A Comic History of England would be an exceedingly curious, and even

a valuable work. We do not mean a caricatured history, with great

men turned into ridicule, and important events burlesqued; such

absurdities may provoke pity, but they will hardly extort a smile

from any whose suffrage is worth courting. We have had a vast deal

of comic literature in this country during the last dozen years;

quite a torrent of _facetiæ_, a surfeit of slang and puns. One or

two popular humorists gave the impetus, and set a host of imitators

sliding and wriggling down the inclined plane leading from wit

and humour to buffoonery and bad taste. The majority reached in

an instant the bottom of the slope, and have ever since remained

there. The truth is, the funny style has been overdone; the supply

of jokers has exceeded the demand for jokes, until the very word

"comic" resounds unpleasantly upon the public tympanum. It were

a change to revert for a while to the wit of our forefathers, at

least as good, we suspect, as much of more modern manufacture. And

therefore, we repeat, a comic English history, whose claims to

the quality should be founded on its illustration by the songs,

satires, and caricatures of its respective periods, would be

interesting and precious in many ways; particularly as giving an

insight into popular feelings and characteristics, and often as

throwing additional light upon the causes of important revolutions

and political changes. It would certainly be a very difficult book

to compile. Instead of beginning at the usual starting-post of Roman

invasion, it could hardly be carried back to the first William. The

Saxons may possibly have revenged themselves on their conquerors by

satirical ditties, and by rude and grotesque delineations; but it

may be doubted whether any authenticated specimens of either their

poetry or painting are in existence at the present day. It would not

surprise us if King John's courtiers had curried favour with their

master by lampooning the absent Coeur-de-Lion; and doubtless when

there were men sufficiently sacrilegious to slay a churchman at the

altar, others may have ventured to satirise in rude doggrel the

pride and presumption of Thomas à Becket. But have their graceless

effusions survived? Can they be traced in black letter, or deciphered

on the blocks of wood and stone referred to in Mr Wright's preface?

We fear not; and we believe that, up to the date of the invention

of printing, the history suggested would be very meagre, and the

task of writing it most ungrateful. For some time after that date

the humorous illustrations would be written, and not pictorial;

songs and lampoons, perhaps, but of caricatures few or none. For

although caricature, in one variety or other, is ancient as the

Pyramids, its introduction is recent into the country where, of all

others, it seems most at home. Fostered by political liberty, it has

naturalised itself kindly on English soil, but its foreign origin

remains undeniable. Already, in the sixteenth century, Italy had her

Caracci, and France her Callot; whilst in England we vainly seek,

until the appearance of Hogarth, a caricaturist whose name abides in

our memories, or whose works grace our museums.

It is evident, then, that the easiest way to write a history of the

kind we have spoken of, is to begin at the end and write backwards.

At any rate the historian avoids discouragement, at the very

commencement, from the paucity of materials. And that is the plan

Mr Wright has adopted. Breaking new ground, he naturally selected

the spot most likely to reward his toil, and pitched upon the reigns

of the first three Georges. He could hardly have chosen a more

interesting period; and certainly, without coming inconveniently near

to the present day, he could have fixed on none more prolific in the

satires and drolleries he has made it his business to disinter and

reproduce.

The contents of Mr Wright's book would sort into two comprehensive

classes--the social and the political; the former the least

voluminous, but the most entertaining. Political satires and

caricatures, under the first two Georges, possess but a moderate

attraction at the present day; and it is not till the period of

the American war--we might almost say not until that of the French

Revolution--that they excite interest, and move to mirth. The hits

at the follies of society at large have a more general and enduring

interest than those levelled at individuals and intrigues long since

passed away. The first ten years of the accession of the house of

Hanover were poor both in the number and quality of caricatures; and

the remoteness of the period has enhanced the difficulty of finding

them. Written satires and pasquinades were abundant, but, to judge

from those preserved, few were worth preserving. Of these ephemeral

publications there exists no important collection, either public or

private. Of caricatures, more are to be got at, although, strange

to say, the British Museum contains very few. There was far less of

humour and spirit in those that appeared during the early part of the

eighteenth century than in those produced during its latter portion.

