adopted measures of retaliation. Accusations were preferred against
church officers. They were accused, for instance, of being present
at horse-races, or at ale-feasts, where there was fiddling, bowling,
or tippling going on; of neglecting to sing psalms in the family; of
entertaining Cavaliers; of affirming that the Parliament was a body
without a head; of appealing to the authority of Scripture in support
of the royal cause; and of never having publicly manifested any sorrow
for malignancy. These accusations were followed by recriminations on
the opposite side.--_Hist. of the Foundations of Manchester_, i. 276.
[167] The following passage with respect to him occurs in the _Life of
Adam Martindale_, p. 61:--
"Mr. Heyrick was then up at London, and after his coming down, I heard
him, on a fast day, in a great congregation at Manchester, declare
himself (before the ministers of the classis then just setting up)
so perfect a latitudinarian as to affirm that the Episcopalians,
Presbyterians, and Independents, might all practice according to their
own judgments, yet each by Divine right. How his brethren liked this
I know not; but I am sure so he said, his text being: 'The government
shall be upon his shoulder' (Isaiah ix. 6). And Mr. Harrison did little
less than contradict him, following him upon that text (Zechariah iv.
9), making it his great business to reprove the Independents for not
laying a good foundation."
[168] _Hist. of Manchester_, i. 238.
[169] The _Diary_ and _the Autobiography of Newcome_, and the _Life of
Adam Martindale_, have been published by the Cheetham Society.
[170] It may be seen in Sion College Library. I feel much pleasure in
here expressing my thanks to the librarian for the courteous aid he has
afforded me in my researches.
[171] "In regard there was no more ministers present by reason of the
Act at Oxford, the further consideration was deferred."
[172] _16th February, 1656._--"The question of the Fifth Monarchy being
propounded, it was debated whether there shall be a more glorious time
for the Church of Christ before the end of the world. Ordered that this
branch of the question be further debated the next meeting."
[173] The title of Saint is carefully dropped.
[174] Some portions of the minutes of meetings held at Sion College
are preserved in Dr. Williams's Library. From them we extract the
following:--
"_Die Lunæ, Dec. 30, 1650._
"Present, Mr. Bedford. The first proposition.--'The ministers that
undertook this not yet met.'
"The second proposition.--'None met of this company.'
"Present, Mr. Drake, Mr. Robinson, Mr. Watson. The third
proposition.--'Something prepared, but the company have not yet met.'
"Present, Mr. Sheffield, Taylor, Blackwell, Wickens, Blackmer. The
fourth proposition papers delivered upon this question.
"Present, Dr. Seaman, Mr. Jackson, Mr. Tawler, Mr. Poole. Fifth
proposition.--'One paper delivered about this question.'
"Two papers brought in concerning the fourth proposition at this
meeting.
"The paper delivered in about the fourth proposition was read."
These notes seem to refer to heads of debate, prepared at a committee,
December the 4th, 1650.
"1. That there is an office of the ministry instituted by Christ.
"2. That this office is perpetual.
"3. That Christ hath appointed in His word the way of separating men to
the office of the ministry.
"4. That election and ordination is that way of Christ.
"5. That this ordination----"
Here the MS. abruptly breaks off.
References to these propositions in subsequent minutes are of frequent
occurrence.
[175] The county of Essex was formally divided into classes; and the
particular arrangement of them, with the names of the ministers as
approved by the Committee of Lords and Commons, still exists, but
beyond that, I am ignorant of what was done.
The document entitled, _The Division of the County of Essex into
Several Classes, &c._, 1648, is printed at length, with numerous
curious annotations in _David's Annals of Evangelical Nonconformity in
the County of Essex_.
[176] See _Johnson's English Canons_, Oxford Edit., ii. 325.
[177] Coleridge's remark is worth remembering in connection with
the Presbyterian endeavours after discipline: "With regard to the
discipline _attempted_ by the Antiprelatic Episcopalian (?) clergy, let
it not be forgotten that the Church of England has solemnly expressed
and recorded her regret that the evil of the times had prevented its
establishment, and bequeaths the undertaking as a sacred trust to a
more gracious age.--_Notes on Southey's Life of Wesley_, i. 199. But is
discipline a possible thing in a State-established Church.
Keble, in his _Life of Wilson, Bishop of Sodor and Man_, speaks of
the "nation's general hatred of ecclesiastical discipline;" and after
giving an account of the ecclesiastical courts in the Isle of Man,
says: It was a reality there "for years after it had come to be a
shadow in the whole Anglican Church elsewhere," p. 140. He justly
remarks that the Manx code implies faith on the part of the people.
Some of the laws are curious enough, (see i. 204), and present a
chapter in ecclesiastical history worth studying. The sanction and
enforcement of such a scheme by the civil power is utterly opposed to
the principle of toleration.
[178] See accounts of this church in _Strype's Stow_, i. 583. Stow
mentions as hung up in the cloisters a gigantic shank-bone of a man.
[179] _Account of the Ejected_, p. 5.
[180] A copy of this is entered in the MS. volume of minutes of the
London Synod, Sion College Library.
[181] _Strype's Stow_, i. 381.
[182] _Howe's Works_, vi. 298.
[183] _Clarke's Lives_, preface, p. 8.
[184] See _Howe's Funeral Sermon_ (_Works_, vi. 349), in which he
speaks of Vink as endowed with singular parts.
[185] All this and much more is said to his honour by Calamy in his
funeral sermon.
[186] "In Worcestershire," says Baxter, "they attempted and agreed upon
an association, in which Episcopalians, Presbyterians, Independents,
and the disengaged, consented to terms of love and concord in the
practising so much of discipline in the parishes, as all the parties
were agreed in (which was drawn up) and forbearing each other in the
rest. Westmoreland, and Cumberland, and Essex, and Hampshire, and
Wiltshire, and Dorsetshire, quickly imitated them, and made the like
association, and it was going on, and likely to have been commonly
practised, till the return of the bishops after brake it." This is
taken from a paper among the _Baxter MSS._ (_Red Cross-street_), vol.
ii., No. 28.
When Baxter became acquainted with Ussher, he treated with him about
terms of union "between Episcopalians and Presbyterians and other
Nonconformists."
[187] "This magnificent structure, sharing the common calamity of
civil war, the west part thereof was converted into a stable, and the
stately new portico into shops for milliners and others, with rooms
over them for the convenience of lodging: at the erecting of which the
magnificent columns were piteously mangled, being obliged to make way
for the ends of beams which penetrated their centres."--_Maitland's
London_, vol. ii. 1165.
[188] _Vain Religion of the Formal Hypocrite._--_Baxter's Works_, xvii.
80.
The authorities for our account of Baxter are his _Life and Times_, and
the MSS. in Dr. Williams' Library.
[189] _Swinnock's Life of Wilson._
[190] Gataker's remarkable book, _On the Nature and Use of Different
Kinds of Lots_, 1619 (in which he maintains that lots are regulated by
natural laws) abounds in out of the way learning.
[191] _A Discourse Apologetical, wherein Lilies' Lies in his Merlin, or
Pasquil for 1654, are laid open._
[192] _Gataker's Discours Apologetical_, 33-49.--In this amusing
history he tells the following story:
"A gentleman being missed at chapel by some of those that used there to
meet him, and coming late into the hall at dinner, and being thereupon
demanded by one of them where he had been straying abroad, 'I have
been,' quoth he, 'at Paul's Cross.' 'Thou wentest thither sure to hear
some news,' said the other. 'No, truly,' replied he, 'I went upon
another occasion, but I learned that indeed there, which I never heard
of before; how the ass came by his long ears. For the preacher there
told us a story out of a Jewish rabbin, that Adam, after he had named
the creatures, called them one day again before him to try whether they
remembered the names that he had given them; and having by name cited
the lion, the lion drew near to him, and the horse likewise; but then
calling to the ass in like manner, the ass having forgotten his name,
like an ass, stood still; whereupon Adam, having beckoned to him with
his hand, so soon as he came within his reach, caught him with both
hands by the ears, and plucked him by them so shrewdly, that for his
short wit he gave him a long pair of ears. Upon this story being told
them, one of them told him he was well enough served for his gadding
abroad; he might have heard better and more useful matter had he kept
himself at home."
[193] This seems an imitation of the mediæval joke, "Although
Canterbury had the highest rack, yet Winchester had the better
manger."--_Hook's Archbishops of Canterbury_, iv. 198.
[194] _Life and Times_, p. ii. 363.
[195] This sermon contains a touching account of the character and
death of the young nobleman.
Gauden, in 1659, published _The Tears, Sighs, Complaints, and Prayers
of the Church of England, setting forth her former Constitution,
compared with her present Condition; also the Visible Causes and
Probable Cures of her Distempers_.
[196] _Memorials of Fuller, by Russell_, 220, 163.
At the same time Fuller animadverts on the Presbyterians and the
Sectaries, 222.
[197] The authority for this story is Calamy, in his _Life of Howe_.
Fuller had a marvellous memory; and Pepys tells a story of his
dictating, in Latin, to four persons together, faster than they could
write.--_Diary_, 22nd January, 1660-1.
[198] _Lyson's Environs_, iv. 530.
[199] _Whitaker's Hist._, p. 7.
[200] This notice of the appointment of a pastor is founded upon an
entry in the Church Book at Bury St. Edmunds, which, on account of
the rare occurrence of such a record, we shall give at length in the
Appendix. It should be remembered that this was not an ordination to
preach, but simply an ordination to the exercise of pastoral authority
in a particular Church. Ordinations and recognition services amongst
Independents are not conducted in the present day after the manner just
described.
[201] There are letters and resolutions on this subject in the Norwich
and Yarmouth Church Books, but they are too long to be inserted here.
[202] These illustrations are chiefly taken from the _Yarmouth Church
Book_.
[203] In some cases loans were sought to meet expenses connected
with religious worship. In the _Corporation Books_ at Norwich, it is
ordered "that the mayor, sheriffs, and aldermen should every of them
lend forty shillings a man, and every of the common council twenty
shillings a man, for the building of the seats in the Dutch chapel for
the corporation and their wives." It is naïvely added--"If any man will
give half, rather than lend the whole, let it be accepted."
[204] The use in some cases of parochial edifices for church-meetings
could hardly be considered an exception to this rule. In the
_Canterbury Church Book_ this passage occurs:--"The 5th day of the
fifth month, this day the Church did unanimously agree to break
bread in the Sermon-house, and ordered that henceforth it should be
there."--_Timpson's Church Hist. of Kent_, 307.
The Sermon-house was in the crypt where Henry II. did penance after
the assassination of Thomas à Becket. It was granted to the French and
Flemish refugees by Elizabeth, in 1561. It is still used for French
worship. The long table is that at which the worshippers sit to receive
the Sacrament.
[205] He had been minister of St. Laurence, Poultry, London, whence he
removed to Aston. He held religious meetings at Nottingham after the
Restoration, and was imprisoned for it. Mr. McAll, formerly pastor of
Castle Gate, Nottingham, in a sermon he preached on the Bicentenary
Celebration of the Church there, in 1862, distinguishes between this
Thomas Palmer and the Thomas Palmer at Nottingham, who is described as
a military chaplain by Lucy Hutchinson.--_Bicentenary of Castle Gate
Meeting_, p. 73.
[206] His Lordship on another occasion, when on the Western Circuit,
remarked in a charge which he delivered to the jury:--"That in case
any ministers did not do the duties of their office, as particularly
to baptize their children, and to administer the Sacrament to all but
such as were ignorant and scandalous, they might refuse to pay them
their dues, and they should present such ministers, which was agreeable
to the law, and if they were by them presented, they should be dealt
withal."
The same Judge also observed that the payment of tithes was in return
for the performance of religious service by the minister, and if he
did not perform his duty he could not claim his rights. The ministry,
he said, in many places now dealt worse with the people than did the
Popish priests. They gave the laity one element, but these would not
allow them bread or water.
These documents are in the State Paper Office, _Dom. Interreg._,
petitions, &c., vol. xiv., p. 313. Connected with them is a petition to
Oliver Cromwell from several ministers, complaining that they had been
presented at the assizes for not administering the Lord's Supper, and
praying for protection.
