The other guest at the dinner was likewise a person worth hearing about.

Gaylord Wilshire had made a fortune in billboard advertising in Los

Angeles (Wilshire Boulevard is named after him). Then out of a clear sky

he announced his conversion to socialism, made a speech in one of the

city parks, and was sent to jail for it. He started a weekly; he then

brought it to New York and turned it into a monthly. He was spending his

money fast, offering prizes such as grand pianos and trips around the

world for the greatest number of new subscribers. He had a standing

offer of ten thousand dollars to William Jennings Bryan to debate

socialism with him, but the canny “boy orator” never took that easy

money; he knew nothing about socialism, and the quick-witted editor

would have made a monkey of him.

Wilshire always insisted that his conversion was purely a matter of

intellect; he had become convinced that capitalism was self-eliminating,

and that its breakdown was near. But as a matter of fact, a sense of

justice and a kind heart had much to do with his crusade. To hear him

talk, you would think him a cynical man of the world, a veritable

Mephisto; but his greatest faults were generosity, which made it

impossible for him to keep money, and a sort of “Colonel Sellers”

optimism, which made him sure he was going to get a lot more at once.

The advertising men in New York had assured him that the problem of a

monthly magazine was solved when it got four hundred thousand

subscribers, because at that mark the advertising made any magazine

self-sustaining. Hence the prizes; but alas, when the four hundred

thousand mark was reached, it was discovered that the big national

advertisers would not patronize a magazine that in its reading columns

threatened their privileges. So Wilshire was “stuck,” and went into the

business of mining gold in order to keep his magazine going in spite of

the advertisers. That is a tale I shall tell later.

The editor took me uptown and introduced me to two sisters, of whom the

older soon became his wife. The couple came to Princeton on their

honeymoon and became our intimate friends. Mary Wilshire was a sort of

older sister to me--though as a matter of fact I believe she was

younger. “Gay” printed my picture in his magazine, and introduced me to

the socialist movement as a coming novelist. I wrote for his columns--I

remember “The Toy and the Man,” wherein I poked fun at the desire of

grown-up Americans to accumulate quantities of unnecessary material

things. If you look about you at the America of sixty years later, you

will see that my sermon failed entirely of its effect.

It was either that summer or the next that the Wilshires took us with

them for a two-week trip to Halifax, the editor having got

transportation in exchange for advertising. We drove about and saw the

Nova Scotia country, at its loveliest in early summer, and went swimming

by moonlight in an inland lake. Incidentally, I discovered some

cousins--it seems that a branch of the Sinclairs had left Virginia after

the Civil War; so here was a surgeon at this British Army station.

Somehow I got the impression that he was not entirely proud of his young

genius relative, with an unmodish wife who took care of her own baby. He

did not invite us to meet the wealth and fashion of the British Army,

and we had time to ramble alone on the beach, where the baby filled his

chubby fists with masses of squashy starfish.

IV

_Manassas_ was completed in the spring of 1904 and published in August.

Meanwhile I was reading the socialist weekly, _Appeal to Reason_, which

was published in Girard, Kansas; it then had a circulation of half a

million, and doubled it in the next few years. At that time two Western

Miners’ officials, Moyer and Haywood, were being tried for a murder that

they probably did not commit. The _Appeal_ was sure of their innocence.

I was too, and in general I was becoming a red-hot “radical.” When the

twenty thousand workers in the Chicago stockyards had their strike

smashed in a most shocking way, I wrote a manifesto addressed to them:

“You have lost the strike, and now what are you going to do about it?”

This was just the sort of thing the _Appeal_ wanted, and they made it

into a shouting first-page broadside and distributed hundreds of

thousands of copies. I wrote a second broadside, “Farmers of America,

Unite!” The _Appeal_ paid me for this by sending me twenty or thirty

thousand copies, which was like a present of a herd of white elephants!

I had to hire a boy and a horse and buggy for a couple of weeks to

distribute them over the countryside around Princeton. Two years later I

ran for Congress on the socialist ticket in that district, and maybe my

propaganda got me half a dozen extra votes.