In fact, until the reign of George II., the art could hardly be said

to be cultivated. In the first hundred pages of the book before us,

which comprise nearly the whole reign of George I., we find only

fourteen cuts--a small proportion of the three hundred scattered

through the two volumes. And scarcely one of the fourteen has the

qualities essential to a genuine caricature. They aim at telling

a story, or conveying an insinuation, rather than at burlesquing

persons. Sometimes the prints or medals (the latter were a favourite

vehicle for the circulation of satire) were simply allegories, and

as such are incorrectly designated by the word caricature, which, as

derived from the Italian _caricare_, implies a thing overcharged or

exaggerated in its proportions. As an instance of these allegories,

we may cite a Jacobite medal, where Britannia is seen weeping, whilst

the horse of Hanover tramples on the lion and unicorn. The English

nation was at that period usually personified by Britannia and her

lion, until Gillray, much later--taking the idea, it is said, from Dr

Arbuthnot's satire--hit off the humourous figure of John Bull, which

has been preserved, with more or less modification, by all subsequent

caricaturists. Hogarth, who first attracted notice in 1723-4, by his

attacks upon the degeneracy of the stage--then abandoned to opera,

masquerade, and pantomime--brought up a broader style of caricature

than his predecessors, but still he was too emblematical. Then, for

a time, caricature got into the hands of amateur artists--female as

well as male. Thus a humorous drawing of the Italian singers, Cuzzoni

and Farinelli, and of Heidegger the ugly manager, is attributed to

the Countess of Burlington. Then, after an interregnum, during which

caricature languished, Gillray arose--Gillray, who, coarse and often

indecent as he was, (in which respects, however, he did but conform

to the tone and manners of his day,) was unquestionably the ablest

of his tribe, the most thoroughly English, and the most irresistibly

humorous caricaturist we have had. The refined might tax him with

grossness, but his delineations went home to the multitude; and to

the multitude the caricaturist must address himself, if he would

produce effect, and enjoy influence. For a while, during the war with

France, Gillray's active pencil was a power in the state. In his turn

he was surpassed in coarseness and vulgarity, but not in wit, by his

contemporary Rowlandson.

The sketches before us, of the history of England under the house of

Hanover, are not to be considered as dependent on the satires and

caricatures used to illustrate them. They form a general narrative

of the most prominent events of a very important century, with

which are interwoven, when opportunity offers, the most remarkable

pen and pencil pasquinades of the day. The latter, however, have

not always been obtainable, or are not worth recording. As we have

already mentioned, they are scarce at the commencement of the book,

which opens at the death of Queen Anne in 1714. When Jacobite plots

were rife, and party-feeling ran so high as to produce frequent

bloody struggles in London streets, between the Whigs or Hanoverians

and the "Jacks," as the adherents of the Pretender were styled by

their opponents, there appear to have existed no draughtsmen of much

talent for caricature; whilst the poetical satires, judging from

the specimens furnished by Mr Wright, are very middling in merit,

although exceedingly numerous. If there was little wit, there was

much violence and abuse on both sides. On the part of the Jacobites,

agitation was the order of the day; and the mob, both in London and

the provinces, were incited to many excesses--such as attacking

houses, robbing passengers, pulling down Dissenting chapels, and

drinking James the Third's health in the open streets. In Manchester,

in June 1715, the population were for several days masters of

the town. The results were the passing of the Riot Act, and the

quartering of cavalry in the places most disaffected. The Whigs, on

their part, were not idle, but carried on a brisk war of words, and

raked up all the old stories about the Pretender--that he was no

king's son, but a miller's offspring, conveyed into the Queen's bed

in a warming-pan by the Jesuit Father Petre. Of course such tales as

these gave a fine handle to squib and lampoon; and, in reference to

the Jesuit's name, the Whigs designated the Pretender as Peterkin or

Perkin--an appellation offering a convenient coincidence with that

of a previous impudent aspirant to the English crown. To sneers of

this kind the Jacobite minstrels manfully and spiritedly replied; and

although the muse was less propitious in England than in Scotland,

there is no doubt these effusions had a considerable effect upon the

people. But the suppression of the rebellion damped their spirits,

and with it their poetic fire; whilst the exulting Whigs triumphantly

flapped their wings, and crowed a yet louder strain. Perkin and the

warming-pan were the burden of every lay, and a peal of parodies

celebrated the flight of the Stuart.

"'Twas when the seas were roaring

With blasts of northern wind,

Young Perkin lay deploring,

On warming-pan reclined

Wide o'er the roaring billows

He cast a dismal look,

And shiver'd like the willows

That tremble o'er the brook."