[207] The notice which some Congregational societies took of public
affairs under the Commonwealth, particularly on days of special
humiliation, appears from entries in their records. When, for example,
in the year 1652, Admiral Blake met with a defeat in the Downs, and Van
Tromp, with a broom at his topmast, vauntingly threatened to sweep the
seas of the British flag, the Independents at Yarmouth (who probably
had relatives on board Blake's ships, and who had often, on the sands,
watched the flotilla which just then was freighted with the hopes of
England, as it sailed through Yarmouth Roads)--agreed on the 7th of
December, that on the following Thursday, "at ten of the clock, the
Church should meet to seek God for the navy at sea." Again, on the 5th
of December, 1656, "being appointed by the Governors of this land for a
day of fasting and humiliation--to be humbled for the rebuke the Lord
gave this nation at Domingo, and that the Lord would discover the cause
of that stroke, that every one might find out the plague of his own
heart, and that the increase and kingdom of Christ might be promoted,
and that our Governors might be faithful in all that is committed to
them--the Church hereupon agreed to take the opportunity to seek the
Lord upon the forementioned grounds." Threatenings of the plague,
breaches and divisions in Churches, brought these earnest Independents
together for special intercession.
[208] Poor Churches craved help from sister communities in better
circumstances, and did so with signal success. Whilst the spirit of
brotherly affection was seen in the bestowment of liberal contributions
to the necessitous, it was shewn also in the considerate manner of
dismissing members from one neighbourhood to another. We find the
following quaint record in the Yarmouth Church Book.
Upon "Brother Staffe" desiring his dismission through "Brother
Gideney," "the brethren desired rather that he would come down, for
they had something to communicate unto him, and that our parting might
not _be with bare paper_."
[209] _Commentary on Ezekiel_, p. xii.
[210] _Works of Howe_, vi. 340.
Thomas Brooks was a Divine, endowed richly with that quaint and curious
kind of learning which sparkles so brilliantly in the writings of
Jeremy Taylor; and though inferior to his great Church contemporary
in point of diction he surpassed him far in the sympathetic and
loving exhibition of those sentiments which are most distinctive of
the Gospel. After being minister of the parish of St. Thomas the
Apostle, he became Rector of St. Margaret's, Fish Street Hill; where,
according to Calamy, he gathered a Congregational Church, against
which proceeding some of his parishioners presented a petition. But it
appears that this is a mistake, and that he did not form an Independent
Society until after the Restoration.--_Brooks's Complete Works_, vol.
i.--_Memoir by Grosart._
[211] _Roger's Life of Howe_, 18. This interesting book is our
authority for what follows.
[212] Lord Broghill, in a letter to the Protector, Edinburgh, Feb. the
26th, 1655, speaks of "putting no small confidence in Mr. Gillespie and
Mr. Levingstone."--_Thurloe_, iv. 558.
[213] Caldewood, Spalding, Whitelocke, and Sewel.--_Orme's Life of
Owen_, 404-406.
[214] Preface to _Death of Christ_. Dublin Castle, December 20th, 1649.
"How is it that Jesus Christ is in Ireland only as a lion staining
all His garments with the blood of His enemies, and none to hold Him
forth as a Lamb sprinkled with His own blood for His friends?"--_Owen's
Sermon before Parliament_, February 28th, 1650.
[215] Quoted in _Urwick's Independency in Dublin in the Olden Time_, 12.
[216] Dr. Winter speaks of Murcot in strong terms as "an earthly
angel," and "a heavenly mortal," and his funeral shewed the estimation
in which he was held. "Great was the confluence of people who attended
the corpse to the grave. The Lord Deputy Fleetwood followed the body;
after him the Council, then the Lord Mayor, &c. Dr. Winter preached
his funeral sermon on Hebrews xiii. 7. Upon the face of the whole
congregation sat a black cloud of sorrow and disconsolation. The body
being brought unto the place of burial, the saddened spectators and
standers-by sighed him into his grave, and mingling his dust with their
tears, departed and left him in his bed of rest." Quoted from _Moses in
the Mount_.--_Urwick's Independency in Dublin_, 15.
[217] _Orme's Life of Owen_, 403.
[218] "I wish I could as truly tell you that the Independents are not
dissatisfied. It may be some of them thought they should ride, when
they had thrown the Anabaptist out of the saddle."--_Thurloe_, vii.
161, see also 199.
[219] The following items are extracted from a minute book of
Commissioners preserved in Sion College:--
"March 12th, 1650-1. £200 to Mr. Lewis Stewkley, this day approved by
this Committee for his preaching in Exeter Cathedral.
"Hereford Cathedral. £50 granted to three ministers out of the revenues
of the Dean and Chapter for their preaching in the cathedral. Mr. Ralph
London, approved by this committee upon a good testimony, ordered that
the sum be paid him, Mr. Smith, the same.
"£200 was voted to the Divinity Lecturer in Canterbury Cathedral."
July, 1656. There was a dispute about the use of Wells Cathedral.
It had been ordered that the cathedral should be used for public
worship by the inhabitants of the parish of St. Cuthbert, but this was
impeded by Dr. Cornelius Burgess, who had got himself into the actual
possession of the church, locking and barring the doors, so that no
entrance could be obtained; in consequence of which many gentlemen
had refused to pay subscriptions promised for the repair of the
cathedral.--_State Papers Dom. Interreg. Council Book._
[220] Arrangements made with regard to Westminster Abbey at an earlier
period appear in the first volume. There are entries in the minute
book of the Parliamentary Committee preserved in Sion College Library,
relating to the appointment of Obadiah Sedgwick, December, 1649, in the
room of Mr. Marshall; to the payment of arrears of salary to Nye as
Sunday morning Lecturer, Term Lecturer, and Weekly morning Lecturer,
and to Mr. Strong as minister of the abbey. It is to be remembered that
Owen, Goodwin, and Baxter preached on certain occasions in the same
edifice.
[221] _Foxe._
[222] _Strype's Annals_, iii., part ii. 106.
[223] _Ivimey's History of the Baptists_, i. 109.
[224] _Tracts on Liberty of Conscience_, ii. 24, 51.
[225] I have introduced this letter, and other particulars, from the
"Yarmouth Corporation Records," because, so far as I am aware, they
have never before been published.
[226] Mr. Gould, in the introduction to his _Report of St. Mary's
Chapel Case_, supplies an interesting instance in his account of the
Church at Norwich. See p. xv.
[227] Helwisse, (or Helwys), the author of this document, was at the
time living in Holland. Soon afterwards, Crosby tells us he and his
Church left Amsterdam, and removed to London.--_History of English
Baptists_, i. 272. They are believed to have constituted the first
Arminian or general Baptist Church in England.--_Evan's Early English
Baptists_, i. 225. These persons do not appear to have regarded
immersion as the proper and only mode of administering the ordinance.
_Robinson's Works_, iii. 461. Two sorts of Baptists are alluded to in
the _Mercurius Rusticus_, the _Aspersi_ and the _Immersi_.--_Evans_,
ii. 53.
[228] Crosby, vol. i., appendix 7, gives 1646 as the date, but at p. 66
he says it was published in 1644. A second edition appeared in 1646,
from which, probably, Crosby took his copy.
[229] _The Scottish Dove_ (November, 1646), relates the commitment of
an Anabaptist at Coventry, for preaching up and down the country, and
dipping scores of men and women.
[230] "Whereas, at the entreaty of Mr. Calamy and other ministers,
as it was represented unto me by certain citizens, I did lately give
an allowance to them to meet and dispute with certain Anabaptists;
and whence, I understand you, in pursuance of that allowance, there
is a public dispute intended on Wednesday next, December 3rd, in the
church of Aldermanbury, and there is likely to be an extraordinary
concourse of people from all parts of the city, and from other places;
and that in these times of distraction there may be hazard of the
disturbance of the public peace, I have therefore thought fit, upon
serious consideration, for prevention of the inconveniences that may
happen thereby, to forbid the same meeting upon Wednesday next, or at
any other time, in a public way before I shall receive the pleasure of
the honourable House of Parliament touching the same, which, with all
conveniency, I shall endeavour to know.
"THOMAS ADAMS,
"Dec. 1st, 1645. Lord Mayor."
_Placard in the British Museum._
[231] _Bayle's Article on Anabaptists_ is worth reading.
Bossuet remarks that Socinians and Anabaptists were the only persons
who disputed the right of the magistrate to punish men for religious
error.--_Variations Protestantes_, liv. x., c. 56.
Socinus and Zuinglius, besides the Anabaptists, were the principal,
if not the only apostles of religious liberty, at the time of the
Reformation.
[232] So he is described by Crosby and Palmer. We may presume
Allhallows Staining, Fenchurch Street, is meant.
[233] _Crosby's History of the English Baptists_, i. 288, 289.
[234] _Crosby_, i. 312-314.
[235] The following is a list of Baptist ministers who were in
possession of livings at the Restoration of Charles II:--
Henry Jessey, A.M.
Thomas Ewins. Bristol.
Edward Bagshawe, A.M. Ambrosden, Oxfordshire. Died in prison, December
28th, 1671.
John Tombes, B.D. Leominster, Herefordshire.
George Fownes, A.M. High Wycombe, Bucks. Afterwards pastor of the
Church in Broadmead, Bristol. Died in Gloucester jail, November 25th,
1686.
Jeremiah Marsden. Ardesley Chapel, near Wakefield, Yorkshire.
Robert Browne. White-Lady Aston, Worcestershire.
Daniel Dyke, A.M. Hadham Magna, Herts. He was one of the "Triers." In
1668 he became co-pastor, with the celebrated William Kiffin, of the
Church in Devonshire Square, London. He died in 1688.
Richard Adams. Humberstone, Leicestershire. He succeeded Mr. Dyke at
Devonshire Square, and lived to a very great age, being disabled from
preaching for several years before his death, which took place in 1716.
Thomas Quarrel. Some place in Shropshire. Died in 1709.
William Dell, A.M. Yeldon, Bedfordshire, and Master of Gonville and
Caius College, Cambridge.
Paul Hobson. Chaplain of Eton College.
Thomas Jennings. Brimsfield, Gloucestershire.
Paul Frewen. Kempley, Gloucestershire.
Joshua Head. Some place in Gloucestershire.
John Smith. Wanlip, Leicestershire.
Thomas Ellis. Lopham, Norfolk.
Thomas Evans. Maesmynys, Brecknockshire.
Thomas Proud. Cheriton, Glamorganshire.
John Miles. Ilston, Glamorganshire.
Thomas Joseph. Llangyner, Glamorganshire.
Morgan Jones. Llanmodock, Glamorganshire.
---- Abbot, Abergavenny, Monmouthshire.
William Woodward. Probably of Southwold, Suffolk.
Gabriel Camelford. Stavely Chapel, Westmoreland.
John Skinner. Weston, Herefordshire.
John Donne. Pertenhall, Bedfordshire. He was a fellow-prisoner with
John Bunyan.
John Gibbs. Newport Pagnell, Bucks.
Walter Prossor, William Millman, Watkin Jones, Morgan Jones, Jenkin
Jones, Ellis Rowland, and Roderick Thomas, were ministers in various
parts of Wales.
The following ministers, whose names are inserted by Mr. Ivimey in
his list of ejected Baptists (_History of Baptists_, i. 328), did not
become Baptists till after their ejectment; viz., Francis Bamfield,
A.M., John Gosnold, Thomas Hardcastle, Laurence Wise, and Thomas
Paxford.--_The Great Ejectment of 1662, by Dr. Cramp._
[236] Not exactly the same controversy as that about open and strict
_communion_.
[237] These statements are made on the authority of a speech delivered
before the Master of the Rolls, in the important case reported in a
volume compiled by the Rev. George Gould, and entitled _Open Communion
and the Baptists of Norwich_. This book is full of curious information.
[238] For a vindication of Vavasour Powell's religious character--who,
with all his extravagant opinions on prophecy, seems to have been a
most disinterested and zealous man--see _Rees' Nonconformity in Wales_,
and the authorities to which he refers, 114.
[239] _Evan's Early English Baptists_, ii. 183.
[240] _Burnet's Own Times_, i. 58.
[241] _Perfect Diurnal._ Oct. 25th, 1652.
[242] _Whitelocke._ A. D. 1652, p. 553.
See _Evan's Early English Baptists_, ii. 215.
[243] _Hanbury's Memorials_, iii. 475.
The voluntary principle had been clearly laid down during the civil
wars, and in addition to proofs of this already adduced, we may add the
following:--
Henry Burton, in his _Vindication of the Independent Churches_, written
in 1644, observed:--"What serveth the magistrate and the laws of a
civil State for but to keep the peace? And as for parishes, will you
allow no churches but parishes? or are parishes originally any other
but of humane, politic, and civil constitution, and for civil ends?
Or can you say that so many as inhabit in every parish respectively
shall be a Church? Should such Churches and parishes then necessarily
be Churches of God's calling and gathering? Are they not congregations
of man's collection, constitution, and coaction merely? What Churches,
then? And as for tithes, what tithes, I pray you, had the Apostles?
