NOTICES RESPECTING SIR JOHN GRAHAM AND SIR JOHN STEWART.--CONDUCT
OF CUMYN.--WALLACE RESIGNS THE GUARDIANSHIP.--EDWARD RETURNS
HOME.--TRIUMPHANT PROCESSION OF THE LONDONERS IN HONOUR OF HIS VICTORY
AT FALKIRK.--REVIEW OF THE CAMPAIGN.
The retreat of Wallace from the field of Falkirk, may justly be
considered as a masterpiece of generalship. The formidable bodies of
horse at the disposal of Edward, afforded him ample means of following
up and cutting off the retiring army of the Guardian. That so large a
body of the Scots, though deserted by their own cavalry, should however
have effected their escape in presence of a force so powerful, so well
appointed, and headed by one of the first generals of the age, is truly
astonishing; and can only be accounted for by supposing, either that
the English must have suffered severely in the action, or that the
conduct displayed by Wallace was such as awed them from the attempt.
According to the Minstrel, the Guardian, after withdrawing his troops
to a place of safety, returned to the field, accompanied by Malcolm
Earl of Lennox, Ramsay of Auchterhouse, Sir Richard Lundin, Wallace of
Riccarton, Sir Crytell Seton,[27] and a number of their followers, to
seek for the body of Sir John Graham--the English being by this time
removed to Linlithgow.
Considering the great affection our hero entertained for this gallant
and accomplished warrior, the circumstance is not improbable. The high
value he placed on his services was such, that, in speaking of Graham,
he used to designate him as his “right hand.” The regret which he felt
at his death, would no doubt have been embittered by the reflection,
that his friend might easily, from the state of the wounds which he had
received at the affair of Blackironside, have absented himself from the
battle of Falkirk, without the slightest injury to his reputation. The
distress of Wallace, on seeing the dead body, is thus finely depicted
by the forementioned author:--
“Amang the ded men sekand the worthiast,
The corss off Graym, for quham he murned mast.
Quhen thai him fand, and gud Wallace him saw,
He lychtyt down, and hynt him fra thaim aw
In armyss vp; behaldand his paill face,
He kyssyt him, and cryt full oft, ‘Allace!
My best brothir in warld that euir I had!
My afald freynd, quhen I was hardest stad!
My hop, my heill, thow was in maist honour!
My faith, my help, my strenthiast in stour!
In the was wyt, fredom and hardines;
In the was treuth, manheid, and nobilness;
In the was rewll, in the was gouernans;
In the was wertu with outyn warians;
In the lawté, in the was gret largnas;
In the gentrice, in the was stedfastnas.
Thow was gret causs off wynnyng off Scotland;
Thocht I began, and tuk the wer on hand,
I wow to God, that has the warld in wauld,
Thi dede sall be to Sotheroun full der sauld.
Martyr thow art for Scotlandis rycht and me;
I sall the wenge, or ellis tharfor de.’
Was na man thar fra wepyng mycht hym rafreyn
For loss off him, quhen thai hard Wallace pleyn.
Thai caryit him with worschip and dolour,
In the Fawkyrk graithit him in sepultour.”
In this monody, we have a highly finished portrait of a warrior and a
gentleman; and the assemblage of rare and shining virtues which are
thus said to have met in this illustrious individual, have never been
denied or depreciated by the most fastidious of our critics; while
all our historians bear uniform testimony to the correctness of the
character.[28] Having discharged this duty to his departed friend,
Wallace rejoined his followers in the Torwood; and, on the following
night, he is said to have broken into the English camp on Linlithgow
muir, and, after killing a number of the enemy, and spreading alarm
through the whole army, effected his retreat without loss.
Edward, incensed at the frequency with which these night attacks were
repeated, now determined on pursuing the Scots with his whole forces.
His nimble adversaries, however, retired before him, and, having burned
Stirling, continued to waste the country as they went along; so that
the enemy was put to the greatest inconvenience, from the want of
forage for his numerous cavalry.
While the Guardian and his little army of patriots were thus engaging
the attention of the invader, Cumyn and the partisans of Stewart were
loud in their expressions of disapprobation at the conduct of our hero.
The latter charged him with the loss of the battle, by his refraining
to assist Stewart till it was too late; and the former, conscious of
his own misconduct, in order to supply something like a pretext for
having treacherously deserted his countrymen, accused the Guardian with
an intention of usurping the sovereign authority; declaring, “that it
was more honourable for men of birth to serve a great and powerful
monarch, though a foreigner, than subject themselves to the tyranny of
an upstart of yesterday.”
