If the monarchies of Germany are to be preserved, it must be through

the resolution of the troops. A congress is at this moment obviously

impossible, nor can it be attempted until the Frankfort parliament

has ran its course--a consummation which some people think is not

only devoutly to be desired, but very near at hand. Things have now

gone so far, that it is difficult to see how any kind of order can

be restored, without the disastrous alternative of commotion and

civil war. There are again symptoms of republican gatherings in the

north, which Prussia cannot this time overlook, without sacrificing

the fragments of her honour. At Vienna, the insurrection has been

successful. The emperor has, a second time, quitted Schönbrunn, and

has openly announced that, when he next returns to his capital, it

will be at the head of an avenging army. There is nothing improbable

in this announcement. The Austrian army is less liable to the

impairing influence already noticed than that of any other German

state; and though there never was a time when its services were so

urgently required at so many menacing points as at the present, there

may yet be strength enough left to crush the insurgent capital. Of

course, in such an event, all men may be prepared to hear from the

liberals the same howl of horror which issued from their sympathising

throats, when the populace of Naples manfully and boldly espoused

the cause of their legitimate sovereign. Sicilian cannibalism can be

pardoned, but Neapolitan loyalty, never!

It is a vain dream to associate German unity with the existing

system of principalities. Whether Von Gagern is really in earnest,

in attempting to labour towards this end, or whether he is merely

keeping up the appearance of such a union, for the purpose of

paving the way to a more sweeping measure of democracy, may be the

subject of legitimate doubt. If the former be the case, he has

committed a grave error, in allowing the Diet to be annihilated.

Though difficult, it was by no means impossible to have adjusted the

separate constitutions of the German states upon a liberal basis,

and to have devolved upon the chambers the right of nominating the

members of the imperial diet. Such a system might have secured as

much unity of purpose as was requisite for general administration,

without resorting to the dangerous experiment of a parliament elected

by universal suffrage. But nothing of this sort was attempted. On the

contrary, the Diet fell without a struggle: its old functions had

ceased when Prussia deserted it for the carrying out an independent

policy of her own; and no one attempted to resuscitate it by the

infusion of novel blood.

Notwithstanding such charm as might be derived from the society

of Messrs Zitz, Simon, and Co., and the fund of information which

professor Klingemann was ever ready to pour into my ear, I soon

became tired of Frankfort, and betook myself to the watering-places.

This was a good year for calculating what proportion of the company

usually located during the summer months at Wiesbaden, Homburg, and

Baden, sought those places for the benefit of the Hygeian springs, in

contradistinction to those whose main attraction was the Casino. The

number of the former class, I should say, was comparatively small.

Although one cannot feel much sympathy for such nests of gambling,

maintained, to the discredit of the smaller German princes, for

the sake of the revenue obtained from the Israelitish proprietors

of the banks, it was yet painful to observe the dull appearance

of the towns. There was hardly any remnant of that gaiety and

sprightliness, which used to characterise these haunts of fashion

and dissipation--none of the equipages which were wont to roll along

the environs, with ducal coronets on their blazon. The bazaars were

deserted: the _tables-d'hôte_ miserably attended. If thirty people

assembled in one of the great saloons, which formerly used to be

occupied by two hundred, the countenance of the host relaxed, and

lie evidently caught at the circumstance, as a gleam of returning

prosperity. There were still one or two desperate gamblers to be seen

at the roulette and rouge-et-noir tables, staking their gold with

as much eagerness and stern determination as ever; but, in general,

there seemed to prevail such a serious scarcity of bullion, that

those who possessed any were chary of hazarding their florins. The

brass bands still played as of yore, but their music sounded dull and

melancholy. Few subscribed to raffles, and the balls were miserable

failures.

The state of the small capitals is still worse. Darmstadt, never

a lively town, is literally shut up. You may wander through the

streets of Carlsruhe, as in the solitudes of Balbec, wondering what

on earth can have become of the whole population, and not be able

to solve the problem, unless, indeed, you should happen to hear the

clattering of the hoofs of the Baden cavalry awakening the dormant

echoes of the street. Then, with a shrill whoop of "Hier kommt die

Badische cavallerie!" man, woman, and child,--chambermaid and waiter,

rush to the windows to admire the exciting spectacle of their native

heroes, mounted upon animals not very much larger than ponies, and,

the moment the procession has passed, relapse into the same state of

somnolency as before. The palaces do not seem to be occupied, and the

voice of the syrens on the boards of the theatres is mute.