Such as be faithful and painful ministers of Christ, He will certainly
provide for them; as when He sent forth His disciples without any
purse or provision, He asked them, 'Lacked you anything?' They said,
'Nothing.' Surely the labourer is worthy of his hire." And as for
ministers' maintenance by tithes, Robert Baillie stated in his account
of the Independents in 1646:
"The ancient way of maintenance by tithes, or lands, or set stipends,
they do refuse, and require here the reduction to the apostolic
practice. They count it necessary that all the Church officers should
live upon the charge of the congregation,--the ruling elders and
deacons, as well as the pastors and doctors; but all they will have
them to receive is a mere alms, a voluntary contribution, laid down
as an offering at the deacon's feet every Lord's Day, and by him
distributed to all the officers and the poor of the congregation as
they have need."
A series of propositions is contained in a document presented to the
Parliament in the year 1647 (_Hanbury_, iii. 247) and one of the
propositions is to the effect that the officers of the Church ought to
be maintained by the free contributions of the people. The same opinion
is expressed in Hooker and Cotton's _Survey of Church Discipline_, a
publication reprinted in London in the year 1648. Though, under the
Protectorate, times had changed, and the political relations of the
Independents and Baptists had changed too, it cannot be doubted that
many throughout the Commonwealth maintained the principle expressed in
the extracts just given.
[244] From a MS. _Life of Owen_ in the possession of the late Dr.
Raffles.
[245] The Oxford Vice-Chancellors, though they hold office for four
years, are re-elected each year of the four, and at each re-election
make an official speech.
[246] _Oratio_ ii.--_Owen's Works_, xxi. 581.
[247] _Oratio_ v.--_Owens Works_, xxi. 611.
[248] _Cromwell's Speeches, Carlyle_, ii. 559.
[249] See _Baxter's Life and Times_, i. 70.
[250] _Oxoniana_, iv. 206.
[251] With respect to regulations of this sort in 1650, before
Owen's Vice-Chancellorship, it is said, _Oxoniana_ iv. 210, "Gowns
also had now lost their usual fashion, by others introduced by the
Cantabrigians, especially that belonging to a bachelor of arts, the
sleeves of which were wider than those of surplices, and so continued
in fashion not only till the Restoration of Charles II., but the
Vice-Chancellorship of Dr. John Fell."
[252] _Athen. Oxon._, ii. 738.
[253] See _Grainger's Biographical History_, iii. 302.
[254] Owen was the other.
[255] Howe became minister of Torrington about the year 1650. Goodwin
was appointed President of Magdalen in the January of that year. We
know that Howe was a Fellow after Goodwin's appointment, from the
circumstance of his joining the religious society which the President
established in the College. At first Howe objected to unite, because he
thought too much stress was laid upon indifferent things. Afterwards he
joined upon "Catholic terms."
[256] _Preface to De Divinia Justitia_, Works, ix., 339. It contains
a defence of what he called "his darling university." Burnet, in the
_History of his own Time_, (i. 192.) says, learning was then high at
Oxford, chiefly the study of the Oriental tongues, much raised by the
study of the Polyglott Bible. They read the Fathers; and mathematics,
and the new philosophy, were in great esteem.
[257] _Ath. Ox._, ii. 562.
[258] "July 11, 1654, Oxford:--After dinner I visited that miracle of a
youth, Mr. Christopher Wren."--_Evelyn's Diary_, i. 306.
[259] "_Oxoniana_," edited by the Rev. John Walker, vol. i. 98.
[260] For many particulars and sources of information on the subject of
Oxford University, I am indebted to Mr. Orme's _Memoir of Owen_, chap.
vii.; but Wood's _Athen. Oxon._ is the principal authority.
[261] Thorndike, a Cambridge man, noticed in another part of this
volume, took an active part.
[262] Twell's _Life of Pocock_, 209.
"3rd July, 1654.--That the order of the late Council of State, dated
15th July, 1653, for freeing the paper which is to be used for printing
the Bible in the original and other learned languages, from the
payments of customs and excise, be confirmed, and that according Dr.
Bruno Ryves be permitted and suffered to import into this Commonwealth,
free from customs and excise, so many reams of paper for the use
aforesaid, as with that which is already imported and discharged of
duties, shall make up 7,000 pounds, being the total allowed by the said
former order to be so imported."--_State Papers Order Book of Council._
The handsomer copies were printed on Avergne paper, at that time
considered the best.
[263] The price of one copy to a subscriber was £10; of six
copies, £50. To others the cost seems to have been from £15 to
£18.--_Thorndike's Works_, vi. 203, note. In Jacobson's edition of
_Sanderson's Works_, vol. vi. 375, is a list of subscriptions amounting
to £560. _Walton's Polyglott_ is said to be the first book published in
England by subscription.
[264] _Owen's Works_, iv. 450.
[265] The spirit in which Owen composed this treatise has often been
misrepresented. It is probable that some who have condemned have never
read it. The work on the _Divine Original Authority, Self-evidencing
Light and Power of the Scriptures_--to which the treatise is an
appendix--is also worth studying in connexion with theological
controversies at the present day. The third chapter is very remarkable,
and the last paragraph moves in a direction which Owen's disciples now
would be very unwilling to follow. It shews how the habits of thought
alter even in the same school, and should teach us all a lesson of
charity.
[266] Thus, the editor of _Thorndike_, vol. vi. 170, speaks of
Cambridge between 1613 and 1646. It applies up to the year 1654, when
the regular post began. The first coach from Cambridge to London was
set up in 1653. It is scarcely needful to say that the well-known
carrier was Hobson, who died of the plague in 1630; but carriers
afterwards would convey letters.
From _Antony Wood's Diary_, 1667, it appears that the Oxford coach took
two days to get to London.
[267] _Carey's Memorials of the Civil Wars_, ii. 224.
[268] _Life of Sancroft, by D'Oyley_, I. 57. _Cooper's History of
Cambridge._
[269] _Hamilton's Memoir of Barrow_, prefixed to his works, vol. i. xv.
[270] _Cooper's Hist. of Cambridge._
[271] Dell is sometimes called a Baptist, but he appears from his
_Doctrine of Baptisms_ to have set aside water baptism, pp. 11, 16, 19.
[272] Dell complains that men famous for preaching, on coming to
Cambridge, ceased from that sense of the Gospel which they once seemed
to have. "How suddenly have they been entangled and overcome with the
spirit of the enemy!"
Samuel Hering made certain proposals in 1653, and amongst others that
two colleges should be set apart, in each University, to such as should
solely apply themselves to the attaining the spirit of Jesus, which
study needs few books; the works of Behmen, however, he mentions as a
furtherance thereto. Such colleges he suggested should have the power
of sending forth men to preach. "All teachers," he adds, "without God's
hammer are but, in the history of the letter, hammers for the belly and
ears, but not for the soul."
He wished that churches should be painted black outside, to remind
people of the darkness within.--_Nickoll's Letters of State_, 99.
[273] _Dell's Trial of Spirits_, noticed in _Godwin's Commonwealth_,
iv. 97.
If we are to believe Carter, _History of University_, p. 232, Dell did
not practically carry out his liberal principles, for Carter says:
Moore, fellow of Caius, and keeper of the University Library, desired
to be buried in his own College-chapel; but being refused by Mr. Dell,
the master, the use of the Liturgy, which was his last request, he was
laid in St. Mary's church, under the stone he used to kneel on. Moore
spent seven years in making a catalogue of the library (see _Book
Rarities of Cambridge_, by Hartshorne, p. 16.) Work of that kind Dell
would not appreciate.
[274] In this notice of Webster I have followed Godwin,
(_Commonwealth_, iv. 96-100) not having been able myself to look into
Webster's writings. It may be stated that Erbery denied original sin,
and was "an advocate for universal restoration, and that all men should
finally be made partakers of eternal felicity in heaven."
[275] _Thurloe_, ii. 463.
[276] _Thurloe_, ii. 464.
This letter is subscribed "James Jollie, who heretofore presented thy
Excellency at the Cockpit with a paper to the Parliament of England."
Cambridge, July 17th, 1654.
Who this Jollie was we cannot tell; perhaps a man like Akehurst, not
understood by many, and charged with being a mystic; but his letter
shews an insight into spiritual perplexities, and a fidelity to his
suffering friend, alike creditable to his head and his heart.
[277] _Diary_, i. 318-320.
The volume preserved in Sion College, which records the augmentation
of Oxford masterships, contains similar entries relative to Cambridge.
Two hundred pounds a year was settled on St. John's and Emanuel for
increasing the maintenance of the masters, a larger amount than we
have noticed in connexion with Oxford. Ninety pounds was the sum fixed
for Jesus College, and the trustees were directed to pay the same
accordingly out of the accruing rents and revenues vested in them, to
Mr. John Worthington, Master of the College, till they should receive
further notice from the Committee.
[278] _Whitecote's Aphorisms, by Salter._
[279] _Burnet's History of his own Times_, i. 187.
[280] Dr. Spurstow has been mentioned before as chaplain to Hampden's
regiment. He was one of the Assembly of Divines, and, after his
ejectment from Cambridge, enjoyed the vicarage of Stepney.
[281] See list of his works, and also an article on Lightfoot, in
_Kitto's Cyclopædia_, edited by Dr. Alexander.
I am indebted to the Dean of Westminster for some friendly suggestions
relative to the character of Witchcot and Lightfoot.
[282] _Burnet's Hist. of his own Times_, i. 188.
[283] The Greek studies at Cambridge in the first part of the
seventeenth century are noticed in the _Life of Thorndike_, appended to
his works vi. 167, 168.
[284] I have seen a petition amongst the _State Papers_ belonging to
the year 1653, to the Protector from John Worthington, Master of Jesus
College, in Cambridge, complaining of some restraint upon the payment
of the augmentation annexed to the mastership of that college (as also
of the augmentations annexed to some other masterships.)
[285] Pages xviii., xix.
[286] See _Southey's Life of Wesley_, ii. 380, and _Stanley's Eastern
Churches_, Introduction, p. vii.
[287] _Calamy's Account_, ii. 755. Wood (_Ath. Ox._, ii. 710) says
that the proposition in the book condemned by Convocation was that
the sovereignty of England is in three estates, King, Lords, and
Commons. This decree of Convocation was itself burnt in Palace
Yard, Westminster, by order of the House of Lords, March the 27th,
1710.--_Calamy's Cont._, 865.
[288] _Calamy's Account_, 761, 81, 105. _Continuation_, 137.
[289] Calamy gives an interesting account of Gilpin's preaching, which
must have been of a very effective kind. He mentions his delivering
sermons without the use of notes as something remarkable.--_Account_,
154.
[290] It is printed in the _Cromwellian Diary_, ii. 531, from which
these particulars are gathered.
[291] See _Surtee's History of Durham_, i. 106. Also MS. collections of
the Rev. T. Baker, quoted in notes to _Cromwellian Diary_, ii. 542.
[292] "Since the installation of Prince Charles, in 1638, and until the
Restoration, the registration of the annals had been suspended; and
the order is solely indebted to the care and zeal of Edward Walker,
Garter King-at-arms, for the record of the exertions which were made
chiefly by the instrumentality of that faithful officer, and amidst
difficulties of every kind, to save the institution from absolute
decay."--_Beltz' Memorials of the Order_, cxii.
[293] _Annals of Windsor_, ii. 185.
[294] _Whitelocke's Memorials_, 665.
[295] _Scobell_, 18.
[296] In the summer of 1657, "a hot and sickly season," Busby and
some of the boys resided at Chiswick, where was a manor-house founded
for the use of the school in times of sickness by Goodman, Dean of
Westminster, 1570. The names of the Earl of Halifax, John Dryden, and
other pupils of Busby might be seen on the walls at the close of the
last century.--_Lyson's Environs_, ii. 191.
[297] _Athen. Oxon._, ii. 491.
In the memoir of South, prefixed to the vol. of his posthumous works,
8vo., 1717, p. 4 (it does not appear by whom this memoir was written),
it is stated that South "made himself remarkable" by reading the Latin
prayers in Westminster School on the day of the King's "martyrdom, and
praying for his Majesty by name." But what was there remarkable in
that? He, no doubt, read the ordinary prayers used in the school, and
as they contained a prayer for the King, he read it as of course. Had
he deviated from the prescribed form, Busby would have been down upon
him, not with a witness, but with his rod.
[298] Dr. Rainbow, afterwards Bishop of Carlisle, is said to have
adopted a practice similar to that of Bull.--_Zouch Edit. of Walton's
Lives_, 461. _Thorndike's Works_, vi. 117. Note.
[299] _Lyson's Environs_, i. 148.
[300] _Disputation at Winchcomb_, 1653. _Commonwealth Pamphlets_,
British Museum.
Barksdale expressed admiration of the "learned and pious Dr. Hammond,"
which aroused the cry, "An Arminian! an Arminian!"
[301] _Walker's Sufferings_, p. ii., 142.