I learned something about the American small farming community during my

three and a half years near Princeton. What their fathers had done, they

did; as their fathers had voted, so voted they, and thought it was for

Lincoln, or perhaps Tilden. They lived in pitiful ignorance and under

the shadow of degeneracy. I often thought of writing a book about

them--but you would not have believed me, because the facts fitted so

perfectly into my socialist thesis that you would have been sure I was

making them to order.

In a neighborhood two miles square, which I knew by personal contact and

the gossip of neighbors, the only decent families were half a dozen that

lived on farms of a hundred acres or more. The families that lived on

ten or twenty-acre farms contained drunkards, degenerates, mental or

physical defectives, semi-idiots, victims of tuberculosis or of venereal

disease, and now and then a petty criminal. You could descend in the

scale, according to the size of the farm, until you came to the Jukes--I

don’t recall their real name, but students of eugenics will accept that

substitute. The Jukes had no farm at all, but squatted in an old barn,

and had six half-naked brats, and got drunk on vinegar, and beat each

other, and howled and screamed and rioted, and stole poultry and apples

from the neighbors.

These small farmers of New Jersey and other eastern states represented

what had been left behind from wave after wave of migration--either to

the West or to the cities. The capable and active ones escaped, while

the weak ones stayed behind and constituted our “farm problem.”

Prohibition did not touch them because they made their own “applejack,”

with sixty per cent alcohol. Politics touched them only once a year,

when they were paid from two to five dollars for each vote the family

could produce. They worked their children sixteen hours a day and sent

them to school three or four months in winter, where they learned enough

to figure a list of groceries, and to read a local weekly containing

reports of church “sociables” and a few canned items supplied by the

power trust; also a Methodist or Baptist paper, with praises of the

“blood of the Lamb” and of patent medicines containing opium and

coal-tar poisons. Such was agricultural New Jersey almost sixty years

ago. The farms still go on voting for Lincoln and McKinley, and hating

the labor unions that force up the prices of the things farmers have to

buy.

V

A play called _Candida_ by a new British dramatist had been produced in

New York. I had no money to see plays, but I borrowed the book, and it

was like meeting Shelley face to face, a rapturous experience. Then came

_Man and Superman_--I remember reading it in the summertime, lying in a

hammock by my woodland cabin and kicking my heels in the air with

delight over the picture of the British aristocracy in heaven--not

understanding the music, and being bored to death, but staying because

they considered that their social position required it.

I was supporting my wife now, after a fashion, and so was in better

standing with my father-in-law. He had a six-week vacation in the latter

half of the summer, and invited me to accompany him on a canoe trip in

northern Ontario. My father-in-law was a city-bred man with a passion

for the primitive; he wanted to get to some place where no man had ever

been before, and then he would explode with delight and exclaim, “Wild

as hell!” We went up to the head of Lake Temeskaming, made a long

portage, and paddled over a chain of lakes some two or three hundred

miles, coming out by the Sturgeon River to Lake Winnipeg. We took two

canoes, and lugged them heroically on our shoulders, and learned to use

a “tumpline,” and ran dangerous rapids with many thrills, and killed a

dozen great pike in a day, and paddled up to a dozen moose so close that

we could have touched them with our paddles. This country, which is full

of cobalt and copper, is now a great mining region, but at that time

there were not even trails, and the only white man we saw in several

weeks was the keeper of a Hudson’s Bay Company post.

Here were Indians living in their primitive condition, and this

interested me greatly. I asked many questions, and the trader at the

post told me how in wintertime these Indians would kill a moose, and

then move to the moose, and camp there until they had picked the bones.

When I was writing _Oil!_ I remembered this; I told about “Dad,” my

oilman, who would drill a well, and move his family to the well; I

compared him to the Indians who moved their families to a moose. Later

in the book I remarked, “Dad had moved to another moose”; and this got

me into trouble with printers and proofreaders, who would insist upon

making “moose” into “house.” I changed it back two or three times--until

finally I received a letter from one of the executives of the firm,

calling my attention to the difficulty; surely I could not be meaning to

say that Dad had moved to a _moose_!

