Even if Christianity, itself renewed, could successfully encounter the

achievement of renewing society, De Maistre's ideal of a spiritual power

controlling the temporal power, and conciliating peoples with their

rulers by persuasion and a coercion only moral, appears to have little

chance of being realised. The separation of the two powers is sealed,

with a completeness that is increasingly visible. The principles on

which the process of the emancipation of politics is being so rapidly

carried on, demonstrate that the most marked tendencies of modern

civilisation are strongly hostile to a renewal in any imaginable shape,

or at any future time, of a connection whether of virtual subordination

or nominal equality, which has laid such enormous burdens on the

consciences and understandings of men. If the Church has the uppermost

hand, except in primitive times, it destroys freedom; if the State is

supreme, it destroys spirituality. The free Church in the free State is

an idea that every day more fully recommends itself to the public

opinion of Europe, and the sovereignty of the Pope, like that of all

other spiritual potentates, can only be exercised over those who choose

of their own accord to submit to it; a sovereignty of a kind which De

Maistre thought not much above anarchy.

To conclude, De Maistre's mind was of the highest type of those who fill

the air with the arbitrary assumptions of theology, and the abstractions

of the metaphysical stage of thought. At every point you meet the

peremptorily declared volition of a divine being, or the ontological

property of a natural object. The French Revolution is explained by the

will of God; and the kings reign because they have the _esprit royal_.

Every truth is absolute, not relative; every explanation is universal,

not historic. These differences in method and point of view amply

explain his arrival at conclusions that seem so monstrous to men who

look upon all knowledge as relative, and insist that the only possible

road to true opinion lies away from volitions and abstractions in the

positive generalisations of experience. There can be no more

satisfactory proof of the rapidity with which we are leaving these

ancient methods, and the social results which they produced, than the

willingness with which every rightly instructed mind now admits how

indispensable were the first, and how beneficial the second. Those can

best appreciate De Maistre and his school, what excellence lay in their

aspirations, what wisdom in their system, who know most clearly why

their aspirations were hopeless, and what makes their system an

anachronism.

FOOTNOTES:

[10] De Maistre forgot or underestimated the services of Leo the

Isaurian whose repulse of the Caliph's forces at Constantinople (A.D.

717) was perhaps as important for Europe as the more renowned victory of

Charles Martel. But then Leo was an Iconoclast and heretic. Cf. Finlay's

_Byzantine Empire_, pp. 22, 23.

[11] _Du Pape_, bk. iii. c. iv. p. 298 (ed. 1866).

[12] _Du Pape_, bk. iv. c. vii.

[13] A remark of Mr. Finlay's is worth quoting here. 'The Greeks,' he

says, 'had at times only a secondary share in the ecclesiastical

controversies in the Eastern Church, though the circumstance of these

controversies having been carried on in the Greek language has made the

natives of Western Europe attribute them to a philosophic, speculative,

and polemic spirit, inherent in the Hellenic mind. A very slight

examination of history is sufficient to prove that several of the

heresies which disturbed the Eastern Church had their origin in the more

profound religious ideas of the oriental nations, and that many of the

opinions called heretical were in a great measure expressions of the

mental nationality of the Syrians, Armenians, Egyptians, and Persians,

and had no conception whatever with the Greek mind.'--_Byzantine Empire,

from 716 to 1057_, p. 262.

The same writer (p. 263) remarks very truly, that 'the religious or

theological portion of Popery, as a section of the Christian Church, is

really Greek; and it is only the ecclesiastical, political, and

theoretic peculiarities of the fabric which can be considered as the

work of the Latin Church.'

[14] Sir J. Fitzjames Stephen in the _Saturday Review_, Sept. 9, 1865,

p. 334.

[15] _Du Pape_, bk. i. c. i. p. 17.

[16] _Ib._ bk. i. c. xix. pp. 124, 125.

[17] _Ib._ bk. i. c. xvi. p. 111.

[18] '_Il n'y a point de souveraineté qui pour le bonheur des hommes, et

pour le sien surtout, ne soit bornée de quelque manière, mais dans

l'intérieur de ces bornes, placées comme il plaît à Dieu, elle est

toujours et partout absolue et tenue pour infaillible. Et quand je parle

de l'exercice légitime de la souveraineté, je n'entends point ou je ne

dis point l'exercice_ juste, _ce qui produirait une amphibologie

dangereuse, à moins que par ce dernier mot on ne veuille dire que tout

ce qu'elle opine dans son cercle est_ juste ou tenu pour tel, _ce qui

est la vérité. C'est ainsi qu'un tribunal suprême, tant qu'il ne sort

pas de ses attributions, est toujours juste_; car c'est la même chose

DANS LA PRATIQUE, d'être infaillible, ou de se tromper sans appel.'--Bk.

ii. c. xi. p. 212 (footnote).

[19] Thomassin, the eminent French theologian, flourished from the

middle to the end of the seventeenth century. The aim of his writings

generally was to reconcile conflicting opinions on discipline or

doctrine by exhibiting a true sense in all. In this spirit he wrote on

the Pope and the Councils, and on the never-ending question of Grace.

Among other things, he insisted that all languages could be traced to

the Hebrew. He wrote a defence of the edict in which Lewis XIV. revoked

the Edict of Nantes, contending that it was less harsh than some of the

decrees of Theodosius and Justinian, which the holiest fathers of the

Church had not scrupled to approve--an argument which would now be

thought somewhat too dangerous for common use, as cutting both ways.

Gibbon made use of his _Discipline de l'Eglise_ in the twentieth

chapter, and elsewhere.

[20] _Du Pape_, bk. i. c. xviii. p. 122.

[21] Bk. i. c. xvii. p. 117.

[22] Littré, _Auguste Comte et la Phil. Posit._ p. 152.

[23] _Du Pape_, Conclusion, p. 380.

* * * * *

END OF VOL. II.

* * * * *

_Printed by_ R. & R. Clark, Limited, _Edinburgh_.

Transcribers' Notes:

Minor printer errors (omitted quotation marks) have been amended without

note. Other errors have been amended and are listed below.

OE/oe ligatures have not been retained in this version.

List of Amendments:

Page 305: lights amended to rights; "... freedom, of equal rights, and

by ..."

Page 329: impressisn amended to impression; "... theory made a deep

impression on the mind ..."

End of Project Gutenberg's Critical Miscellanies (Vol. 2 of 3), by John Morley

Critical Miscellanies (Vol. 2 of 3), Essay 4: Joseph de Maistre · 第 5 / 5 段