[302] On his tomb, in Ely Cathedral, it is said:--"_Exulans ab
Academiâ Ecclesiam Anglicanam inter schismaticorum furias, coram ipso
Cromwello concionibus disputationibus publice asseruit tantum non solus
sustinuit, vindicavit_."
[303] _Wood's Ath. Ox._, vol. ii., _fasti_, 132.
[304] _Farindon's Works_, i. _Memoir_, xlii.
[305] These sermons are given in _Farindon's Works_, iii. 361.
[306] See his _Sermons_, vol. iii. 399.
[307] Abridged from the _Autobiography of Sir John Branston_, quoted in
the _Ecclesiastic_, October, 1853.
[308] _Aubrey's Letters_, iii. 363.
[309] _Wood's Ath. Ox._, ii. 465.
[310] _Life_ prefixed to _Sherlock's Practical Christian_, p. 24, 25.
[311] _Hand-Book to Western Cathedrals_, p. 56.
[312] The letter, dated September 13th, 1634, (_State Papers_,)
published in _Laud's Works_, vii. 88, is a very curious one, and
expresses strong disapproval of Goodman's conduct.
[313] See _Laud's Works_, iii. 287.
[314] _Church Hist._, iii. 409.
[315] _Nalson's Col._ i. 371, 372.
There is an interesting account of Goodman in the _Ecclesiastic_,
November, 1852, with extracts from his writings. He wrote a book on the
_Two Great Mysteries, The Trinity and the Incarnation_, which, strange
to say, he dedicated to Oliver Cromwell,--"with flattery," observes
Echard "and a servile petition for hearing his cause and doing justice
to him."
[316] _Elrington's Life of Archbishop Ussher_, 244.
[317] "The poor orthodox clergy have passed one Sunday in silence.
The Bishop of Armagh hath been with Cromwell about them, it is feared
to little purpose, yet some Court holy water was bestowed on the old
man, besides a dinner and confirmation of Church leases to him in
Ireland."--_State Papers Dom._, 1655-56, 10th-20th January.
[318] _Elrington's Life of Ussher_, 279.
[319] When visiting it in 1864, I found the exterior, and one of the
apartments, in much the same state as when Hall lived there.
[320] _Walker's Sufferings_, p. ii. 18.
Mention is made of Morton's daily alms, his single meal, his straw bed
at eighty years of age, his hospitality, and his rising at four o'clock
in the morning.--_Biograph. Brit._
[321] _Worthies_, iii. 172.
[322] "He was observed to run (with emulation without envy) in the race
of virtue even with any of his order, striving to exceed them by fair
industry, without offering proudly to justle their credit, much less
falsely to supplant their reputation."--_Fuller's Worthies_, i. 456.
[323] Fuller says of Owen: "He was bred a fellow in Jesus College, in
Cambridge, where he commenced Doctor of Divinity, and was chaplain
to King Charles whilst he was a prince. A modest man, who would not
own the worth he had in himself, and therefore others are the more
engaged to give him his due esteem. In the vacancy of the bishopric
of St. Asaph, King Charles, being much troubled with two competitors,
advanced Doctor Owen (not thinking thereof) as an expedient to end the
contest. Indeed, his Majesty was mistaken in his birth, accounting
him a Welshman, but not in his worth, seeing he deserved a far better
preferment."--_Fuller's Worthies_, ii. 506.
[324] _Tanner MSS._, vol. lii., 1653-8, 41. This letter is addressed to
Sheldon. There is another in the same volume from Dr. Ferne, lamenting
that churchmen "were wanting to see what those in power would do, as
if there could possibly be any expectation of advantage either from
them," or from "delay." Both letters are printed in the _Ecclesiastic_,
October, 1853.
[325] _Life of Bramhall_, prefixed to his _Works_, i. x., xxii.
[326] _Bramhall's Works_, i. 276, 277.
Yet here it should be remembered that, under date May the 23rd, 1658,
Evelyn says: "There was now a collection for persecuted and sequestered
ministers of the Church of England, whereof divers are in prison. A sad
day! the Church now in dens and caves of the earth."
Kennet in his _Historical Register_, 861, refers to the Lord
Scudamore's charity to the distressed clergy.
[327] It was not published till after the author's death, when it
appeared with a violent and foolish preface by Dr. Samuel Parker.
[328] _Bramhall's Works_, iii. 579.--The whole tract is worth reading
as an example of the way in which Episcopalians met the charge of
favouring Popery. It is an answer to Baxter, who had brought the charge
against Grotius and against Bramhall also. While Baxter accused Grotius
of helping the Papists, Owen accused him of Socinianism. Thorndike, in
the preface to his _Epilogue_, defends Grotius against both.
[329] _Ibid._, 582.
[330] For Milletiere's epistle and Bramhall's reply, see _Works_, vol.
i. cxxi. and 7.
[331] The careful editor of _Bramhall's Works_ has appended a table,
with extensive notes, of Acts and dates relative to the admission into
their new sees of the bishops consecrated or confirmed in the second
and third years of the reign of Elizabeth.--Vol. iii. 216.
[332] _Bramhall's Works_, i. xcv.
[333] 25th of May, 1651.--Vol. i. 278.--A son of Cosin became a Roman
Catholic. A letter of his, in self-defence, to John Evelyn is given
in the _Diary and Correspondence of Evelyn_, iii. 58. The father was
greatly annoyed at his son's conduct, though he had himself, no doubt,
to thank for it. "His indignation," says the editor, "is very much
what Dr. Pusey may be supposed to have felt at Mr. Newman's departure
for Rome." In _Evelyn's Diary_, i. 282, is an account of the origin
of those "offices, which among the Puritans were wont to be called
_Cosin's cozening devotions_."
Dr. Cosin, both in his letters and more solemnly in his last will,
laments over his lost and only son John. In a letter, January 22nd,
1661, he says: "Let him go, he is not worth the owning, nor any further
seeking after him. In the meanwhile they that have thus lured him and
conveyed him away are most unworthy persons."--_Surtees_, i. cxii.
[334] _Evelyn's Diary_, i. 285.
[335] _D'Oyley's Life of Sancroft_, i. 89.
"At Paris our countrymen live peaceably and enjoy our religion
without disturbance. There is a place allowed them, with necessary
accommodations for the exercise of religion. Dr. Stewart did often
preach to them; and for their form of worship, it is the same that
was formerly in England, with the Book of Common Prayer, and the
rites therein used; and also they continue the innovations that were
practised by many of our clergy--as bowing at the name of Jesus
towards the altar, &c.--which I know giveth offence to the good French
Protestants, who, to me, did often condemn those innovations for Roman
superstitions. As for the French Papists, truly they are more civil to
them than was expected."--By Samuel Brett, there present, 1655.--_State
Papers._
[336] There were, besides Morley, the Bishop of Galloway, Stewart, Dean
of St. Paul's, Drs. Earle, Clare, Wolley, Lloyd, Duncan, and Messrs.
Crowder and Hamilton.
We may add that Honywood, who, after the Restoration, became Dean of
Lincoln, remained abroad from 1643 to 1660. His pleasant portrait is
engraved in Dibdin's Decameron, and for his library, his learning, and
his love of books, he is worthy of a place there.--Vol. iii. 261.
[337] _Ecclesiastic_, April, 1852. _Grainger's Biog. Hist._, iii. 236;
_Burnet's Hist. of his own Times_, i. 177.
Baxter tells us "he was the chief speaker of all the Bishops, and the
greatest interrupter of us, vehemently going on with what he thought
serviceable to his end, and bearing down answers by the said fervour
and interruptions."--_Life and Times_, part ii. p. 363. Of course I
do not forget that in this quotation from Baxter we have the report
of an antagonist; but the readiness and candour with which he allows
moderation and other virtues where they existed on the part of any of
the Episcopalians, give weight to his estimates of character.
[338] _Anderson's Colonial Church_, ii. 132.
The following letter from Isaac Basire to Charles II., dated Alba
Julia, (synonyme for Weissenberg, in Transylvania, the same as is now
called Karlsburg,) Easter Tuesday, 1656, is in the State Paper Office.
He says:--"When the whole nation was represented, and met here at their
diet, and it was noised that by reason of a public act, some months
since performed by one in this university, before the Prince, and with
his approbation, against both Independency and Presbytery (flown over
hither out of England), and for Episcopacy--that crew grew so incensed
against me, that they did then threaten to cite me before the National
Assembly, as now; and having missed that first plot, they pretend to
renew their persecution against me at their next general synod, now at
hand; where yet, by the better though not the bigger part, I am chosen
to preside, and undoubtedly do expect the shock, trusting with the
whole success God Almighty, who is thus pleased still to place me on
the militant side. (His holy will be done)."
[339] _Life of Jeremy Taylor, by Willmott_, 129-154, 190.
Dr. Peterson, Dean of Exeter, met with an adventure which ought to
be recorded as an illustration of that generosity to an enemy which
often cheeringly flashes up in such times, relieving the shadows of
persecution. Cromwell one day saw the doctor in the streets of London,
looking like a distressed cavalier. "There," he exclaimed, "goes a
Church of England man, who I will warrant you has courage enough to
die for his religion." That very day a stranger traced the Dean to his
lodgings, invited him to dinner, and presented to him a purse of money.
Help afterwards came again and again through the same channel, the
bounty of the magnanimous usurper being the source.--_Walker_, part ii.
24.
[340] In a paper dated November 2nd, 1652 (printed in _Jacobson's
Edition of Sanderson's Works_), he describes fully his mode of
procedure; and the sort of verbal alterations he made in the forms
of Common Prayer may be seen in his "Confession," given by Walton
(_Lives_, 394). Thorndike observes: "I cannot approve it upon this
score that (besides his prayer before sermon, which custom and former
practice if not the canon itself, allowed as lawful) he hath several
parts of service of his own making; and, though mostly formed out
of the Common Prayer Book, yet certainly varied from thence, and so
directly against the negative command which prescribes this and no
other."--_Letter in the Bodleian Library, printed in Thorndike's
Works_, vi. 117.
See page 340, in this vol.
[341] _Fell's Life of Hammond_, 263, 173.
[342] _Walton's Lives_, 396.
[343] _Walton's Lives_ 405-408.
[344] _Fell's Life of Hammond_, 241, 262, 203, 279.
[345] Quoted in _Thorndike's Works_, vi. 212.
[346] _Harl. MSS._, 6942, 77, British Museum.
[347] _Harl. MSS._, 6942, 18. April 30, 1654. This I find, since I
copied it from the original, is printed in the _Ecclesiastic_, April,
1853.
[348] _Harl. MSS._, 6942, 120.
[349] Amongst the _State Papers_, is a Letter from Thorndike to Mr.
Joseph Wilkinson, April 21st, 1656, respecting _Walton's Polyglott_.
"You know," he says, "the government of the work is in Dr. Walton,
who set it on foot. Correctors of the press he hath, for the Hebrew
and Chaldee, Mr. Clarke; for the Syriac and Arabic, Mr. Castle; with
a third for the Greek and Latin. The purpose is to give what England
affords for the verifying of the several copies."
[350] _Thorndike's Works_, vi. 125.
He is to be ranked amongst the most able defenders of the great
catholic doctrines of the Divinity and Incarnation of our Lord Jesus.
[351] Sanderson is said to have before found fault with Thorndike's
manner of conducting worship at Claybrook.--_Works_, vi. 181.
[352] _Works_, vi. 118.
[353] _Thorndike's Works_, vi. 125.
See also _Letter concerning the Present State of Religion_. Vol. v. 5.
[354] The following is another instance:--
"During the usurpation the Latin prayers were discontinued; but some of
the members, John Fell, John Dolben Allestree, and others, afterwards
men of eminence in the Church, performed the Common Prayer in the
lodgings of the celebrated Dr. Willis, in Canterbury Quadrangle, and
afterwards in his house, opposite Merton College Chapel, and the
practice continued until the Restoration. Dr. Willis's house afterwards
became an Independent meeting. In the museum of the Dolby family, in
Northamptonshire, is a fine painting, by Sir Peter Lely, grounded on
the above circumstance. A copy of this picture was presented to the
society, and placed in the hall."--_Chalmer's Oxford_, vol. ii. 311.
[355] _Evelyn's Diary_, 1649, March 18th and 25th. 1652, December 25th.
[356] January 30th, 1653. January 28th, 1655. It appears from
_Patrick's Autobiography_ that all through the troubles he received the
communion kneeling, p. 37.
April 15th, 1655. "Dr. Wild preached at St. Gregory's, the
ruling powers conniving at the use of the Liturgy in that church
alone."--_Evelyn's Diary._
[357] Kennet says: "The prejudice Cromwell had against the Episcopal
party was more for their being Royalists than for being of the good old
Church," and the Bishop relates that the Protector said: "To disturb
them is contrary to that liberty of conscience which he and his friends
always acknowledged and defended."--_Kennet_, iii, 206.