Perfectly disgusted with the change, which was too conspicuous

everywhere, I bent my way towards Switzerland; and there, amidst the

mountains, snows, cascades and glaciers of the Oberland, strove to

banish from my mind all thoughts of revolution and its concomitant

ruin. But Switzerland has suffered, in its way, almost as much as

Germany. Although the central point of Europe to which the steps

of the tourists tend, it furnishes ample proof of the general

consternation and misery in its lonely roads and empty hotels. There

are no English travelling abroad this year. Sometimes you encounter

an American party who have crossed the Atlantic, curious to see how

the old countries are getting on in their novel craze for republican

institutions, but the staple of the travelling commodity consists of

Italian refugees from Lombardy. These men also seem to have adopted

a kind of mediæval garb, more graceful than that of the Germans, and

are, to outward appearance, no despicable specimens of humanity.

They vapour and bluster, largely about their exertions for Italian

independence, though I never could meet with one who had actually

struck a blow in its behalf. They were furious at Charles Albert,

whom they characterised as a "traditore sceleratissimo," and vaunted

that, but for him and his Piedmontese troops, they would long ago

have freed their country from the grasp of the Austrians. I was not

altogether able to comprehend by what process of ratiocination these

illustrious exiles arrived at this result. It would appear odd if

they could not accomplish, with the aid of allies, the very same task

for which they asserted their notorious unassisted competency. This

is a political riddle of such a nature, that I shall not attempt to

solve it.

It is, however, comfortable to remark, that Swiss industry, in

many of its branches, still continues undiminished. The squat and

unwholesome hunter, who for years has infested the Rosenthal,

still pursues his prey, in the shape of the unwary traveller, with

perpetual impudence and importunity. Out of his clutches you cannot

get, until you have purchased, at triple its artificial value, the

wooden effigy of a chamois, a horn whistle, or the image of an Alpine

cow; and even after you have made your escape, crossed the bridge,

and are in full retreat up the valley, you hear him clamouring

behind you with offers of a staff to sell. From every cottage-door

rush forth hordes of uncompromising children; nay, they surprise

you in the very wastes, far from any human dwelling, and their only

cry is "_Batzen!_" Approach a waterfall, and you are immediately

surrounded by a plump of those juvenile Cossacks, seizing hold of

your skirts, thrusting their hands upwards in your face, and denying

you one moment's leisure to survey the scene. Their yelp for pence is

heard above the sullen roaring of the cataract. In vain you take to

flight--they cleave to you like a swarm of midges. You leap brook,

scale bank, and scour across the meadow towards the road, but you

fare no better than the Baron of Cranstoun in his race with the

Goblin Page; and at last are compelled to ransom yourself by parting

with the whole of the change in your possession.

If I can judge from the present temper of the Swiss, they are not

likely to return a very complacent answer to the charge made against

them by the central power at Frankfort, of having harboured Struve

and his gang. The German troubles have kept back so many visitors

from their country, that the Swiss are not inclined to be particular

as to the political opinions of any one who may favour them with a

sojourn; and in the present state of matters it is rather difficult

to determine who are rebels or the reverse. Bitterly at this moment

is Switzerland execrating a revolution which has entailed upon her

consequences almost equivalent to the total failure of a harvest.

After spending a fortnight among the mountains, I retraced my steps

to Frankfort. There I discovered that, in the interim, some little

change had taken place in the aspect of political affairs. Prussia

had at length taken heart of grace, and had remonstrated against

the arbitrary refusal of the armistice with Denmark, which she had

been expressly empowered, by the authority of the Reichsverweser,

to conclude. This tardy recognition of the laws of honour had,

of course, given enormous umbrage to the Frankforters, who now

considered themselves as the supreme arbiters of peace or war in

Europe; the more so, because they were not called upon to pay a

single farthing of the necessary expenses. They appeared to think

that, _jure divino_, they were entitled to the gratuitous services of

the Prussian and Hanoverian armies; and, with that sublime disregard

of cost which we are all apt to feel when negotiating with our

neighbours' money, they were furious at any interruption of the war

unworthily commenced against their small but spirited antagonist.

Such, at least, was the feeling among the burghers, in which they

were powerfully encouraged by the co-operation of the women. It is a

singular fact that, in times of revolution, the fair sex is always

inclined to push matters to greater extremity than the other, for

what reason it is literally impossible to say. I had the pleasure of

spending an evening at a social reunion in Frankfort, and can aver

that the sentiments which emanated from the ladies would have done no

discredit to Demoiselle Theroigne de Mericourt in the midst of the

Reign of Terror.

But other motives than those of mere abstract democracy had some

influence with the members of the parliament. Many of them who,

in the first instance, had voted for the peremptory infraction of

the armistice, were fully aware that they could not afford as yet

to affront Prussia, or to give her an open pretext for resiling

from the movement party. Such a step would have been tantamount to

annihilation, and therefore they were disposed to succumb. Others,

I verily believe, thought seriously upon their five florins a-day.

