned skywards, which was a signal to cease firing.

"To remain where we were after the torpedo-boats had disappeared in

order to aid the steamers would have been the height of imprudence. We

should have risked the most formidable part of our fleet, and as there

were several steamers they were in a position to aid each other. As far

as could be perceived, one of the enemy's torpedo-boats was sunk."

The narrator argued that either the fishing vessels were accomplices or

the Japanese took advantage of their proximity without their knowledge.

He inclined to the former alternative, and asked, "Why Hull fishing

boats so far from England--almost off the Danish coast?"

The best commentary on this narrative was supplied by the Russian

Government themselves, who, six weeks after the North Sea outrage,

published the following significant admission of facts, which had, of

course, been perfectly well known to them almost from the first:--

[Sidenote: Supplementary Information]

"According to supplementary information from Admiral Rozhdestvensky

concerning the North Sea incident of the 21st of October, after the

_Kniaz Suvaroff_ had ceased firing there suddenly appeared on the left

of the ironclad division the two searchlights of the cruisers _Dmitri

Donskoi_ and _Aurora_, lighting up the division. The _Dmitri Donskoi_

showed her night signals, whereupon for fear lest projectiles from the

hindmost ships of the division should hit our own vessels, either

directly or by ricochet, a general signal to cease fire was made from

the ironclad _Kniaz Suvaroff_, and was at once carried out. The whole

of the firing lasted less than ten minutes. Communications by wireless

telegraph stated that five projectiles had struck the cruiser _Aurora_,

some ricocheting and others hitting her direct. Three were

75-millimètre and two 47-millimètre shells. The chaplain was seriously

injured, and a petty officer was slightly wounded. The former

subsequently succumbed at Tangier."

[Illustration: FIGHT IN STREET OF LIN-SHIN-PU, BATTLE OF SHAK-KE RIVER.]

This communication bears out the theory advanced in the first instance

that the Russians in the panic had mistaken their own ships for hostile

torpedo-boats, and had opened fire on the "two long, dark silhouettes

emitting quantities of smoke" without stopping to ascertain what they

belonged to.

[Sidenote: The Baltic Fleet Proceeds to Madagascar]

After leaving Vigo, the Baltic Fleet divided into two squadrons--one

proceeding down the West Coast of Africa, and the other through the

Suez Canal. By the end of December (two months and a half from leaving

Libau) they had completed barely one-half of their voyage; and by that

time, not only was Vladivostock frost-bound, but Port Arthur was

dominated by Japanese guns, and the remnants of the Pacific Fleet lay

shell-riddled on the mud of the harbor. Before the International

Commission of Inquiry met for business, all hope of the Baltic Fleet's

achieving any serious purpose had been dissipated; for while it was

still mustering at Madagascar, the news arrived that the fall of Port

Arthur was at last an accomplished fact.

The Japan-Russia War: An Illustrated History of the War in the Far East · 第 12 / 20 章