Going back home, I found _Manassas_ about to appear, and this was the

psychological moment to make a killing with the magazines. Gertrude

Atherton had published in the _North American Review_ an article

speculating as to why American literature, with so many opportunities to

be robust, should be so bourgeois. I wrote a reply, interpreting

American literature in terms of economics; but the _Review_ turned me

down. I took the article to _Colliers_, then edited by Norman Hapgood,

and he published it. The article was one of the strongest I have ever

written, but there was not a line about it in the capitalist newspapers.

I could not comprehend this; but now, after it has happened to me so

many times, I know what to think.

_Collier’s_ published another article of mine, telling the American

people what socialists believed and aimed at. But that was the last. The

editors accepted an open letter to Lincoln Steffens about his series of

articles on “The Shame of the Cities,” which was appearing in

_McClure’s_. I had written a criticism of his articles, pointing out

that the corruption he reported came about because big business bought

the politicians or elected them; and that there could never be an end to

it until the government owned businesses, especially the public

utilities. I sent the article to Steffens. He wrote me that it was the

best criticism of his work that he had seen; he wanted _McClure’s_ to

publish it, but they didn’t dare to. So I turned it into an open letter

and sent it to _Collier’s_. I have told in _The Brass Check_ how I was

invited to Robbie Collier’s for dinner, and how old Peter Collier,

ex-packpeddler, announced to me that he would not permit my articles to

appear in his paper and “scare away” his half-million subscribers. The

greater part of the letter to Steffens was published in my book, _The

Industrial Republic_, long since out of print. It contained a remarkable

prophecy of our successive world crises.

Steffens and I became friends at that time. He remained always one of my

closest and dearest friends, and we met whenever we were in the same

neighborhood. In 1914, I remember, he came out to Croton, near New York,

where we had rented a little house, and spent several weekends with us.

Once I took him for a tramp in the snow before he had had his coffee. He

appealed to my wife never to let that happen again, and she promised.

VI

_Manassas_ appeared, and won critical praise, but sold less than two

thousand copies. The “men of this land” did not care about the heritage

that was come down to them; or, at any rate, they did not care to hear

about it from me. The five-hundred-dollar advance on this book was about

all I got for my labors. I had written in the course of four and one

half years a total of six novels or novelettes, published four of them,

and the sum of my receipts therefrom was less than one thousand dollars.

Nevertheless, _Manassas_ was the means of leading me out of the woods.

The editor of the _Appeal to Reason_ read it and wrote me with

enthusiasm; I had portrayed the struggle over chattel slavery in

America, and now, why not do the same thing for wage slavery? I answered

that I would do it, provided he would stake me. The editor, Fred D.

Warren, agreed to advance five hundred dollars for the serial rights of

the novel, and I selected the Chicago stockyards as its scene. The

recent strike had brought the subject to my thoughts; and my manifesto,

“You have lost the strike,” had put me in touch with socialists among

the stockyard workers.

So, in October 1904 I set out for Chicago, and for seven weeks lived

among the wage slaves of the Beef Trust, as we called it in those days.

People used to ask me afterward if I had not spent my life in Chicago,

and I answered that if I had done so, I could never have written _The

Jungle_; I would have taken for granted things that now hit me a sudden

violent blow. I went about, white-faced and thin, partly from

undernourishment, partly from horror. It seemed to me I was confronting

a veritable fortress of oppression. How to breach those walls, or to

scale them, was a military problem.

I sat at night in the homes of the workers, foreign-born and native, and

they told me their stories, one after one, and I made notes of

everything. In the daytime I would wander about the yards, and my

friends would risk their jobs to show me what I wanted to see. I was not

much better dressed than the workers, and found that by the simple

device of carrying a dinner pail I could go anywhere. So long as I kept

moving, no one would heed me. When I wanted to make careful

observations, I would pass again and again through the same room.