Hitherto Prussia had been the only state which had granted a monetary

contingent, and to refuse compliance with her wishes would inevitably

involve a sacrifice of the goose that furnished the supply of

metallic eggs. Therefore, after a long and rather furious debate,

the assembly retracted their former decision, and consented to a

cessation of hostilities.

A parliament, chosen upon the basis of universal suffrage, is only

safe when its opinions coincide with those of the mob. In the

present instance they were directly counter to the sweet will of the

populace, and of course the decision was received with every symptom

of turbulence.

"Professor," said I to my learned friend, on the evening after this

memorable debate, "you have given one sensible vote to-day, and I

hope you will never repent of it. But, if you will take my advice,

you will do well to absent yourself from the parliament to-morrow.

There are certain symptoms going on in the streets which I do not

altogether like, for they put me forcibly in mind of what I saw in

Paris this last spring; and, unless a German mob differs essentially

from a French one, we shall smell gunpowder to-morrow. I should be

sorry to, see my ancient preceptor fragmentally distributed as an

offering to the goddess of discord."

"Don't speak of it, August Reignold, my dear boy!" said the Professor

in manifest terror. "I wouldn't mind much being hauled up to a

lamp-post, for I am heavy enough to break any in Frankfort down; but

the bare notion of dismemberment fills my soul with fear. Well says

the poet, _varium et mutabile_; and he might safely have applied it

to the people. Will you believe that I, whose whole soul is engrossed

with the thoughts of unity and the public weal, was actually hissed

and hooted at as a traitor, when I emerged to-day from the assembly?"

"It is the penalty you must pay for your political greatness,"

I replied. "But, if I were you, I should back out of the thing

altogether. Cobbling constitutions is rather dangerous work in such

times as these; and it strikes me that your valuable health may be

somewhat impaired by your exertions."

"Heaven knows," said the Professor devoutly, "that I would willingly

die for my country--that is, in my bed. But I do begin to perceive

that I am overworking this frail tenement of clay. Once let this

crisis be past, and I shall return to the university, resume my

philosophic labours, and finish my inchoate treatise upon the

'Natural History of Axioms.'"

"You will do wisely, Professor, and humanity will owe you a debt:

only don't employ that fellow Blum as your publisher. _Apropos_, what

is Simon, of Treves saying to this state of matters?"

"Simon of Treves," replied my learned friend, "is little better than

an arrogant coxcomb. He had the inconceivable audacity to laugh in

my face, when I proposed, on the ground of common ancestry, to open

negotiations with the Thracians, and to ask me if it would not be

desirable to include the whole of the Peloponnesus."

"He must indeed be a blockhead! Well, Professor, keep quiet for the

evening, and don't show yourself in the streets. I am going to take

a little stroll of observation before bed, and to-morrow morning we

shall hold a committee of personal safety."

On ordinary occasions, the streets of Frankfort are utterly deserted

by ten o'clock. This night, however, the case was different. Groups

of ill-looking, ruffianly fellows, were collected at the corners of

the streets; and more than once, beneath the blouse, I could detect

the glitter of a furtive weapon. There were lights and bustle in the

club-houses, and every thing betokened the approach of a popular

emeute.

"You will do well," said I to the Swiss porter of the _Russischer

Hof_ on re-entering, "to warn any strangers in your house to keep

within doors to-morrow. Unless I am strangely mistaken, we shall have

a repetition of the scenes in Paris to-morrow. In the mean time, I

shall trouble you for my key."

I rose next morning at six, and looked out of my window, half

expecting to see a barricade; but for once I was disappointed--the

Germans are a much slower set than the French. At nine, however,

there were reasonable symptoms of commotion, and I could hear the

hoarse roar of a mob in the distance whilst I was occupied in shaving.

Presently up came a waiter.

"The Herr Professor desires me to say that, if you have no objection,

he would be glad to breakfast in your room." My apartments were on

the third story.

"Show him up," said I; and my friend entered as pale as death.

"O August Reignold, this is a horrible business!"

"Pshaw!" said I, "how can you expect unity without a row?"

"But they tell me that the mob are already breaking into the

assembly--into the free, inviolable, sacred parliament of Germany!"

"Is that all? They might, in my humble opinion, be doing a great deal

worse."

"And they are beginning to put up barricades."

"That's serious," said I; "however, one comfort is, that they expect

somebody to attack them. Take your coffee, Professor, and let us

await events with fortitude. You are tolerably safe here."

The Professor groaned, for his spirit was sorely troubled. I really

felt for the poor man, who was now beginning, for the first time,

to taste the bitter fruits of revolution. They were as ashes in his

academical mouth.