[358] Quoted in _Keble's Life of Wilson, Bishop of Sodor and Man_, 407.
[359] I am indebted to Mr. Clarence Hopper, to whom the valuable
manuscript volume belongs, for permission to make extracts from its
pages.
[360] I do not see that a second lesson is any where mentioned. Perhaps
the service is not complete.
[361] These particulars occur in petitions to Charles II. after the
Restoration. They are all specified in Mrs. Green's _Calendar of State
Papers, Dom._, 1660, 1661.
[362] Hallam observes: "It is somewhat bold in Anglican writers to
complain, as they now and then do, of the persecution they suffered at
this period, when we consider what had been the conduct of the Bishops
before, and what it was afterwards. I do not know that any member of
the Church of England was imprisoned under the Commonwealth, except for
some political reason; certain it is the jails were not filled with
them."--_Const. Hist._, ii. 14.
Distinction must be made between the sufferings of the Episcopalians
during the Civil Wars and under the Protectorate. I am persuaded, after
a long and careful enquiry into the subject, that the suffering during
the latter of these periods has been immensely over-estimated.
[363] Justice Bennet, of Derby, "was the first that called us Quakers,
because I bid them tremble at the word of the Lord. This was in the
year 1650."--_Fox's Journal_, i. 132.
[364] See the very interesting _Memoirs of Stephen Grellet, by B.
Seebohn_.
[365] See _Journal_, and _Sewel's History of Friends_.
[366] He supplies numerous instances of this in his own Journal.
[367] _Sewel's History of Friends_, i. 15.
[368] _George Fox's Journal_, i. 104.
[369] _Penn's Preface to Fox's Journal_, i. xl.
[370] Penn states the doctrines of Quakerism in his preface, xiii. _et
seq._
[371] "They asked me if I had no sin? I answered, 'Christ my Saviour
has taken away my sin, and in Him there is no sin.'" "They pleaded
for imperfection, and to sin as long as they lived, but did not like
to hear of Christ's teaching His people Himself, and making people as
clear, whilst here upon the earth, as Adam and Eve were before they
fell."--_Journal_, i. 124, 288.
[372] Fox had an intense aversion to all Gnosticism.--See _Journal_, i.
143. I do not ascribe mysticism to him in any bad sense of the word.
[373] He describes himself as passing through strange states of extasy,
(_Journal_, i. 144) and even claims gifts of prophecy and miracle,
(i. 219.) He had a habit of comparing sinners to different sorts of
animals, _Journal_, i. 190, &c. A curious parallel to this is found
in _Athanasius_, who describes heretics in a similar way. Comp.
_Athan. Orat._ iii. _contra Arianos_. _Athanasius's Treatises against
Arianism_, p. ii. 484, _Oxf. Edit._
For authorities respecting Quakerism see a good note in _Mosheim's
Ecclesiastical History_, 846.
[374] _Journal_, i. 151.
[375] _A Collection of many select and Christian Epistles, written by
George Fox_, p. i.
[376] See _Fox's Epistles_, p. 2.
"There is an English ship come in here from Newfoundland. The master
hath been on board of us. There is not, they say, one person in the
ship, officer or mariner, but are all Quakers."--_Thurloe_, v. 422.
There are references to the spread of Quakerism in the same collection,
iv. 333, 408, 757.
[377] _Sewel's History of Friends_, i. 105.
[378] _Journal_, i. 213.
[379] Two striking cases, however, occurred in New England. See
_Besse's Sufferings_, 235.
[380] _Sewel's History_, i. 112.
[381] In a Diurnal, February 16, 1654-55, mention is made of letters
from several places, which speak of Quakers and Ranters, and others
that disturb ministers in their sermons in public churches, and the
meetings of ministers and other Christians in private, in several
places of England. The Quaker meetings are said to be receptacles for
Papists, and Popish priests and friars.
In another Commonwealth newspaper it is said: "Some think this Fox is
a Popish priest, because of his tenets of salvation by works." Most
absurd and incredible stories are told of Fox and Mr. Fell.
The monstrous things related in these newspapers defy belief. What
was thought of Quakers in high quarters may be seen in the Pell
correspondence.--_Vaughan's Protectorate_, ii. 309.
[382] The difficulty in believing these stories does not arise from
what we know of the moral character of the Jesuits, but only from their
reputation for cleverness, and from what we know of the shrewdness
of the Quakers. The Quakers were not likely to be so deceived by the
Jesuits, and the Jesuits were not likely to adopt a scheme of action
which promised so little success. But the _Provincial Letters_ of
Pascal, written during the Protectorate, prove that Jesuit morality
placed no bar in the way of such dishonest intrigues.
[383] _Abstract of the Sufferings of the People called Quakers_, i.
216, 222, 223. See also _Evelyn's Diary_, i. 332.
The Quakers were often very violent. There is a very intemperate and
foolish pamphlet, entitled, _A True Testimony against the Pope's Ways,
in a Return to that Agreement of '42 of those who call themselves
Ministers of Christ (but are proved to be wrongers of Men and of
Christ), in the County of Worcester: by Richard Farnsworth, a Quaker_,
1656. Richard Baxter is first on the list of persons attacked.--See
also _Sussex Arch. Collections_, vol. xvi. The Quakers were assailed in
their turn most furiously. For example, there is a tract entitled, _The
Deceived and Deceiving Quakers discovered; their Damnable Heresies,
Horrid Blasphemies, &c., laid open, by Matthew Caffin, a Servant of the
Lord, related to the Church of Christ, near Worsham, in Sussex_, 1656.
This was answered by James Nayler, with like scurrility. It is curious
that Caffin denies the man of sin to be Popery, and maintains that he
is a person yet to appear. Nayler sets Caffin down as Antichrist.
[384] _Quakers' Sufferings_, i. 70.
[385] _Cromwellian Diary_, ii. 112.
[386] _Sewel_, i. 158.
[387] _Cromwellian Diary_, i. 46. His trial has been already mentioned
in this volume, p. 133.
[388] His dying words place him in a much better light than that in
which he is commonly viewed.--See _Sewel's Hist._, i. 207.
[389] _Cromwellian Diary_, i. 216. The petitioners were called in, to
the number of thirty, and Mr. Sprigg made a short speech, saying that
they did not countenance the wicked, and were no partakers of their
crime; but upon the common account of liberty, found it upon their
spirits to become petitioners in this thing, leaving it to God to
direct the House.
See the beautiful apology for Nayler in _Lamb's Elia, Quakers' Meeting_.
[390] p. 16.
[391] Baxter says Sir H. Vane spoke against him in the House of
Commons; and he adds, "I confess my writing was a means to lessen his
reputation."--_Life and Times_, p. i. 76.
[392] _Baxter's Life and Times_, p. i. 77.
[393] _The Life of one Jacob Bœhmen, wherein is contained a perfect
Catalogue of his Workes._ London, 1644.
[394] "I have seen myself," says Baxter, "letters written from
Abingdon, where among both soldiers and people, this contagion did then
prevail, full of horrid oaths and curses, and blasphemy, not fit to
be repeated by the tongue or pen of man; and this all uttered as the
effect of knowledge and a part of their religion, in a fanatic strain,
and fathered on the Spirit of God."--_Baxter's Life and Times_, p. i.
77.
It must be remembered Baxter would make the most of all this.
[395] Such things may be found by those who search after them.
Historically they are of little worth; in other respects worse than
worthless.
[396] The following are titles of books by Muggleton: _The Answer to
William Penn, Quaker, his book, entitled The New Witnesses proved
Old Heretics, wherein he is proved to be an ignorant spatter-brained
Quaker_, &c. _Looking-Glass for George Fox, and other Quakers, wherein
they may see themselves to be right Devils_, &c. _The Neck of the
Quakers Broken_, &c.
[397] Ministers in Edinburgh had a basin and ewer placed in a frame of
iron fastened to the pulpit, and there performed the ceremony.--See
_Travels by Sir W. Brereton_, p. 110, published by Cheetham Society.
Bishop Wren, in his injunctions, orders that "the _fonts_ at baptism be
filled with clean water, and no dishes, pails, nor basins, be used in
it, or instead of it."--_Cardwell_, ii. 204.
[398] _Gillingwater's History of Lowestoft._
[399] _Hanbury's Memorials_, ii. 568, i. 536.
[400] _Martindale's Autobiography_, quoted in _Hunter's Life of
Heywood_, 42.
[401] _Hall's Works_, 555.
[402] Dedication to his _Commentary on Ezekiel_.
[403] As it is our object to afford glimpses of domestic life, it is
worth while to insert the following letters, trivial though they be,
preserved in the State Paper Office. They are from parents to their son
at school, and present an odd and amusing jumble of advice:--
"London, 16th Nov., 1641.
"Son John, the Lord bless thee, and these are to let you know that,
thanks be to God, we are all now indifferent well. I have had a great
desire, this long time, to come into the country to see you; but I have
been very ill of a pleurisy, which hindered me, and now the ways are
deep and the days are short, and your mother and sisters long to see
you. Therefore I have desired your master in the enclosed to let you
come up to London upon Friday next, at the return of this carrier. You
may come up in the waggon, which if you do, your mother would have you
keep on your coat to keep you warm. I would have you the rather come
upon Friday next, because the next week we have a great feast at the
Hall, and your mother would have you there. When you come up, bring
with you both your coats and your two best suits of apparel, and your
mother would have you bring up your writing book, and the book wherein
you take the heads of your master's sermons in; and this is all I have
to say till I see you, which I expect will be on Friday night next.
"Your loving Father,
"GEORGE WILLINGHAM.
(Addressed) "To his loving son John Willingham, at Mr. Herring's house,
in Duddinghurst, these."
The following letter is written to the boy by his mother:--
"John, think it not strange that you have not received your clothes
before. The reason you may well know, which was the vexation you put
me and your father to at your departing, which lets us understand that
your heart is not reformed, notwithstanding all your good education. I
have sent you your clothes--a pair of stockings, a pair of gloves. I
would have you wear your fres jump (freize jacket) every day and your
waistcoat a'nights, and have a care of your clothes, that you keep
them in your trunk, and above all look to your heart in all the duties
that you perform, and improve the day of grace, which God yet affords
you, and improve your time, that you spend it not in play, and neglect
your learning, and labour to be a comfort to your parents and not a
grief. I have sent you some plums, of your brother's christening. Had
I sent them as you did your father's nuts they would come short to
you. You sent your father a pint of nuts which cost him eightpence.
Had you regarded your father, you would have tied and sealed them up.
Your brother Samuel and sister is well and remember them to you, and
remember me to your master Herring, and Mrs. Herring, and your old
Mistress and Mr. Chadley. Thus I rest praying to God, for I rest your
careful mother,
"ANNA WILLINGHAM.
"Your brother's name is Ebenezer.
(Addressed) "To John Willingham, living at Mr. Herring's, at
Duddinghurst, deliver these."
There are also letters, &c., endorsed, "Intercepted, 1641, to
Willingham." Probably it was suspected they were letters of political
significance.
[404] As to Lancashire, Dr. Hibbert observes, in his _History of the
Collegiate Church of Manchester_, i. 272:--"The greatest discontent
was excited at the mode of solemnizing marriages, which was no longer
before the altar, or accompanied with the pledge of the ring, which
had been hitherto considered essential to the contract. This meanness
of ceremony was so ill relished, that many clandestine marriages were
celebrated by unauthorized persons, or ejected clergymen." The author
mentions the case of a woman who refused to submit to Presbyterian
rites, but asserted herself a "wife before God."
[405] Many Independents, it should be remembered, treated marriage as a
civil contract, and had no religious service.
[406] These particulars are gleaned from _Brand's Popular Antiquities_.
[407] _Hunter's Life of Heywood_, 33.
[408] _Autobiography of Joseph Lister._
[409] According to _Archbishop Islep's Constitutions_ (1362), the
observance of the Lord's Day was to begin at Saturday vespers, like the
feasts that have vigils.--_Johnson's English Canons_, ii. 426.
Eustace, abbot of Flay (1201), went beyond the Puritans in his
Sabbatarianism, and sought to terrify people into a cessation of
labour from three o'clock on Saturday afternoon until Monday sunrise,
by relating all sorts of miracles. A woman, for weaving on Saturday
afternoon, was struck dead with palsy; another woman, who kept her
paste wrapped up in a cloth until Monday morning, found it then ready
baked.--_Johnson_, ii. 95.
[410] _Baxter's Works_, xiii. 457.
[411] Professor Kingsley, in his _Lectures on the Roman and the
Teuton_, ascribes the spread of witch-mania to the influence of the
Romish clergy (p. 293).
