The History which we are tracing in these pages resolves itself into
a grand epic without any literary skill on the part of the historian.
Commencing, as it does, with the opening of the Long Parliament, and
ending with the death of Oliver Cromwell--it exhibits the Episcopal
Church of England in the midst of its ancient grandeur on the very
eve of its downfall; it indicates the causes of that catastrophe; it
describes a new ecclesiastical system, which was immediately contrived
to occupy the place of its predecessor; and it then unfolds another and
a very simple scheme of religious instruction which was established,
and superseded, in fact, the elaborate theory of the Westminster
Divines. Soon after the opening of our story one character appeared,
destined before long to be the commanding figure on the stage of
events. Although Cromwell had only taken part with many others in
effecting the overthrow of the Anglican Establishment, he, perhaps, of
all the actors in those stirring times, most effectually contributed to
prevent the full practical development of the Presbyterian polity in
England; and most certainly to his genius and determination we must
attribute the origin and defence of that unique ecclesiastical system
which, during the Protectorate, constituted the Church of England.[563]
Really the moral offspring of a revolution which overthrew despotic
power, and asserted the right of man to freedom, Oliver was the most
absolute ruler which this country ever saw; and in this respect it is
obvious and easy to run a parallel between him and the first, if not
the second, Napoleon. The cause of such a political phenomenon has been
indicated. It is no strange thing. The world has witnessed it over and
over again. But, in Cromwell's case, there was what in the case of
the first Napoleon there was not;--what alas! amongst the masters of
mankind has ever been too rare--a deep, strong, invincible faith in the
Gospel of Jesus Christ. Not from policy, not as a piece of statecraft,
but from a spiritual insight, and as a Christian duty--from love to
the souls of men, and with a desire to advance the glory of God--did
the Protector watch and foster, protect and promote, the interests of
religion. As he was really the temporal head of that new Church, if
such it may be termed; as he was the Defender of its Faith, as its
existence was bound up with his authority, and as when he died its
fate was sealed--the circumstances connected with the close of his
eventful life, and the religious character of his last days, require to
be related, in order that something approaching to completeness may be
given to this imperfect work. With the death of Cromwell we wind up
our history for the present.
[Sidenote: _Cromwell at Hampton Court._]
Hampton Court--which, with its manifold memories, has within the
last few years become more familiar than ever to the people of this
country--was the residence of his Highness in the month of July, 1658.
In one of the chambers of Wolsey's Palace--of which palace three
of the noblest courts were afterwards pulled down to make room for
the buildings erected by William III.--the Lady Elizabeth Claypole,
Cromwell's daughter, lay on her death-bed. As the rays of the summer
sun, and the fragrance of the summer flowers, and the music of the
summer birds entered the open window, Oliver watched with tender
assiduity the declining health of his beloved child. For a fortnight
he scarcely attended to public business; but day after day he sat
bending over her dying pillow, engaged in earnest conversation with the
sufferer, "though nobody was near enough to hear the particulars."[564]
She expired on the 6th of August. Her father had himself been unwell
for some days: although he enjoyed a strong constitution, the wear and
tear of war and toil had left their impression, and amidst the suspense
and anxiety of parental love--and only those who have actually, like
Cromwell, passed through such circumstances, can fully understand their
effect upon mind and body--some seeds of disease, already sown, began
to appear. He had an attack of gout, and, being impatient of restraint,
he requested his physicians to subdue the local affection. Disease
soon appeared in other parts of the system, and for some days the
Protector's illness assumed an alarming appearance.[565]
[Sidenote: _Cromwell at Hampton Court._]
Whilst remaining at Hampton Court, and only a few days after his
daughter's death, "he called for his Bible,[566] and desired an
honourable and godly person there (with others) present to read to
him Philippians iv. 11-13:--'Not that I speak in respect of want, for
I have learned, in whatsoever state I am, therewith to be content.