One would think the "Oxford scholars," accounted such fervent

Jacobites, might have replied victoriously to such tepid couplets as

this. But their hearts were down at their King's repulse. And poor

as the verses were, no doubt they took wonderfully at the time,--so

much, in such things, depends upon the _apropos_. And now a large

section of the Tories, previously favourable to the Jacobites, broke

away from them in their misfortune, made their peace with the ruling

powers, and took the oath of allegiance. But long after fighting

was over in the North--to be revived only in '45 by the chivalrous

Charles Edward--the Jacobite mob kept London in hot water, and,

thanks to the inefficiency of the police, might have done serious

mischief, but for the Muggite Societies formed at that period. These

were simply Whig clubs, meeting at certain public-houses, (the

Magpie and Stump, in Newgate Street, was one,) and sallying out

upon occasion to fight the Jacobites. The latter had also taverns

of rendezvous, but these were few, and it was chiefly the lowest

mob that in London still sported the White Rose, and cursed the

Hanoverian. In most of the many conflicts that then occurred, the

"Jacks" got the worst of it. If they assembled to break windows on an

illumination night, or to burn William or George in effigy, they were

soon assailed by the Loyal Society, or some other Whig association,

who, acting as special constables without having taken the oath,

drubbed them with cudgels, and extinguished their bonfires. It would

appear that the Jacks did not often venture to impede the Whig mob

in the performance of analogous ceremonies; since we read of a

certain Fifth of November, when caricature effigies of the Pretender

and his chief adherents and supporters were carried in triumph

through the streets. "First, two men bearing each a warming-pan,

with a representation of the infant Pretender--a nurse attending

him with a sucking bottle, and another playing with him by beating

the warming-pan. These were followed by three trumpeters, playing

Lillibulero and other Whig tunes. Then came a cart with Ormond and

Marr, appropriately dressed. This was followed by another cart,

containing the Pope and Pretender seated together, and Bolingbroke

as the secretary of the latter. They were all drawn backwards, with

halters round their necks." The sole opposition made by the Jacobites

to this outrageous demonstration, was by the somewhat paltry

proceeding of stealing the faggots collected for the Whig bonfire.

Four months after this, the Jacobites attempted a procession, and a

great fight ensued, in which the Whigs were victorious, after having

"made rare work for the surgeons." The government of the day showed

little mercy to the rioters. Seditious ballad-singers, and persons

holding disloyal discourse, were flogged and pilloried; and at last,

the hanging of several of the disaffected for storming a Mug-house,

put an end to the disturbances. That the Whigs did not bear their

triumph very meekly appears from the following paragraph, extracted

from _Read's Weekly Journal_ of June 15, 1717.

"Last Monday being supposed to be the birthday of the Sovereign

of the White Rose, in respect to the anniversary, an honest Whig

went from the Roebuck to St James's, with a jackdaw finely dressed

in white roses, and set on a warming-pan bedeckt with the same

sweet-scented commodity, which caused abundance of laughter all

the way, to the great mortification of the Knights Companions of

that order, and all the other Jacks, to see their sovereign so

maltreated in the person of his representative."

The poor crushed Jacobites were fain to grin and bear it.

The suppression of political riots was followed by a great prevalence

of highway robberies, in and around the metropolis. The streets

of London were not safe, even in the daytime; and ladies went out

in their chairs guarded by servants with loaded blunderbusses.

The following extracts from newspapers of the time read oddly

enough--especially when we remember that not a hundred and thirty

years have elapsed since the crimes recorded in them occurred.

"Thursday, 21st January 1720. About five o'clock in the evening,

the stage-coach from London to Hampstead was attacked and robbed

by highwaymen, at the foot of the hill, and one of the passengers

severely beaten for attempting to hide his money."

"Sunday 24. At eight o'clock in the evening, two highwaymen

attacked a gentleman in a coach on the south side of St Paul's

churchyard, and robbed him."

"Sunday 31. A gentleman robbed and murdered in Bishopsgate street."

"Monday, February 1. The Duke of Chandos, coming from Canons, had

another encounter with highwaymen, whom he captured."

"Tuesday 2. The postboy was attacked by three highwaymen in Tyburn

road, but the Duke of Chandos, happening to pass that way, came to

his rescue."

His grace of Chandos seems to have been a sort of amateur

thief-taker. Then we read of stage-coaches stopped and robbed

between London and Stoke Newington, and of a certain day, when

"_all_ the stage-coaches coming from Surrey to London were robbed

by highwaymen." At last a reward of one hundred pounds was offered

for the apprehension of any highwayman within five miles of London.

Amongst those captured were several persons of good repute in their

respective callings. They included a London tradesman, a duke's

valet, and the keeper of a boxing-school.