While such sentiments were circulating among the adherents of these
two powerful families, to the manifest injury of the cause of liberty,
Cumyn was still increasing the number of his followers; and it appeared
uncertain, whether he intended to assist his countrymen, or take
part with the invader. Wallace now saw, that, without involving the
kingdom in all the horrors of civil war, he could not exercise his
authority so as to compel this factious chief to the discharge of his
duty; and as the views of Cumyn with regard to the crown, had, on many
occasions, been too palpably displayed, to have escaped the observation
of Wallace, his late unaccountable retreat had completely opened the
eyes of the Guardian to the line of policy he was pursuing. Indeed,
had both divisions of the Scottish army been destroyed, Cumyn would
have found little difficulty in obtaining the crown from Edward, on the
same terms as it had been awarded to Baliol: for being at the head of
a powerful body of men, with great family interest, and having already
made a favourable impression on the English king, by his conduct
at the battle of Falkirk, it is highly probable that any lingering
partiality which Edward might still entertain for Bruce--whom he had
long amused with hopes of the crown--would soon disappear before the
pretensions of a more useful claimant. But as Cumyn made the ambition
of Wallace the pretext for his refraining to co-operate against the
English, with a promptitude which showed his mind as decisive as his
sword, when the interest of his country was at stake, the latter called
the Estates together, and solemnly renounced the Guardianship of the
kingdom, reserving to himself no other privilege than that of fighting
against the enemies of Scotland, at the head of such friends as might
be inclined to adhere to him. This resignation was accordingly followed
by the election of a Regency, consisting of Cumyn, Soulis, and William
Lamberton, Bishop of St Andrews;[29] and by this conduct on the part of
Wallace, Cumyn was left without the shadow of an excuse for withholding
his assistance against the common enemy; while the talents, prowess,
and patriotism of the late Guardian acted as a check in restraining
him from sacrificing the interest of the country to his own personal
aggrandizement.
Edward reached Stirling four days after the late battle, and took up
his quarters in the convent of the Dominicans. Here he remained fifteen
days, waiting his recovery from the wound inflicted on him by his
horse, and for the arrival of his long-expected fleet. The Castle of
Stirling having been partly demolished by Wallace, in his retreat,
Edward now applied himself to repair it; and therein, as a place of
safety, he deposited those unwieldy engines of war he had brought with
him for the purpose of battering the fortifications, and which he found
would be troublesome, while pursuing his enemies over the rugged and
mountainous country that lay before him.
The accession of strength which the cause of liberty acquired, by the
prudent measures of our patriot, enabled the Scots more effectually
to embarrass the movements of the enemy. While he, with his brave
followers, continued to surprise the foe, by breaking into their camp
where least expected, the other leaders were engaged in preventing
supplies from reaching the English; and Edward, at last, became
apprehensive of advancing too far into the sterile regions of the
North. A scarcity had already begun to be severely felt in his army,
and he now prudently directed his march towards the more fruitful
districts in the neighbourhood of Perth. But there also his unwearied
and restless enemy continued to assail those parts of the army that
appeared most vulnerable; and having at last cut off a part from the
main body of the English forces, by breaking down the bridge over
the Tay, in three successive engagements he defeated them with great
slaughter. The English army, however, was still too numerous for the
Scots to risk a general engagement; and Edward, finding no probability
of bringing the war to a satisfactory conclusion, after wreaking his
vengeance on the most fruitful parts of the country, returned home
through Ayrshire and Annandale, carrying with him all the spoil he
could collect. A body of troops under the command of Henry de Lacy,
made a similar inroad in Fife, destroying whatever came in their way,
in revenge, no doubt, for the gallant stand the inhabitants had made
under MacDuff, their late unfortunate chief. After destroying St
Andrew’s,[30] he laid siege to the castle of Cupar, which surrendered
about the end of July.[31]
Edward now led his army homewards, after leaving a force to protect
the southern part of Scotland, the reduction of which was all his
mighty efforts had been able to accomplish. To have defeated Wallace,
however, a name which had filled England with dismay, was considered
by his subjects an achievement deserving of the highest eulogium. The
disasters of the campaign were accordingly forgotten, and bands of
minstrels issued from the different towns on his route, to welcome the
conqueror at Falkirk. The Londoners decreed him a triumphal procession
in honour of his victory, and the different corporations vied with
each other in the richness of their banners and the splendour of
their emblematical representations. Stowe thus mentions the affair;
and if we may judge of the appearance of the other professions by the
display made by the fishmongers on this joyous occasion, the whole
must have exhibited a mass of barbaric magnificence not easily to
be surpassed:--“The citizens of London hearing of the great victory
obtained by the King of England against the Scottis, made great and
solemn rejoicings in their citie, every one according to their craft,
especially the fishmongers, which with solemn procession passed through
the citie, having, amongst other pageantes and shows, foure sturgeons
gilted, carried on four horses, then four salmons of silver on four
horses, and after five and fortie knights armed, riding on horses made
like luces of the sea, and then Saint Magnus with a thousand horsemen.