I know both how to be abased, and I know how to abound. Everywhere
and in all things I am instructed, both to be full and to be hungry,
both to abound and to suffer need. I can do all things, through
Christ which strengtheneth me.' Which read, said he, to use his own
words:[567]--'This Scripture did once save my life; when my eldest son
died, which went as a dagger to my heart, indeed it did.' And then,
repeating the words of the text himself, declared his then thoughts
to this purpose, reading the tenth and eleventh verses of Paul's
contentation, and submission to the will of God in all conditions
(said he), 'Tis true, Paul, _you_ have learned this, and attained to
this measure of grace; but what shall _I_ do? Ah, poor creature, it
is a hard lesson for me to take out! I find it so!' But reading on to
the thirteenth verse, where Paul saith, 'I can do all things through
Christ that strengtheneth me'--then faith began to work, and his heart
to find support and comfort, and he said thus to himself: 'He that was
Paul's Christ is my Christ too,' and so drew waters out of the wells of
salvation, Christ in the Covenant of Grace."
[Sidenote: 1658.]
It was about this time that the famous interview between Oliver
Cromwell and George Fox took place. The Quaker had shortly before
sent a letter to Lady Claypole, written in a very characteristic
manner, and beautifully exhorting her to "stillness, staidness, and
quietness,"--that she might "know the shadow of the Almighty, and sit
under it, in all tempests and storms and heats," and that she might
feel the power of an endless life, which brings the immortal soul up to
the immortal God.[568] And now one day, Fox, taking boat on the Thames
at Westminster, was rowed up to Kingston, and from thence he went to
Hampton Court, to speak with the Protector touching the sufferings
of Friends. "I met him," says the journalist, "riding into Hampton
Court Park, and before I came to him, as he rode at the head of his
Life Guard, I saw and felt a waft (or apparition) of death go forth
against him, and when I came to him, he looked like a dead man. After
I had laid the sufferings of Friends before him, and had warned him,
according as I was moved to speak to him, he bid me come to his house.
So I returned to Kingston, and the next day went up to Hampton Court
to speak further with him. But when I came he was sick, and Harvey,
who was one that waited on him, told me the doctors were not willing I
should speak with him. So I passed away, and never saw him more."[569]
[Sidenote: _Last Days in Whitehall._]
Cromwell was unwilling to leave the old country palace, with its
pleasant park and gardens, but on the day of Lady Claypole's funeral
at Westminster Abbey--the 10th of August--he came to Whitehall, only,
however, to return speedily to his favourite retreat. On the 21st he
was seized with a severe fit of ague, after which, as Hampton Court
Palace was, in the judgment of the physicians, too near the river for
the recovery of their patient; he, following their advice, returned to
the palace at Whitehall, intending to take up his abode at St. James's,
that regal residence of the Stuarts being at a greater distance from
the water.
No dangerous symptoms appeared for a week, but Secretary Thurloe
felt much apprehension respecting the condition of his Highness, and
observed, in a letter to the Lord Deputy of Ireland: "It cannot but
greatly affect us all towards God, and make us deeply sensible how much
our dependence is upon Him, in whose hands is the life and breath of
this His old servant; and if He should take him away from amongst us,
how terrible a blow it would be to all the good people of the land; and
that, therefore, we should be careful how we walk towards God, lest we
provoke Him to depart from us, and bring upon us this great evil. The
people of God here pray much for his recovery, and I hope those in
Ireland will do the same, and to have his life spared and his strength
restored by prayer, is a great addition to the mercy."[570]
[Sidenote: 1658.]
Cromwell did not believe himself in danger; and even after he took to
his bed, he said to his wife: "I shall not die this bout, I am sure
of it." "Do not think," addressing the physicians, "I am mad, I speak
the words of truth upon surer grounds than Galen or Hippocrates. God
Almighty has given me that answer, not only to my prayers but to those
who have closer intimacy with Him than I. Proceed cheerfully, banishing
all sadness, and dealing with me as you would with a serving man. You
may have skill in the things of nature, but nature can do more than
physicians can, and God is above even nature itself."[571]
The Protector's hopes of recovery were unfounded. His enthusiastic
idea of particular faith in prayer misled him; but a better faith,
happily, mingled itself with his characteristic infirmity. He had no
fear of death;[572] and there is no reason to believe that his mind had
undergone any change respecting spiritual confidence in Christ, since
he wrote the following lines, in the year 1652, to his son-in-law,
General Fleetwood:--
"Salute your dear wife from me. Bid her beware of a bondage spirit.