I went about the district, talking with lawyers, doctors, dentists,

nurses, policemen, politicians, real-estate agents--every sort of

person. I got my meals at the University Settlement, where I could check

my data with the men and women who were giving their lives to this

neighborhood. When the book appeared, they were a little shocked to find

how bad it seemed to the outside world; but Mary MacDowell and her group

stood by me pretty bravely--considering that the packers had given them

the cots on which the strike breakers had slept during their sojourn

inside the packing plants in violation of city laws!

I remember being invited to Hull House to dinner and sitting next to the

saintly Jane Addams. I got into an argument with her consecrated band,

and upheld my contention that the one useful purpose of settlements was

the making of settlement workers into socialists. Afterward Jane Addams

remarked to a friend that I was a young man who had a great deal to

learn. Both she and I went on diligently learning, so that when we met

again, we did not have so much to argue over.

One stroke of good fortune for me was the presence in Chicago of Adolphe

Smith, correspondent of the _Lancet_, the leading medical paper of Great

Britain. Smith was one of the founders of the Social-Democratic

Federation in England, and at the same time an authority on abattoirs,

having studied the packing plants of the world for the _Lancet_.

Whenever I was in doubt about the significance of my facts--when I

wondered if possibly my horror might be the oversensitiveness of a young

idealist--I would fortify myself by Smith’s expert, professional horror.

“These are not packing plants at all,” he declared; “these are packing

boxes crammed with wage slaves.”

At the end of a month or more, I had my data and knew the story I meant

to tell, but I had no characters. Wandering about “back of the yards”

one Sunday afternoon I saw a wedding party going into the rear room of a

saloon. There were several carriages full of people. I stopped to watch,

and as they seemed hospitable, I slipped into the room and stood against

the wall. There the opening chapter of _The Jungle_ began to take form.

There were my characters--the bride, the groom, the old mother and

father, the boisterous cousin, the children, the three musicians,

everybody. I watched them one after another, fitted them into my story,

and began to write the scene in my mind, going over it and over, as was

my custom, fixing it fast. I went away to supper, and came back again,

and stayed until late at night, sitting in a chair against the wall, not

talking to anyone, just watching, imagining, and engraving the details

on my mind. It was two months before I got settled at home and first put

pen to paper; but the story stayed, and I wrote down whole paragraphs,

whole pages, exactly as I had memorized them.

VII

Our life in the little sixteen-by-eighteen cabin had been wretched, and

we had set our hearts upon getting a regular farmhouse. We had gone

riding about the neighborhood, imagining ourselves in this house and

that--I looking for economy, and Corydon looking for beauty, and both of

us having the “blues” because the two never came together. Finally

Corydon had her way--in imagination at any rate; we chose a farm with a

good eight-room house that could be bought for $2,600, one thousand cash

and the rest on mortgage. There were sixty acres to the place, with good

barns, a wood lot, and three orchards; we imagined a cow, some chickens,

a horse and buggy--and persuaded ourselves that all this would pay for

itself.

Now, before starting on _The Jungle_, I went to call upon Dr. Savage,

who had married us; I poured out my woes upon his devoted head. I told

him how Corydon had come close to suicide the previous winter and how I

dreaded another siege in our crowded quarters. I so worked upon his

feelings that he agreed to lend me a thousand dollars, and take another

mortgage on the farm as security. Poor, kind soul, he must have listened

to many a painful story in that big church study of his! He assured me

he was not a rich man, and I was glad when I was able to repay the money

at the end of a year.

We moved into the new, palatial quarters, elegantly furnished with odds

and ends picked up at the “vendues” that were held here and there over

the countryside whenever some one died or moved away. You stood around

in the snow and stamped your feet, and waited for a chance to bid on a

lot of three kitchen chairs, with one seat and two rungs missing, or a

dozen dishes piled in a cracked washbasin. You paid cash and had

twenty-four hours in which to fetch your goods. I purchased a cow at

such a sale, also a horse and buggy.

