[Footnote 53: Of the three millions, which is estimated to
have been the population of Macedonia at the time of the
Great War, almost two millions were Slav, and it is to these
only that we refer in using the term "Macedonians" in this
chapter. Among the other inhabitants of the variegated
province are Greeks and Turks and Circassians, Albanians
(Tosks and Ghegs), Jews whose ancestors came from Spain,
gipsies and Kutzo-Vlachs. A French observer said some years
ago that Macedonia was a school of brigandage and ethnology.
He said it was the prey of the Albanians and the
professors--that is, of unconscionable savages and of
laborious agents of all kinds of foreign propaganda. Even the
Kutzo-Vlachs, which in Greek signifies "Limping Roumanians,"
made their propaganda, or had it made for them. Gustav
Weigand, a German professor who devoted himself very
thoroughly to this people, used to wish us to believe that
the Aromunes, as the Roumanians of the kingdom call their
Macedonian relatives--another name to which they answer is
Tsintsares--are free from all Greek blood. But this is not
the case; they have become very hellenized, although it is
true that there are some who call themselves Greek and who,
besides having no such mixture in their veins, cannot speak a
word of the Greek language. According to circumstances--and
very much like the Serbo-Bulgarian Macedonians--this people,
who number less than 100,000, have been accustomed to
proclaim themselves now Greek and now Roumanian. They are a
good example of the bad effects of propaganda, and this,
added to the Turkish domination and the perpetual exodus of
those who could manage to escape, has left in Macedonia a
population that is generally more unsympathetic than any
other in the Balkans. One may wonder, by the way, why the
Roumanians should have put themselves to so much trouble with
respect to these more or less hellenized kinsmen of theirs,
not merely giving them direct support, but subsidizing
Weigand's institution at Leipzig. A great reason was that
King Charles, the friend of the German and Austro-Hungarian
Empires, aimed at diverting the eyes of his statesmen from
the unredeemed Roumanians in Transylvania.]
[Footnote 54: But Macedonia is not the only part of
Yugoslavia where a man's nationality varies. One Rejuka, for
example, came to Ver[vs]ac in the Banat. He was a Czech, but
as at that period (1850-1860) everything German predominated,
he preferred to be a German and sent his son to German
schools. Then the boy learned Magyar at college and, long
before he was appointed mayor, had become a Magyar. Thus we
have three nationalities in two generations.]
[Footnote 55: _Remarks on the Ethnography of the Macedonian
Slavs._ London, 1906.]
[Footnote 56: Quoted in Miss Waring's excellent little book
_Serbia_. London, 1917.]
[Footnote 57: This famous archaeologist and publicist has been
a leading authority on the eastern side of the Adriatic for
more than forty years. We refer on p. 184, Vol. II., to what
befell him in 1918-1919.]
[Footnote 58: _Russkoje Bogatstvo_, 1899.]
[Footnote 59: Cf. p. 79.]
[Footnote 60: _Detruisez l'Autriche-Hongrie_, by Dr. Edvard
Bene[vs]. Paris, 1916.]
[Footnote 61: Cf. "Secret Treaties," in the _Times_, March
17, 1920.]
[Footnote 62: Cf. _Die politischen Geheimvertrage
Osterreich-Ungarns, 1879-1914_, by Dr. Alfred Pribram. Vienna
and Leipzig, 1920.]
[Footnote 63: Cf. _Diplomatic Reminiscences_, by M.
Nekludoff. London, 1920.]
[Footnote 64: Cf. _The Guardians of the Gate_. Oxford, 1918.]
[Footnote 65: Cf. _Dalmatinische Reise_. Berlin, 1909.]
[Footnote 66: Cf. _Montenegro in History, Politics and War_,
by A. Devine. London, 1918.]
[Footnote 67: Cf. _Diplomatic Reminiscences_. London, 1920.]
[Footnote 68: A very detailed and interesting account is
contained in Dr. Seton-Watson's _The Southern Slav Question_.