Fear is the natural issue of such a spirit--the antidote is love. The
voice of fear is: If I had done this, if I had avoided that, how well
it had been with me! I know this hath been her vain reasoning; 'poor
Biddy!'
"Love argueth in this wise: What a Christ have I; what a Father in
and through Him! What a name hath my Father: _Merciful, gracious,
long-suffering, abundant in goodness and truth; forgiving iniquity,
transgression, and sin_. What a nature hath my Father: _He is love_;
free in it, unchangeable, infinite! What a covenant between Him and
Christ--for all the seed, for every one; wherein He undertakes all, and
the poor soul nothing. The new covenant is grace--to or upon the soul;
to which it, 'the soul,' is passive and receptive: _I'll do away their
sins; I'll write my law_, &c.; _I'll put it in their hearts: they shall
never depart from me_, &c.
"This commends the love of God: it's Christ dying for men _without_
strength, for men whilst sinners, whilst enemies. And shall we seek for
the root of our comforts within us--what God hath done, what He is to
us in Christ, 'this' is the root of our comfort: in this is stability;
in us is weakness. Acts of obedience are not perfect, and therefore
yield not perfect grace. Faith, as an act, yields it not; but 'only' as
it carries us into Him, who is our perfect rest and peace; in whom we
are accounted of, and received by, the Father--even as Christ Himself!
This is our high calling. Rest we here, and here only."
[Sidenote: _Habit of Prayer._]
Cromwell's habit of prayer was continued throughout his life; and upon
this subject strong testimony is borne by the person to whom we are
indebted for the only authentic narrative of his last days. "Indeed,
prayer, (as one calls it,) was his daily exercise, which he never
neglected, notwithstanding all his weighty affairs; yea, the more
weighty and urgent they were, the more he buckled to it, and sometimes
with such fervour of spirit that he could not contain himself, but
with great breakings of heart send up strong cries with tears unto
God, heard when he hath not known any to be near him; so that it may
be truly said of him, that, as he was a man (Abraham-like) strong in
faith, so (like Jacob) mighty in prayer, and as a prince prevailing
with God; such as, indeed, in all respects, this nation was never blest
with to sit on the throne; however he was judged, and censured, and
lightly set by, by many who were not sensible of our and their mercy,
and who yet in time may be sensible (if God prevent not) of his remove,
where his prayers are turned into everlasting praises."
[Sidenote: 1658.]
Before Cromwell's illness, arrangements had been made for summoning,
by State authority, an assembly in London of Congregational Elders.
Scobell, clerk of the Council of State, issued a notice, in the month
of June, to such Elders as were resident in the metropolis, to meet
at the Charter House; and both his name and the name of Griffith,
who acted as minister of that charitable foundation, appear in a
correspondence upon the subject of the conference carried on with
ministers of several Churches in England and Wales.[573] A political
sanction was thus given to the assembly; indeed it was convened by the
authority of the Government: and the result appeared in a published
Declaration of Faith and Order by the convention of delegates, who
met in the palace of the Savoy after the death of the Protector. That
convention, and the important document which it produced, come not
within the space of time presented by this volume, but the preparations
for it do: and those preparations, upon which very much obscurity
rests, are connected with the final days and the last cares of Oliver's
life. The desire for the meeting originated with the Independents,
not with the Protector. He had shewn no favour towards a previous
committee for defining theological boundaries of toleration; and he
seems to have regarded with nothing like complacency, this new proposal
for an authorized Synod of Congregational Divines to declare the
principles of their faith and polity. Also there were persons about
the Court who disliked it, from a fear lest it should separate more
broadly than before, the Independents from the Presbyterians. His
Highness, however, conceded the request for the sake of peace; and if
he had lived to witness the issue, he would have found nothing in the
Declaration, published by the ministers at the Savoy, to clash with
those sentiments of catholic charity which were so dear to his heart.