[412] In an instructive article respecting _Witchcraft_, in _Charles
Knight's Cyclopædia_, it is remarked "that a large portion of the
witchcraft superstition was propagated by means of books, or through
the tuition of men of letters."
[413] Enquiries about sorcerers, incantations, and witchcraft occur in
the _Visitation Articles of Laud_.--_Works_, v. 417, 432.
[414] There are numerous stories of Lancashire witches in the _State
Papers_. See, for example, _Calendar Dom._, 1634-1635, p. 78.
[415] _Gaule's Select Cases of Conscience touching Witches_, 1646. See
also _Hale's Tracts_, containing _Trial of the Witches at Bury St.
Edmunds_.
[416] Widdrington, in a letter to Whitelocke (_Memorials_, 424), says:
"I met at Berwick with a discovery of witches by a Scotchman, who
professeth himself an artist that way. I know not whence he derives his
skill. His salary was twenty shillings for every witch. He got thirty
pounds after that rate." Of the burning or imprisonment of witches,
cases are mentioned by _Whitelocke_, in pp. 412, 423, 450, 570.
[417] In the Assembly Books of the Corporation of Yarmouth is this
entry:--"August 15th, 1637. That the gentleman, Mr. Hopkins, employed
in the country for discovering and finding out witches be sent for to
town, to search for those wicked persons, if any may be, and have his
fee and allowance for his pains, as he hath in other places."
[418] There is amongst the Baxter MSS. in Dr. Williams's Library,
a long letter respecting something of this kind, which I remember
noticing many years ago.
[419] "During the few years of the Commonwealth, there is reason to
believe that more alleged witches perished in England than in the whole
period before and after."--_Lecky's Rise and Influence of Rationalism_,
116; _Hutchinson's Historical Account of Witchcraft_, p. 68.
[420] This is stated on the authority of the article on _Witchcraft_ in
_Knight's Cyclopædia_.
Hutchinson says, of the thousands of executions for witchcraft in
250 years, he had ascertained only about 140 cases in England. Other
writers placed the numbers higher. Some estimates appear absurdly
extravagant; for example, that in _Barrington's Observations on the
More Ancient Statutes_.
[421] I do not profess to be learned in these matters, but I would
just add that caps fitting close to the head were not necessarily
badges of Puritanism; for, to mention no other instances, they may
be seen in the portraits of Andrewes and Taylor. Bands are said to
have been introduced in 1652, but I do not know on what authority the
statement rests. In the portrait of William Jenkyn, already noticed,
an indescribable piece of ornamentation appears in the front of his
dress. Caryl's portrait shews no gown at all, only a plain, tight
dress. I mention these trifles simply to indicate that there was a
variety of costume amongst the Puritans. They were firm in resisting
the use of Popish vestments; but they do not seem to have maintained
anything like uniformity amongst themselves. I may add that the authors
of the Seventy-fourth Canon could have had no such childish ideas
about clerical costume as many express in the present day, for they
distinctly declare: "In all which particulars concerning the apparel
here prescribed, our meaning is not to attribute any holiness or
special worthiness to the said garments, but for decency, gravity, and
order, as is before specified."
[422] Weever, writing in 1631, complains of pews as a novelty. "They
are made high and easy, for parishioners to sit or sleep in, a fashion
of no long continuance, and worthy of reformation."
In the Visitation Books of the Archdeacon of Norfolk there are
many presentments in the reigns of James I. and Charles I. against
high-backed pews as nuisances. In 1638, some of the parishioners of
Great St. Andrew's Church, Cambridge, were presented for not kneeling
at the Sacrament, and excused themselves by saying their seats were so
straight that, being filled, they could not kneel.--_Hist. of Yarmouth,
by C. J. Palmer_, 127.
[423] The purchasing of hour-glasses is an item occurring in the
Windsor Churchwardens' accounts. In the same records are the following
curious entries for 1652-3:--
"Paid for fastening the paraphrase of Erasmus to the desk, viii.
d.; for nine pounds of candles, for the use of morning prayer, vs.
id." The charges for sack after preaching are numerous.--See _Annals
of Windsor_, ii. 266, _et. seq._ "For one pint of sack, given to a
merchant of Bristol who preached in the parish church, by William
Myelles, Mayor, his appointment, 8d."
The church plate at Windsor was for safe custody deposited in the
Guildhall. It consisted of two silver flagons, two chalices, one silver
cover, and one bread-plate.--_Annals_, ii. 271.
[424] It has been stated, but I do not know on what authority, that
Baxter read his sermons. Altogether, the advice given in the Directory,
under the head "Of the Preaching of the Word," is so admirable that it
deserves to be studied by every Christian minister.
[425] _Oxoniana_, i. 64; _Peck's Desiderata Curiosa_, _lib._ xx.;
_Stanford's Life of Joseph Alleine_, 113. In some parts of Switzerland,
the practice of wearing hats at sermon time is still maintained.
[426] _Perfect Occurrences_, June 22nd, 1644.
[427] _Baillie_, ii. 149.
[428] _Hanbury's Memorials_, ii. 105, 111.
[429] The omission of singing in public worship was continued in the
Baptist church at Maze Pond, Southwark, until the year 1733.--_Ivimey's
Hist. of Baptists_, Sup., 432.
[430] Sternhold's version was first published in 1548 or 1549, and was
dedicated to King Edward VI. Hopkins' additions appear in 1551.
The following may be mentioned as of a Puritan character:--
_Dod's Psalms of David; with a Public Thanksgiving on the Fifth of
November, composed into Easie Meter, a Song meete for Young and Old._
1620.
_Psalms of David, by George Wither, 1632, printed in the Netherlands;
dedicated to the Princess Elizabeth of Bohemia._
_The Psalms, in prose and metre, by H. A., Amsterdam_, 1612. H. A.
means Henry Ainsworth, the Nonconformist.
For a list of versions, see _Lownde's Bibliographers' Manual_ (Bohn's
edit.)
[431] _Humble Advice; or, the Heads of those Things which were offered
to many honourable Members of Parliament, by Richard Baxter, at the End
of his Sermon, December 24th, at the Abbey in Westminster._ 1655.
Baxter recommends the version "first approved of by the late
Assembly of Divines, and, after, very much corrected and bettered in
Scotland." This was Rouse's. Mr. Lathbury, to whom I am indebted for
the reference, incorrectly supposes it to be Barton's.--_Hist. of
Convocation_, 510.
[432] _Weekly Account_, 1643, October the 4th.
Substitutes for theatrical entertainments were ingeniously contrived
under the Protectorate, of which a curious example is afforded in a
description of a public amusement upon Friday, May the 23rd, 1656,
which I find amongst the _State Papers_.
[433] The following extract is worth notice:--
May the 1st, 1654, _Moderate Intelligencer_.
"This day was more observed by people's going a-maying than for divers
years past, and indeed much sin committed by wicked meetings, with
fighting, drunkenness, ribaldry, and the like. Great resort came to
Hyde Park; many hundred of rich coaches, and gallants in rich attire,
but most shameful powdered hair men, and painted and spotted women.
[434] Macaulay says: "If the Puritans suppressed bull-baiting it was
not because it gave pain to the bull, but because it gave pleasure to
spectators." Is this a fair statement? I do not discover in _Scobell_
any act or ordinance against bull-baiting at all. There is one against
cock-fighting, and the reason alleged for suppressing the practice is,
that it disturbed the public peace, and was connected with dissolute
practices to the dishonour of God. The prohibition of races, and the
grounds of the prohibition, have been already noticed.
[435] _Scobell._
[436] The following is extracted from the biography of John
Bruen.--_Nonconformity in Cheshire_, 56:--
"Master Done being young and youthly, yet very tractable, could not
well away with the strict observation of the lord's Day, whereupon we
did all conspire to do him good, ten of my family speaking one after
another, and myself last, for the sanctifying of the lord's Day.
After which he did very cheerfully yield himself; blessed be
God." ... "I [John Bruen] coming once into his chamber and finding over
the mantel-piece a pair of new cards, nobody being there I opened them,
and took out the four knaves and burnt them, and so laid them together
again; and so for want of such knaves his gaming was marred, and never
did he play in my house, for aught I ever heard, any more." Puritans
played at billiards, bowls, and shuffle-board.--See _Newcome's Diary_.
[437] A curious description of the prevalent fashions of the day is
found in _Fox's Journal_, i. 274:--
People "must be in the fashion of the world, else they are not in
esteem; else they shall not be respected, if they have not gold or
silver upon their backs, or if the hair be not powdered. But if he have
store of ribands hanging about his waist, and at his knees, and in his
hat, of divers colours, red, white, black, or yellow, and his hair be
powdered, then he is a brave man; then he is accepted, he is no Quaker,
because he hath ribands on his back, and belly, and knees, and his hair
powdered. This is the array of the world. But is not this from the lust
of the eye, the lust of the flesh, or the pride of life? Likewise the
women having their gold, their patches on their faces, noses, cheeks,
foreheads; having their rings on their fingers, wearing gold, having
their cuffs double, under and above, like unto a butcher with his white
sleeves; having their ribands tied about their hands, and three or
four gold laces about their clothes, this is no Quaker, say they. This
attire pleaseth the world; and if they cannot get these things, they
are discontented."
[438] Bastwick, quoted in _Hanbury's Memorials_, iii. 81.
[439] _Whitelocke's Memorials_, 628.
[440] _Oldmixon's History of England_, 426.
"I knew them both," he says, "and heard this story told when Mrs. White
was present, who did not contradict it, but owned there was something
in it."
[441] _Rogers' Life of Howe_, 69, 72.
[442] Mr. John Nelson, father of "the pious Robert Nelson," dying in
1657, having "a distaste" "for the intruding ministry of the time,"
requested to be "privately buried by an orthodox minister in the
evening."--_Nelson's Life, by Secretan_, p. 2.
[443] _Harl. MSS._, 5176, 15, quoted in _Lyson's Environs_, i. 42.
[444] _Brook_, iii. 290.
[445] _Baxter's Poetical Fragments._
[446] _Fell_, p. 230.
[447] _Essays_, by Henry Rogers, 17.
[448] _Taylor's Works_, vi. 564-566.
[449] _Life of Quarles, in Sacred Poets, by Willmott._
[450] _Dixon's Life of the Earl of Manchester._
[451] _Memorials of John Hampden_, by Lord Nugent, 336.
[452] _Evelyn's Diary_, i. 342.
[453] _Howe's Works_, vi. 233. Fairclough was Rector of the parish of
Wells, in the county of Somerset. He was one of the ejected ministers;
he died July 4th, 1682, and is buried in Bunhill Fields. Howe gives an
account of his indefatigable diligence in the discharge of his ministry.
[454] _Clark's Lives_, 103.
[455] Samuel Fairclough. He held the living of Banardiston in Suffolk,
and afterwards became Rector of Keddington, in the same county. There
is a remarkable memoir of him in _Clark's Lives_.
[456] _Clark's Lives_, 114.
[457] _Works_, vi. 476.
[458] _Memorable Women of the Puritan Times_, i. 105-116.
[459] These notices are taken from _Dr. Gibbons Memoirs of Eminently
Pious Women_. We have purposely retained some forms of phraseology
which are employed in the original narrative. It would be easy to add
to these illustrations. Some interesting ones are given in _Pattison's
Rise and Progress of Religious Life in England_, chap. xii. See also
_Tomkin's Piety Promoted_. Even amongst the Fifth Monarchy men there
were instances of genuine piety; nor do we doubt that the persecuted
Roman Catholics furnished examples of devotion and beneficence.
[460] Morley stated at the Savoy Conference "that some places had no
ministers at all through all those times of usurpation," and instanced
Aylesbury. Baxter told him: "I never knew any such; and therefore I
knew there were not many such in England." With regard to Aylesbury,
he says the story was false, as he ascertained there were usually in
that town two at a time.--_Life and Times_, part ii., 340. Some poor
parishes might, during a part of the period, be without ministers.
[461] _Life and Times_, part i., 96.
[462] Even what was said by the scoffers is worth noting:--
"Here's now no good action for a man to spend his time in; taverns
grow dead; ordinaries are blown up; plays are at a stand; houses
of hospitality at fall; not a feather waving, nor a spur jingling
anywhere. I'll away instantly."--_Eastward Ho!_ 228.
This testifies to an extensive outward reformation.
[463] _Works_, ii. 251.
[464] _Communion with God_: two Sermons preached at St. Paul's, by
Saml. Annesley, LL.D., 1654-1655, minister of the Gospel at St. John
the Evangelist's, London.
[465] _Owen's Works_, vol. vii. ccccxxxiv.