London, 1911.]
[Footnote 69: "That Austria, as some have stated, should have
planned the _coup_," says Miss Durham (in her _Twenty Years
of Balkan Tangle_) "is very improbable." This lady tells us
that the plot was a very genuine one, "as I learnt beyond all
doubt from my own observations," etc. And, needless to say,
she denounces the Serbs, who in her eyes are a very criminal
people. It is a pity that Miss Durham did not confine herself
to the excellent relief work she was doing the Balkans. Her
description of the travels this involved is interesting. But
even her account of relief work is biased by a prejudice in
favour of the Albanians and against the Slavs, for when she
has occasion to speak of the famous Miss Irby, whose thirty
years of untiring benevolence were spent among the Serbs of
Bosnia and not among the Albanians, it is without a word of
commendation.]
[Footnote 70: Cf. _History of Serbia_, by H. W. V. Temperley.
London, 1917.]
[Footnote 71: Cf. _Le Montenegro Inconnu_, by Louis Bresse.
Paris, 1920.]
[Footnote 72: An illuminating document was found, after the
Great War, in the Austrian archives. It is a lengthy report
sent from Cetinje on November 1, 1911, by Baron Giesl, the
Austrian Minister, to Count Aerenthal, the minister of
Foreign Affairs. Giesl puts down very vividly a conversation
he has had with Nikita, who suggested that the Minister
should go forthwith to Vienna with the purpose of preparing
for a secret treaty. "I will do all that Austria desires,"
the King is reported to have said; "for instance, I will
place under her protection the kingdom of Montenegro.... For
years I have aimed at this and, in spite of all that has
happened [the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina], I was
preparing my people for this and putting Austria in a
sympathetic light." The King promised that his army (whose
numbers, says Giesl, he multiplied by two in this
conversation) should act in perfect harmony with Austria's
troops--they would, if need arose, assist each other. Baron
Giesl appears to have irritated Nikita by his lack of
enthusiasm for the scheme. "With Austria-Hungary, the King
had said, "I must be frank and honest." But the Minister
characterized his efforts as the throwing of dust in
Austria's eyes.]
[Footnote 73: The average German-Bohemian was, in July 1914,
anxious that Austria should go to war. These people
calculated that if Austria proved successful it would be
advantageous to themselves, while if she were defeated they
would merge themselves in the German Empire.]
[Footnote 74: L. von Suedland's _Die Suedslavische Frage und
der Weltkrieg_. Vienna, 1918.]
[Footnote 75: _The Trial of the Authors of the Sarajevo
Crime._ Presented according to the documents by Professor
Pharos, with an Introduction by Professor Dr. Joseph Kohler.
Berlin, 1918.]
[Footnote 76: Cf. the admirably clear account in Dr. Lazar
Markovi['c]'s _Serbia and Europe, 1914-1920_. London, 1921.]
[Footnote 77: Cf. _Ex-King Nicholas of Montenegro and his
Court_ (Collection of eighteen original documents in
facsimile). Sarajevo, 1919. "This collection of documents,"
says the _Times_ (April 15, 1920), "goes far to dethrone the
last of the Petrovich dynasty from his once picturesque
position in the sympathies of Western admirers. Criticism
directed against him during the Balkan wars fell on deaf
ears; and the censorship to a great extent prevented the man
in the street from realizing during the late War that an
Allied Monarch was suspected of 'not playing the game.'" Mr.
Ronald M'Neill, M.P., who loved to dance in front of
Nicholas, informs us (in the _Nineteenth Century and After_,
for January 1921) that "so far as the present writer has been
able, after diligent endeavour, to discover, there never was
any evidence whatever for the Serbian legend that King
Nicholas was at any time during the War untrue to the Allied
cause."]
[Footnote 78: Cf. _Macedonia_, by H. N. Brailsford. London,
1906.]
[Footnote 79: London, 1920.]
V