This they did on St Magnus’ day, in honour of the King’s great victory
and safe return.”
Before closing this chapter, it may not be amiss to take a retrospect
view of this most interesting campaign. At the commencement of it,
Scotland, by the wisdom and energy of her intrepid Guardian, had
again taken her place among the independent nations of Europe. His
noble achievements had not only become a theme for the Troubadours of
France, but also the subject of conversation and applause at all the
courts on the Continent. To Edward, who had not only distinguished
himself by his warlike exploits in Syria, but had also, in a
tournament held at Calais, baffled and disgraced the most renowned
of the chivalry of France, the plaudits bestowed upon a rival so far
beneath him in rank, was peculiarly mortifying, and excited in him
the most inveterate hostility toward the nation thus rescued from his
thraldom. Wallace, though making every effort for the safety of his
country, found no abatement of that feeling of jealous animosity which
existed in the minds of a great majority of the aristocracy. It was
in vain he endeavoured to ensure their confidence, by refusing all
participation in the fruits of their victories,--thus shewing that
_self-aggrandisement_ formed none of the objects of his ambition. Still
they yielded with reluctance that obedience which his rank as Guardian
entitled him to expect; and their language in private continued to be,
“We will not have this man to reign over us.”
Cumyn, whose conduct had hitherto been suspicious, had strengthened
his interest at the English court, by means of a marriage which he
contracted with the sister of Adomer de Vallance,[32] a cousin, and
one of the principal favourites of Edward; and the Steward, brother
to the knight of Bonkill, had made his peace with the invader, and
taken the oath of allegiance. In consequence of which, according to
the policy of the English monarch, though the tenantry of the Steward
were arrayed against him, yet the banners of the family floated among
those of the other vassals of the English crown, while the knight
of Bonkill himself (who had but recently joined the standard of his
country’s independence) had as yet given no proof of the sincerity
of his attachment to the cause. Under these circumstances, it became
Wallace to be particularly circumspect in his movements, having to
guard against the chance of treachery on the one hand, and a powerful
adversary on the other; while his country’s safety, and his own
well-earned laurels, depended alike on the prudence of his conduct.
We have already hinted at the great improbability of his appearing
before so formidable an enemy, without having formed a regular plan
of operation, and made provision for the contingencies that might
occur. That he had arranged such a plan, and was prevented, by the
jealousy of his colleagues, from putting it into execution, appears
sufficiently obvious, even from the meagre details of which we are
possessed. What this plan was, cannot now be fully ascertained; but if
we may judge from the circumstances on record, we may infer that it
was not his intention to risk a general engagement with the enemy at
Falkirk, but merely to retire as they advanced, and to lead them as
far as possible into the barren districts of the North, where their
numerous cavalry would be rendered in a great measure unavailing. But
the conduct of Cumyn, and the profitless display of valour on the
part of Stewart, brought him unavoidably into contact with the enemy;
respect for his own reputation prevented him from retiring, while part
of his countrymen were so seriously engaged; and by remaining, he not
only covered the retreat of the remains of Stewart’s division, but
also, by his commanding attitude, prevented the enemy from pursuing the
fugitives with that destructive celerity which their numerous cavalry
would have enabled them to do, had he acted otherwise. We have been
induced to make these remarks, as Wallace is too rashly blamed for
“remaining a passive spectator of the destruction of Stewart.” This,
according to the generality of writers, is the only stain upon his
character. However, from a careful review of all the circumstances
of the case, we can find no foundation whatever for the charge; on
the contrary, taking into consideration the peculiarly embarrassing
situation in which he was placed, we conceive that, during the whole of
his brilliant career, the wisdom, talents, and patriotism of Wallace,
never shone forth with more resplendent lustre than at the battle of
Falkirk.