For my previous winters writing I had built with my own hands a little

cabin, eight feet wide and ten feet long, roofed with tar paper, and

supplied with one door and one window. In it stood a table, a chair, a

homemade shelf for books, and a little round potbellied stove that

burned coal--since the urgencies of inspiration were incompatible with

keeping up a wood fire. This little cabin was now loaded onto a farmer’s

wagon and transported to the new place, and set up on an exposed ridge;

in those days I valued view more than shelter, but nowadays I am less

romantic, and keep out of the wind. To this retreat I repaired on

Christmas Day, and started the first chapter of _The Jungle_.

For three months I worked incessantly. I wrote with tears and anguish,

pouring into the pages all the pain that life had meant to me.

Externally, the story had to do with a family of stockyard workers, but

internally it was the story of my own family. Did I wish to know how the

poor suffered in wintertime in Chicago? I had only to recall the

previous winter in the cabin, when we had had only cotton blankets, and

had put rugs on top of us, and cowered shivering in our separate beds.

It was the same with hunger, with illness, with fear. Ona was Corydon,

speaking Lithuanian but otherwise unchanged. Our little boy was down

with pneumonia that winter, and nearly died, and the grief of that went

into the book.

VIII

Three months of incessant work and little exercise put my stomach nearly

out of commission. A relative offered me some kind of pass on a steamer

to Savannah, and I took this trip, and went on to Florida, and spent a

couple of weeks roaming the beaches and fishing in the surf; I came back

refreshed, and put in the spring and summer on my task. The story had

begun in the _Appeal to Reason_--circulation half a million--and I was

getting letters from readers; I realized that this time I had something

that would be read. “I am afraid to trust myself to tell you how it

affects me,” wrote David Graham Phillips.

Of course I had some human life during that year. There were times when

the country was beautiful; when the first snow fell, and again when the

peach orchard turned pink, the pear orchard white, and the apple orchard

pink and white. We had a vegetable garden, and had not yet discovered

that it cost us more than buying the vegetables. We bought some goose

eggs, hatched a flock of eight or ten, and chased them all over the

countryside until one day they disappeared into the stomachs of the

foxes or the Jukeses. I worked on the place all my spare time in summer

and became a jack-of-all-trades. I drove a hayrake, which was

picturesque and romantic--except that the clouds of pollen dust set me

to sneezing my head off. I was continually catching cold in those days,

and was still at the stage where I went to doctors, and let them give

me pills and powders, and pump my nose full of red and blue and green

and yellow-colored liquids, which never had the slightest effect that I

could discover.

Shortly before the completion of the book, I set to work at the

launching of the Intercollegiate Socialist Society. I had reflected much

upon my education in college and university, and made sure that my

ignorance of the modern revolutionary movement had not been an accident.

Since the professors refused to teach the students about modern life, it

was up to the students to teach themselves; so I sent a circular letter

to all the college socialists I knew of and invited them to organize. On

September 12, 1905, we had a dinner at Peck’s Restaurant on Fulton

Street in New York, and chose Jack London as our president. The

newspapers gave three or four inches to the doings of this peculiar set

of cranks. I remember calling up the secretary of some university club

to ask for the membership list, and I could not make him understand the

strange name of our organization. “Intercollegiate _Socialist_ Society,

you say?” The Catholic Anarchist League, the Royal Communist Club, the

Association of Baptist Bolsheviks!

We had no income, of course, and everything was done by volunteer labor.

Many times I sat up until two or three in the morning, wrapping packages

of literature to be mailed to persons who did not always want them and

sometimes wrote to say so. One who attended our first meeting was a

young student at Wesleyan by the name of Harry Laidler, and for several

years it was my dream that some day we might have an income of eighteen

dollars per week so that Harry could be our full-time secretary. The

organization, now known as the League for Industrial Democracy, has not

merely Harry W. Laidler but Norman Thomas also, and has raised about

fifty thousand dollars a year. Not so much, compared with the resources

of the power trust, but we have interested and trained two generations

of socialists, progressives, and liberals. The league has been at the

same address, 112 East 19th Street, New York, for some fifty-five

years--in itself an achievement; if you want to know about it, send a

postcard.

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