[466] The one called Germany worse than Sodom, and the other declared
the waters of the Elbe would not suffice for tears to weep over those
dissensions.--_Hase's History of the Church_, 439.
[467] For extract from Becon, see _Strype's Cranmer_, i. 417.
[468] See _Strype's Parker_, i. 465.
[469] These are expressions used in the Account of Twiss.--_Clark's
Lives_, 18.
[470] See _Hase_, 485.
[471] Bishop Burnet, in the _History of his own Times_, says of the
year 1680, (and his words are true of the times just before), "I was
indeed amazed at the labours and learning of the ministers among the
Reformed. They understood the Scriptures well in the original tongues,
they had all the points of controversy very ready, and did thoroughly
understand the whole body of divinity. In many places they preached
every day, and were almost constantly employed in visiting their
flock. But they performed their devotions but slightly, and read their
prayers, which were too long, with great precipitation and little zeal.
Their sermons were too long and too dry. And they were so strict, even
to jealousy, in the smallest points in which they put orthodoxy, that
one who could not go into all their notions, but was resolved not to
quarrel with them, could not converse much with them with any freedom."
In reference to the French refugees, he observes: "Even among them
there did not appear a spirit of piety and devotion suitable to their
condition, though persons who have willingly suffered the loss of all
things rather than sin against their consciences, must be believed to
have a deeper principle in them than can well be observed by others."
Archbishop Trench has drawn an instructive and admonitory parallel
between this condition of things on the Continent, in the 17th
century, and the picture of the Church at Ephesus in the Book of
Revelation.--_Commentary on the Epistles to the Seven Churches_, 73.
[472] Quoted in _Anderson's History of the Colonial Church_, i. 25-27.
_Worthies of England, Derbyshire_, i. 373.
[473] _Anderson_, i., 46-56.
[474] _Advertisement for the Unexperienced Planters in New England,
&c._, p. 32, quoted in _Anderson's Colonial Church_, i. 180.
[475] _Anderson's History of the Colonial Church_, i. 217, 231.
[476] _Ibid._, i. 267.
_Bancroft_, i. 178, 206.
Even Mr. Anderson, who praises Virginia for its tolerance,
acknowledges, "that if the enactments concerning the Church had been
literally enforced, the Puritan would have found no resting-place
within its borders."--i. 270.
[477] _Anderson_, i. 461-2.
[478] See _Articles Subscribed by the Colonists_.--_Ibid._, i. 301.
[479] _Anderson_, i. 308. This was a French translation of Edward the
Sixth's Prayer Book. Edward the Sixth's first Prayer Book (1549) was
translated into French for the use of the King's subjects in Calais and
the Channel Islands, by command of Sir Hugh Paulet, Governor of Calais.
This book was corrected, according to the revision of the second Prayer
Book, in 1532.--_Procter on the Book of Common Prayer_, 37.
[480] _Anderson_, i. 488.
[481] _Bancroft_, i. 248. Afterwards it was declared that "Holy Church"
should enjoy all her liberties and rights.--_Bacon's Laws of Maryland._
[482] _Ibid._, i. 272.
[483] _Holme's American Annals_, i. 163. _Bancroft_, i. 305.
[484] _Anderson_, i. 359.
[485] A copy of the Charter may be found in the State Paper Office,
_Col. Series_, under date 1629, March 4th. An account of it is given in
_Bancroft_, i. 342.
[486] _Cotton Mather's Magnalia_, i. 66. The distinct origin of the
Massachusetts colony has been overlooked by some historians. The
Pilgrim Fathers of New England have been confounded with the planters
of the neighbouring state.
[487] _Baird's Religion of the United States_, 107, 108.--_Anderson_,
ii. 156, 157.
[488] _Bancroft_, i. 349.
The treatment of Roger Williams, who, with all his folly and rashness,
blended qualities of the noblest kind,--can never be justified.
[489] _Heylyn's Life of Laud_, p. 369.
[490] _Heylyn's Life of Laud_, 276.
[491] _Hazard_, i. 344. _Anderson_, i. 412.
[492] December, 1634. _State Papers, Colonial._
"The question about the lawfulness of the cross was warmly agitated
at the time, and the matter was finally settled by the magistrates
commanding that the cross be struck out of the colours for the trained
bands, but retained on the banners of the castle and of vessels in the
harbour."--_Elton's Life of Roger Williams_, 23.
[493] 1634, No. 41, _State Papers, Colonial_; 1637, October 7th and
15th, _Ibid._; 1637, No. 73, _Ibid._ These are all described in _Mr.
Sainsbury's Calendar, Col. Series_, 1574-1660.
[494] 1637, October 6th, _State Papers, Colonial_.
[495] _Ibid._
[496] _Anderson_, ii. 18.
The Council of State, 1649, were informed, by a petition of the
congregation of Nansamund, in Virginia, that their minister, Mr.
Harrison, an able man of unblameable conversation, had been banished
the Colony because he would not conform to the Prayer Book. The
Prayer Book being prohibited by Parliament, the Council directs that
Mr. Harrison be restored, unless there be a cause for his removal
satisfactory to Parliament.--_State Papers, Colonial_, October, 1649;
_Entry Book_, cxv. p. 482.
In the Bermudas, or Somers Isles, Puritanism had become prevalent in
1642. Richard Norwood, a Puritan minister, writes thence, February
28th:--"We have seen an experiment here of that which very few, I
suppose, in England have seen, namely, of the superiority or government
of ministers, or an assembly of ministers esteeming the government to
be theirs, who have the most sway in it." He expects the Government
at home will receive complaints of arbitrary proceedings. The same
writer, May 14th, 1645, speaks of "diversity of opinions touching
ecclesiastical discipline." There were two parties, he says, one under
Mr. White, adhering to the Independent way; the other, and the larger
number, holding to the former discipline used there until Parliament
should order otherwise.
Again, in May, 1647, he speaks of "bitter acrimony" between the two
Independents and two Presbyterian ministers. The reins of government
were slack.--_State Papers, Colonial_, under dates.
[497] _Anderson_, i. 373.
[498] _Anderson_, ii. 57-59.
[499] This Act, passed in 1649, may be seen in _Bacon's Laws_.
[500] _Bancroft_, i. 421.
[501] _Ibid._, i. 432.
[502] _Bancroft_, i. 448.
[503] _Ibid._, 441. See also his preceding pages.
[504] See _Scobell_, July the 27th, 1649, p. 66.
[505] Some in New England held back from this kind of missionary
work,--_Anderson_, ii. 195.
Just on the eve of the Restoration this entry occurs in the minutes of
the synod at Sion College, the 19th March, 1659-60.
"There was then propounded by some of the Corporation for New England
that our help should be administered for the printing of the Bible in
the Indian languages. It was then ordered that the design propounded
was eminently acceptable, and that the ministers would engage that they
would promote the design to their utmost capacity."
[506] _Bancroft_, i. 445.
[507] _Thurloe_, v. 147. We can trace this Gookin in the Colonial
State Papers as admitted a patentee under a grant from the New England
Company (July the 5th, 1622); as praying Charles I. for a patent in the
capacity of planter and adventurer (March the 1st, 1631); as receiving
a warrant to export to New England powder and shot (July the 24th,
1650); as receiving £300 to defray charges of service (September the
21st, 1655); and as passing from Jamaica to New England on board the
_Fraternity_ (December the 19th, 1655).
[508] _Life of Williams_, 111.
[509] _Bancroft_, i. 425.
[510] _Bancroft_, i. 428.
[511] _Whitelocke_, 474.
[512] _Scobell_, 1650, Oct. 3rd.
[513] _State Papers. Colonial._ Feb. 1st, 1651.
[514] _Ibid. Colonial._ Oct. 31st, 1651.
[515] _State Papers. Colonial._ Nov. 13th, 1651.
[516] _Ibid._, Dec. 14th, 1651.
[517] _State Papers. Colonial._ Dec. 27th, 1651.
[518] _State Papers. Colonial._ 1651, Dec. 26th: 1652, Jan. 9th.
[519] _Ibid._ 1653, Aug. 28th, Sept. 19th. _Calendar_, 408.
A large mass of correspondence respecting Barbadoes may be found in
the Record Office. Barbadoes had been a place of banishment for the
Irish taken at Drogheda, and thither were also sent the Royalists who
were made prisoners at Exeter and Ilchester. In a Royalist pamphlet
entitled, _England's Slavery, or Barbadoes Merchandize_, (1659,) a
melancholy account is given of the barbarous treatment of seventy-two
freeborn Englishmen who uncondemned had been sold into slavery.
[520] _State Papers. Colonial._ Sept. 26th, 1651. _Thurloe_, i. 197.
[521] _Anderson_, ii. 19-21.
"In _Virginia's Cure_ the Colony is represented as bearing a great love
to the stated constitutions of the Church of England in her government
and public worship, which gave us (who went thither under the late
persecution of it) the advantage of liberty to use it constantly
amongst them, after the naval force had reduced the Colony under
the power (but never to the obedience) of the usurpers."--Quoted in
_Wilberforce's History of the American Church_, 38.
[522] _Anderson_, ii. 20-23.
Bancroft paints a glowing picture of Virginia under the
Commonwealth.--i. 224.
[523] Mr. Anderson, in his _History of the Church of England in the
Colonies_, ii. 36, speaks of the paucity of his materials respecting
the Bermudas. The particulars given above are picked out of the _State
Papers, Colonial Series_ (see _Calendar_), 1652, Jan. 1st; 1653, June
25th; 1656, Oct. 7th, Nov. 18th; 1658, March 25th, Sept. 7th. It is
stated in the Report, 1656, Oct. 7th, that the islands for the most
part were naturally fortified or otherwise secured by four forts with
sixty guns and five companies; 1,500 men were able to bear aims. About
3,000 inhabitants were without a minister. The charges of Government
were £500 a year, and the tobacco duties amounted to £800.
[524] _Thurloe_, ii. 126.
[525] _State Papers. Colonial._ July 25th, 1657.
[526] _Thurloe_, iii. 497. _Long's Hist. of Jamaica_, i. 239, quoted by
_Anderson_, ii. 75.
[527] _State Papers. Colonial._ Sept. 26th, 1655.
[528] _Thurloe_, iii. 650, iv. 4.
[529] There are several letters by D'Oyley in _Thurloe_.
[530] See papers in _Thurloe_, v. 482-487.
Puritan emigrants from Virginia are charged with fomenting quarrels in
Maryland.--_Leah and Rachel_, quoted in _Anderson_, ii. 32.
[531] The persecution of the Roman Catholics in England has been
noticed already. We may add, that in 1656-57, a new oath of adjuration
was prescribed for discovering Papists, and a penalty of £100 was to be
inflicted on any one who attended mass. The ordinance altogether was
very severe.--_Scobell_, 443. Butler, (_Rom. Cath._, ii. 407,) mentions
the execution of a priest for the exercise of his functions.
[532] _Thurloe._, iv. 55. _Bancroft_, i. 261, on the authority of
Chalmers.
[533] _Bancroft_, i. 263.
In a pamphlet, entitled _Hammond versus Heamans_, preserved in the
State Paper Office, there is published what is said to be "His
Highness's absolute (though neglected) command to Richard Bennet,
late Governor of Virginia, and all others, not to disturb the Lord
Baltimore's plantation in Maryland."--1655, vol. xii. 59.
[534] Vol. i. p. 340.
[535] _Anderson_, ii. 272.
[536] _Ibid._, 271.
[537] Durie gives long and amusing accounts of his conversations with
Archbishop Laud. Laud promised to use his influence with the King to
procure him a living. He did so, and Durie went down into Devonshire,
where the living was situated, to take possession, but he found it
occupied by some one else. Laud paid Durie's travelling expenses. The
letters are given in Mr. Bruce's interesting preface to the _Cal.
Dom._, 1633-1634.
[538] _Calendar Dom._, 1633-34, 525.
[539] _Calendar, Dom._, 1633-34, p. 562.
[540] _Ibid._, p. 565, 566.
[541] _Calendar Dom._, 1634-35, p. 148.
A number of other interesting letters from or respecting Durie are
condensed by Mr. Bruce in his Calendar.--See pp. 89, 96, 195, 204, 530.
[542] _Harris's Cromwell_, 304.
[543] See letters illustrative of Durie's efforts abroad in _Vaughan's
Protectorate of Cromwell_, i. 48, 104, 117.
[544] Notices of Durie may be found in _Bayle's Dict._, in _Biog.
Brit._, in _Brook's Lives_, and in _Herzog's Encycl._
[545] _Vaughan's Protectorate_, i. 136.
[546] _Thurloe_, iii. 362.
[547] _Vaughan_, i. 169, 170, 175.
[548] _Original Papers illustrative of the life and writings of John
Milton_, Camden Society; the translation is taken from the _Athenæum_,
Dec. 17th, 1859.
