CHAPTER XII.

THE STATE CONSTITUTIONS OF 1845.

Of all the existing state constitutions, (excepting that of Florida,

which I have not seen,) not one of them contains provisions that are

sufficient, (or that would be sufficient if not restrained by the

constitution of the United States,) to authorize the slavery that exists

in the states. The material deficiency in all of them is, that they

neither designate, nor give the legislatures any authority to designate

the persons, who may be made slaves. Without such a provision, all their

other provisions in regard to slaves are nugatory, simply because their

application is legally unknown. They would apply as well to whites as to

blacks, and would as much authorize the enslavement of whites as of

blacks.

We have before seen that none of the state constitutions, that were in

existence in 1789, recognized slavery at all. Since that time, four of

the old thirteen states, viz., Maryland, North Carolina, South Carolina

and Georgia, have altered their constitutions so as to make them

recognize slavery; yet not so as to provide for any legal designation of

the persons to be made slaves.

The constitution of South Carolina has a provision that implies that

_some_ of the slaves, at least, are "negroes;" but not that all slaves

are negroes, nor that all negroes are slaves. The provision, therefore,

amounts to nothing for the purposes of a constitutional designation of

the persons who may be made slaves.

The constitutions of Tennessee and Louisiana make no direct mention of

slaves; and have no provisions in favor of slavery, unless the general

one for continuing existing laws in force, be such a one. But both have

specific provisions inconsistent with slavery. Both purport to be

established by "the people;" both have provisions for the writ of

_habeas corpus_. Indeed, the constitutions of most of the slave states

have provisions for this writ, which, as has been before shown, denies

the right of property in man. That of Tennessee declares also "that all

courts shall be open, and _every man_, for an injury done him in his

lands, goods, person or reputation, shall have remedy by due course of

law, and right and justice administered without sale, denial or delay."

Tennessee also was formerly a part of North Carolina; was set off from

her while the constitution of North Carolina was a free one. Of course

there has never been any legal slavery in Tennessee.

The constitutions of the states of Kentucky, Missouri, Arkansas,

Mississippi, and Alabama, all have provisions about slaves; yet none of

them tell us who may be slaves. Some of them indeed provide for the

admission into their state of such persons as are slaves under the laws,

(which of course means only the _constitutional_ laws,) _of other

states_. But when we go to those other states, we find that their

constitutions have made no designation of the persons who may be made

slaves; and therefore we are as far from finding the actual persons of

the slaves as we were before.

The principal provision, in the several state constitutions, recognizing

slavery, is, in substance, this, that the legislature shall have no

power to _emancipate_ slaves without the consent of their owners, or

without making compensation. But this provision is of no avail to

legalize slavery, for slavery must be _constitutionally established_,

before there can be any legal slaves to be emancipated; and it cannot be

established without describing the persons who may be made slaves.

Kentucky was originally a part of Virginia, and derived her slaves from

Virginia. As the constitution of Virginia was always a free one, it gave

no authority for slavery in that part of the state which is now

Kentucky. Of course Kentucky never had any legal slavery.

Slavery was positively prohibited in all the states included in the

Louisiana purchase, by the third article of the treaty of cession--which

is in these words:--

Art. 3. "The _inhabitants_" (that is, _all_ the inhabitants,) "of the

ceded territory shall be incorporated in the union of the United

States, and admitted as soon as possible, _according to the

principles of the federal constitution_, to the enjoyment of all the

rights, advantages, and immunities of _citizens_ of the United

States; and, in the mean time, they shall be maintained and protected

in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and the religion

which they profess."

The cession of Florida to the United States was made on the same terms.

The words of the treaty, on this point, are as follows:--

"Art. 6. The _inhabitants_ of the territories, which his Catholic

majesty cedes to the United States by this treaty, shall be

incorporated in the Union of the United States, as soon as may be

consistent with the principles of the federal constitution, and

admitted to the enjoyment of all the privileges, rights and

immunities of the _citizens_ of the United States."

To allow _any_ of the "inhabitants," included in those treaties, to be

held as slaves, or denied the rights of citizenship under the United

States' constitution, is a plain breach of the treaties.

The constitutions of some of the slave states have provisions like this,

viz., that all laws previously in force, shall remain in force until

repealed, unless repugnant to this constitution. But I think there is no

instance, in which the slave acts, then on their statute books, could be

perpetuated by this provision--and for two reasons; 1st. These slave

acts were previously unconstitutional, and therefore were not, legally

speaking, "laws in force."[30] 2d. Every constitution, I think, that has

this provision, has one or more other provisions that _are_ "repugnant"

to the slave acts.

[Footnote 30: This principle would apply, as we have before seen, where

the change was from the _colonial_ to a state government. It would also

apply to all cases where the change took place, under the constitution

of the United States, from a _territorial_ to a state government. It

needs no argument to prove that all our territorial statutes, that have

purported to authorize slavery, were unconstitutional.]

The Unconstitutionality of Slavery · 第 13 / 14 章