There was a balcony before my window, from which I could survey the

whole of the Zeil, or principal street of Frankfort. The people were

swarming below as busy as a disturbed nest of ants. A huge gang of

fellows, with pickaxes, took up their post immediately in front of

the hotel, and began to demolish the pavement with a tolerable show

of alacrity.

"Here is the work of unity begun in earnest!" I exclaimed. "Where

is your armed burgher guard now, Professor? This is a glorious

development of your national theories! Quite right, gentlemen; upset

that carriage--roll out those barrels. In five minutes you will have

erected as pretty a fortalice as would have crowned the sconce of

Drumsnab, if Dugald Dalgetty had had his will. The arrangement also

of stationing sharpshooters at the neighbouring windows is judicious.

Have a care, Professor! If any of these patriots should chance to

recognise a recusant member, you may possibly have the worst of it.

For the sake of shelter, and to prevent accidents, I shall even put

my portmanteau in front of us; for damaged linen is better than an

ounce of lead in the thorax."

In a very short time the barricade, was completed, but as yet no

assailants had appeared. This circumstance seemed to astonish even

the insurgents, who held a consultation, and then, with tolerable

philosophy, proceeded to light their pipes. They were not altogether

composed of the lower orders; some of them seemed to belong to the

middle-classes, and were the active directors of the defence. We

could not, of course, tell what was going on in other parts of the

town, for all communication was barred. Better for us it was so, for

about this time Prince Lichnowsky, and Major von Auerswaldt were

murdered.

A considerable period of time elapsed, and yet there was no

appearance of the soldiery. I had almost begun to think that the

insurrection might pass away without bloodshed, when a mounted

aide-de-camp rode up and conferred with the leaders on the barricade.

From his gestures it was evident that he was urging them to disperse,

but this they peremptorily refused. Shortly afterwards a body of

Austrian soldiers charged up the street at double-quick time, and the

firing began in earnest.

"I am a doomed man!" cried the Professor, and he leaped convulsively

on my bed. "As sure as Archimedes was killed in his closet, I shall

be dragged out to the street and massacred!"

"No fear of that," said I. "Body of Bacon, man! do you think that

those fellows have nothing else to do than to hunt out philosophers?

That's sharp work though! The windows are strongly manned, and I fear

the military will suffer."

The loud explosion of a cannon shook the hotel, and a grateful sound

it was, for I knew that, if artillery were employed, the cause of

order was secure. It produced, however, a contrary effect on the

Professor, who thought he was listening to his death-knell. On a

sudden there was a trampling on the stairs.

"They are coming for me!" groaned the Professor. "_Ora pro nobis!_

I shall never read a lecture more!" And sure enough the door was

flung open, and five or six Prussian soldiers, bearing their muskets,

entered. Klingemann dropped down in a swoon.

"You must excuse ceremony, gentlemen," said the corporal; "we have

orders to dislodge the rioters." And forthwith the whole party

stepped out on the balcony, and commenced a regular fusillade.

Presently one of them dropped his weapon, and staggered into the

room; he had received a bad wound in the shoulder. Immediately

afterwards a bullet went plump into my portmanteau.

"Oh confound it!" cried I; "if they are beginning to attack property,

it is full time to be on the alert. With your leave, friend, I shall

borrow your musket."

Next morning I took a final farewell of the Professor. The good

man was much agitated, for, besides his bodily terror, he had been

suffering from the effects of a violent purgative attack.

"I have thought seriously over what you said, my dear boy, and I

begin to perceive that I have been acting very much like a fool.

I shall pack up my chattels this evening, wash my hands of public

affairs, and return to lay my old bones in peace beside those of my

predecessors in the university."

"You can't do better, Professor; and if, in your prelections, you

would omit all notice of Harmodius and Aristogiton, and say as little

as possible about the Lacedæmonian code, it might tend to promote the

welfare of your students, both in this world and in the next."

"Of that, my dear August Reignold, I am now thoroughly convinced. But

you must admit that the abstract idea of unity--"

"Is utter fudge! You see the result of it already in the blood which

is thickening in the streets. Adieu, Professor! Put your cockade in

the fire, and offer my warmest congratulations to your friend Mr

Simon of Treves."

Two days afterwards I experienced a genuine spasm of satisfaction

while setting my foot on Dutch ground at Arnheim. The change from

a democratic to a conservative country was so exhilarating, that I

nearly slew myself by drinking confusion to democracy in bumpers of

veritable Schiedam.

SATIRES AND CARICATURES OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.[1]

Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, Volume 64, No. 397, November 1848 · 第 4 / 21 段