The speculative madness that prevailed in the year 1719-20, the

"bubble mania," as it was called, offered a fertile field to the

satirist. The contagion was caught from France, where, about that

time, John Law projected his celebrated Mississippi Company, and,

by his wild financial manoeuvres, first rendered money a mere

drug, then plunged Paris and France into the profoundest misery. The

outline of Law's history is familiar to most persons. It will be

remembered how, having killed a man in a duel in his own country, he

broke his prison, and fled to France, met the young Duke of Orleans

at the house of a courtesan named Duclos, and, being handsome,

accomplished, and graceful, contracted with him an intimacy that led

eventually to the hatching of the notable Mississippi scheme. The

delusion began to flourish towards the middle of 1718, and was at its

apogee at the close of the following year. The market for the shares

was in an insignificant street, still existing in Paris under the

name of the Rue Quincampoix, where every house was soon subdivided

into an infinity of little offices, and a dwelling whose usual rent

was of six hundred livres yielded one hundred thousand; where a

cobbler gained two hundred livres a-day, by hiring out his shed to

ladies who came to share in and look on at the game; and a hunchback

earned a handsome income by lending his shoulders as a writing-desk.

The five-hundred-livre shares rose to twenty thousand livres--to a

premium, that is to say, of four thousand per cent. Money was for the

time so abundant, that goods rose immensely, and articles of luxury

were all bought up. Cloth of gold, a French writer tells us, became

exceeding rare, except in the streets, where it was seen draping the

plebeian persons of the newly-enriched speculators. A nobleman and

a Mississippian disputed a partridge in a cook's shop: the latter

obtained it for two hundred livres, or more than eight pounds!

Beranger has devoted a witty stanza to that year of madness.

"C'était la régence alors

Et sans hyperbole,

Grâce aux plus drôles de corps,

La France étoit folle;

Tous les hommes s'amusaient,

Et les femmes se prêtaient

A la gaudriole an gué,

A la gaudriole."

As an essential preliminary to holding the office of

Comptroller-general of the French finances, Law allowed the Abbé

de Tençin to convert him to the religion of Rome. This apostasy,

and its disastrous consequences to France, became the subject of

many squibs and satirical verses when the fallacy of the system

ultimately appeared. Before the panic came, however, and an attempted

realisation on the part of some of the largest holders proved

the exaggerated and fictitious value of the bonds, the mania for

speculation had crossed the Channel, and raged in this country. The

South-Sea bill passed through parliament, and received the royal

assent; and on a sudden stock-jobbing seemed to become the sole

business of all classes. The Tory papers ridiculed the folly. Sir

Robert Walpole published a warning pamphlet, a proclamation forbade

the formation of unauthorised companies; but all in vain. Shares

in the most absurd bubbles were eagerly caught at. "A company was

even announced, and its shares bought, which was merely advertised

as 'for an undertaking which shall in due time be revealed.' Among

other odd projects were companies 'for planting of mulberry trees,

and breeding of silk-worms in Chelsea Park;' 'for importing a number

of large jack-asses from Spain, in order to propagate a larger breed

of mules in England;' 'for fattening of hogs.' In August, the stock

of the various London companies was calculated to exceed the value

of five hundred millions." About this time Law's credit balloon

began to collapse, which was a hint to the English jobbers of what

they might in their turn expect. It was nearly the end of the year

when he was compelled to fly from Paris, and take refuge in Venice,

where he died, an impoverished gambler, in May 1729, leaving for sole

inheritance a diamond worth about 1500 pounds sterling, which he had

been in the habit of pawning when hard pushed. Many weeks before his

departure from France, however, the London companies were discredited

and turned into ridicule by a host of songs and satirical pieces, one

of the best of which was the celebrated _South-Sea Ballad; or, Merry

Remarks upon Exchange-Alley Bubbles_.

"From the month of October to the end of the year, songs, and squibs,

and pamphlets of all descriptions, on the misfortunes occasioned by

the explosion of the bubble system, became exceedingly numerous....

The general feeling against the directors was becoming so strong in

the month of November, that we are told it had become a practice

among the ladies, when in playing at cards they turned up a knave,

to cry, 'There's a director for you!'" The period of the South-Sea

bubble was particularly prolific in caricatures. A vast number

appeared in Holland and France, and for the first time political

caricatures became common in England. Those of which copies are given

in Mr Wright's book have small claims to wit. Most of the foreign

ones were aimed at Law, and those published in this country at the

'Change Alley speculators. Hogarth's first political caricature

related to the bubbles of 1720, and appeared the following year.

Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, Volume 64, No. 397, November 1848 · 第 5 / 21 段