[549] _Thurloe_, iii. 476.
[550] _Ibid._, 558-568.
[551] _Ibid._, 623.
This, however, was an exaggeration. See page 498.
[552] The names of the Committee are given, including Nye, Caryl,
Calamy, Jenkyn. Additions were afterwards made by order of his Highness
and the Council, including the names of Lockier and Sterry.
[553] All the foregoing particulars on this subject are found in a
bundle of papers relative to the Vaudois, preserved in the State Paper
Office.--_Dom. Interreg._
[554] _Vaughan_, i. 260.
Commissioners must content themselves to give "some means of
subsistence to feed and clothe them, with some small sum of money to
those whose houses have been burnt, to enable them to provide timber
against the spring time, that they may build them some small cottages
to shelter."--_Public Intelligencer_, October 13th, 1655.
"The last letters out of Dauphine advise that there is a provincial
synod of them of the reformed religion, where, after they had taken
a view of their own particular affairs, it was resolved that they
would send a deputation to their brethren of the valleys of Piedmont,
consisting of four ministers, two of which are to be of the most
eminent, learned, and zealous men of that province, to be joined with
two younger, and two gentlemen of the country most noted for their
affection to the Protestant religion, and for purity of life and
conversation, who are to go as deputies to see to the distributing of
the moneys collected in this kingdom for relief of our poor brethren
according to the necessity of their conditions and families."--_Ibid._,
October 15th to 22nd.
[555] _Milton's Prose Works_, ii. 220.
In an Order Book (State Paper Office) there is, under date May 18th,
1658, an order for £3,000 to be paid to the suffering Vaudois.
[556] Upon the 2nd of September, 1658, £3,700 was ordered to be paid
to the merchant adventurers at Hamburgh on behalf of the Polish
Protestants.
A petition for assistance by Polish exiles appears under date November
18th, 1658, with the endorsement:--"I know this petition to be true,
and know the petitioners to be very deserving, learned, godly persons,
members of the Churches for whom the collection was made, as are also
some others living with us on our charity, in the same condition with
those petitioners. JOHN OWEN."
The bundle in the State Paper Office, containing the documents from
which we have taken the foregoing particulars, is endorsed, _Papers
relative to the Protestant Exiles from Poland and Bohemia, &c._, 1657,
1658.
[557] _Clarendon's Hist._, 863, and _Burnet's Hist. of his Own Times_,
i. 77.
[558] _Ibid._ Stoupe was minister of the French Reformed Church in
London, and was sent to Geneva in 1654 to negotiate affairs relative
to Protestantism. There are several allusions to him in _Pell's
Correspondence_. In one letter he is spoken of as a man "with good
zeal, but little policy."--_Vaughan's Protectorate_, i. 48.
[559] King James's College, at Chelsea, was founded by Dr. Matthew
Sutcliffe, Dean of Exeter, "to this intent, that learned men
might there have maintenance to answer all the adversaries of
religion."--_Alleyn's Life_, quoted in _Cunningham's Hand-Book of
London_.
[560] The _Public Intelligencer_, of December 10th-17th, 1655, speaks
of "a conference held concerning the Jews in a withdrawing-room, in
the presence of his Highness, between the Committee of the Council and
the ministers and other persons approved by his Highness. Among these
present Mr. Bridge was one." There is a letter on the subject of the
Jews in _Thurloe_, iv. 321.
[561] Even Burnet thought Cromwell meant to employ the Jews as spies.
[562] Samuel Brett has left "a Narrative (dated 1655) of the
proceedings of a great council of Jews assembled in the plain of Ageda,
in Hungaria, about thirty leagues distant from Breda, to examine the
Scriptures concerning the Messiah." The narrative is in the British
Museum.
[563] In addition to what has been stated before on this subject,
notice may be taken of a conversation which Cromwell had with a
minister named John Rogers (see _Brook's Lives_, iii. 328), who spoke
against a National Church--calling it anti-Christian--applying what
he said to the Commonwealth. Cromwell answered that the Commonwealth
Church was not a National Church, "for a National Church endeavoured to
force all into one form."--See also _Wood's Ath. Ox._, ii. 594.
[564] Yet Bates, the physician, who says this, also says she often
mentioned the blood her father spilt. How did he know this, if nobody
was near enough to hear what was said? We cannot help thinking that
imagination has been very busy with the latter part of Cromwell's
life. Elizabeth Claypole has been represented as having pleaded with
her father to spare Dr. Hewit's life. However that might be, certainly
this very lady, in her own handwriting, within two months of her death,
expressed her satisfaction at the discovery of the plot, as of one
which, had it taken effect, would have ruined her family and the whole
nation.--_Thurloe_, vii. 173.
[565] _Thurloe_, vii. 320; _Ludlow's Memoirs_, i. 609.
[566] The account which follows is taken from "_A Collection of
Several Passages concerning his Late Highness Oliver Cromwell in the
Time of his Sickness_, written by one that was then groom of his
bedchamber." The gentlemen of the bedchamber were Mr. Charles Harvey
and Mr. Underwood. This pamphlet is in the British Museum. There is
also another copy of it, with a somewhat different title, as follows:
"_An Account of the Last Hours of the Late Renowned Oliver, Lord
Protector_--drawn up and published by one who was an eye and ear
witness of the most part of it."
"_The Portraiture of his Royal Highness Oliver in his Life and Death_,"
contains no information respecting his sickness. It has a curious
frontispiece, exhibiting Cromwell's effigy crowned, and clothed in
royal robes.
[567] "As near as I can remember them," says the writer of the
_Collection_, &c.
[568] _Fox's Journal_, i. 477.
[569] _Journal_, 485. Fox says, immediately afterwards:--"From Kingston
I went to Isaac Pennington's, in Buckinghamshire, where I had appointed
a meeting, and the Lord's truth and power were preciously manifested
amongst us." This was the celebrated Isaac Pennington repeatedly
noticed in the first volume of this history.
[570] _Thurloe_, vii. 354.
[571] _Bates' Elenchi_, ii. 215.
Fleetwood and Thurloe both speak of divine assurances of Cromwell's
restoration.--_Thurloe_, vii. 355, 364.
[572] The Royalist historians abound in stories of Cromwell's terror
lest he should be assassinated, and of frightful remorse mixed with
that terror. Yet Clarendon, (_Hist._, p. 861,) most inconsistently
says: "He never made the least shew of remorse;" and Ludlow, the
republican, remarks: "He manifested little remorse."--_Memoirs_, ii.
612.
[573] The letters are in _Peck's Desiderata Curiosa_, ii.
[574] This is stated on the authority of Eachard. Neal adopts it,
(_Hist._ iv. 188.) I must confess I do not feel much confidence in such
a report of Cromwell's last sayings.
[575] Neal mentions Goodwin as the person who said this, (_Hist._ iv.
197,) and in so doing he is followed by Godwin and others. But Goodwin
was not a chaplain of Cromwell's, nor was he likely to say what is thus
ascribed to him. Neal gives no authority for his story. Baxter makes no
mention of such an incident. Foster, in his _Life of Cromwell_, says
it was Sterry who answered Cromwell, and he refers generally to the
_Collection of Passages_; but in that collection Sterry's name does not
occur, nor is there one word about this conversation. Baxter states
that an Independent praying for Cromwell, said: "We ask not for his
life, for that we are sure of, but that he may serve Thee better than
ever he had done."--_Life and Times_, part i. 98. The author adds in
the margin, "as it is currently reported without any contradiction that
ever I heard of." There is no allusion to any such circumstance in the
_Collection of Passages_. Ludlow, (_Memoirs_, ii. 610,) ascribes the
prayer to Goodwin, but Ludlow was evidently prejudiced against both
Cromwell and Goodwin. Tillotson, according to Birch, (_Life_, 16,) and
also according to Burnet, (_Hist. of his own Times_, i. 82,) reported
that he heard Goodwin say, a week after Cromwell's death: "Thou hast
deceived us, and we were deceived." Tillotson also alluded to Goodwin's
pretended assurance in prayer, before Cromwell expired. Tillotson would
not fabricate the report, but might he not misunderstand what Goodwin
meant? Eachard and Kennet, in relating the story, do not supply any
corroboration of it. Tillotson is the only authority.
[576] _Carlyle_, iii. 151.
[577] _Collection of several Passages_, &c.
[578] "He did not mean," says the author of the _Collection_, "that it
was safe to sin. No, the laying hold of the Covenant implies faith and
repentance, which the Gospel requires with new obedience."--p. 6.
Throughout this paragraph we adhere to the words in the _Collection_.
[579] P. 7.
[580] P. 12.
[581] "Some variation," says the writer of the _Collection of
Passages_, "there is of this prayer, as to the account divers give of
it, and something is here omitted. But this is certain, that these were
his requests, wherein his heart was so carried out for God and his
people, yea for them who had added no little sorrow to his grief and
afflictions, that at this time he seems to forget his own family and
nearest relations."--13.
The statement that Sterry exclaimed after Cromwell's death, that he was
of great use to the people of God whilst he lived, and that he would be
much more so interceding for them at the right hand of Christ, rests
mainly on the authority of Ludlow (_Memoirs_, ii. 612) who was not
present, and in this instance could only repeat a rumour. He was as
prejudiced against Cromwell and his court as any Royalist could be.
[582] _Commonwealth Mercury_, Sept. 2nd to Sept. 9th. The Protector's
funeral was very magnificent, of which a minute account is given by
the Rev. John Prestwich, of All Souls, Oxford, in a document preserved
amongst the Ashmolean MSS. It is printed in the _Cromwellian Diary_,
ii. 516.
In the newspaper announcing Cromwell's death, there occurs this amusing
advertisement:--"That excellent, and by all physitians approved China
drink, called by the Chineans, Tcha, by other nations Tay, or Tee, is
sold at the Sultaness-Head, a cophee-house in Sweetings Rents, by the
Royal Exchange, London."
[583] Clarendon (_Hist._, 862), says that the day of Cromwell's death
was memorable for a storm, which he describes as very violent. Heath
says it was reported that he was carried away in the storm _the day_
before. (_Chronicle_, 408.) The fact is, that this storm, of which both
the friends and the enemies of Cromwell made so much, really occurred
on Monday, the 30th of August, _four days before his death_. Barwick,
in a letter to Charles II., mentions it as occurring on the 30th.
_Thurloe_, vii. 416. Ludlow, in his _Memoirs_, does the same, ii. 610.
In the title to Waller's poem on the Protector, it is said that it
alludes "to the storm that happened _about_ that time."
[584] Particular notice is taken of the prayers offered for Oliver's
recovery in letters of the period.--See _Thurloe_, vii. 364-7.
[585] _Art._ II. charged him with saying "that some of the Justices
were all for law, and nothing would please them but law; but they
should find that the King's little finger should be heavier than the
loins of the law."
_Art._ XXI. charged him with counselling his Majesty to call a
Parliament in England with a design "to break the same, and by ways of
force and power to raise monies upon the subjects of this kingdom."
_Art._ XXIII. charged him with saying "that his Majesty having
tried the affections of his people, he was loose and absolved from
all rules of Government, and was to do everything that power would
admit."--_Rushworth's Trial of Lord Strafford_, 62, 71, 72.
[586] _Sufferings of the Clergy_, part i. 199-200.
The subject of martyrology strongly tempts to exaggeration. Certain
writers on the catacombs are examples. A curious instance of the
tendency occurs in _Donne's Sermons_, i. 328.
[587] Baxter, and the Presbyterian ministers at the Savoy, speak of
"many hundreds," "several hundreds," and "some hundreds." Hook, in
a letter in the State Paper Office (March 2nd, 1663) says: Of the
ejected Puritans, they were "about 1,500 or 1,600 in the nation,
_besides as near as many before upon the point of title_." All this is
indeterminate, and in Hook's statement there must be exaggeration.
[588] _The Perfect Diurnal_, July, 1646, states that it was complained
of in the House of Commons, that sequestered malignant ministers in
London and other places were admitted to pulpits where they preached
sedition.
On March the 1st, 1647, notice was given the Earl of Chesterfield
not to entertain malignant preachers, nor use the Book of Common
Prayer.--_Ibid._
[589] _Spittle Sermon_ on Eph. iv. 15.--"Speaking the truth in love,"
p. 24-25.
[590] _Pagninus et Arias Montanus._
[591] _Tromolius (Tremellius?) Junius, Beza, &c._
[592] First printed anno 1612.
[593] The name of Dr. Thomas Goodwin is altered into that of John Owen;
Caryl's name is struck out.
Transcriber's Note:
1. Original spelling has been retained.
2. Obvious spelling, punctuation and typographical errors have been
silently corrected.
3. Italics are shown as _xxx_.