There might, however, be political intrigues in the background of this
movement, for which the pastors of Churches were in no way responsible;
and these might occasion anxiety to the dying ruler of England, who is
reported to have said just before his death, to some who were opposed
to the meeting and wished to prevent it, that its projectors must be
satisfied,--"they must be satisfied, or we shall all run back into
blood again."[574]
[Sidenote: _Chaplains._]
John Howe remained at Whitehall until after Cromwell's death, and his
name appears amongst the chaplains who attended his funeral. No record,
however, appears of his having been called to the bedside of the dying
man--an omission which we lament, because the combined wisdom and
tenderness of that eminent Divine and Pastor, in case of his having
had an opportunity of performing his Christian ministrations in those
solemn moments, would have afforded a guarantee for faithfulness
and affection, in any counsels which he might have offered. Stories
are told to the discredit of the chaplains who were known to be in
attendance. It is said that one of them, when asked by Cromwell, "if
it were possible to fall from grace," replied, "it is not possible."
"Then," said the sufferer, "I am safe, for I know that I was once in
grace." To leave any one in the last hours of life open to such a
delusion, as the bald reply attributed to this spiritual adviser might
seem to encourage, would be without excuse; but the story rests on no
sufficient foundation.[575]
[Sidenote: 1658.]
Whatever common rumour might relate, the domestic letters and the dying
words of Cromwell attest the _sincerity_ of his spiritual experience.
It seems impossible that any human being could so successfully have
worn the mask of hypocrisy in the privacies of life and in the moment
of death. Of all hypotheses for explaining his character, the most
monstrous is to set him down as playing the part of a wilful deceiver
in his professions of religion. As if anticipating the uncharitable
judgments of posterity, he had written to Fleetwood, in the year
1653: "I am in my temptation ready to say, 'Oh, that I had wings like
a dove, then would I flee away and be at rest;' but this I fear is
my 'haste.' I bless the Lord I have somewhat keeps me alive--some
sparks of the light of His countenance; _and some sincerity above
man's judgment_."[576] Nobody who has studied human nature can believe
this passage to be a piece of clever affectation; he will rather
pronounce it the unfeigned utterance of a thoughtful soul. And if ever
an experience of the real Puritan type was luminously and honestly
uttered, it was in the words which Oliver employed on his death-bed,
according to a testimony on which we can rely.[577]
[Sidenote: _Last Words._]
"The Covenants," said the dying man, "they were two--two, but put into
one before the foundation of the world." "It is holy and true, it is
holy and true, it is holy and true! Who made it holy and true? Who
kept it holy and true? The Mediator of the Covenant." "The Covenant is
but one. Faith in the Covenant is my only support, yet if I believe
not, He abides faithful." Enquiries and ejaculations were caught up at
intervals, "Is there none that will come and praise God." "Whatsoever
sins thou hast, doest, or shalt commit, if you lay hold upon free
grace, you are safe, but if you put yourself under a Covenant of works,
you bring yourself under the law, and so under the curse--then you
are gone."[578] "Is there none that says, Who will deliver me from
the peril?" "Man can do nothing, but God can do what He will." "Lord,
Thou knowest, if I desire to live, it is to shew forth Thy praise,
and declare Thy works. It is a fearful thing to fall into the hands
of the living God." This was spoken three times, his repetitions
usually being very weighty, and with great vehemency of spirit. "All
the promises of God are in Him yea, and in Him, Amen; to the glory of
God by us, by _us_ in Jesus Christ." "The Lord hath filled me with as
much assurance of His pardon, and His love, as my soul can hold." "I
think I am the poorest wretch that lives; but I love God, or rather,
am beloved of God." "Herein is love, not that we love God, but that
he loved us, and sent his Son to be the propitiation for our sins."
"I am a conqueror, and more than a conqueror, through Christ that
strengthened me." "Nay, in all these things we are more than conquerors
through him that loved us." "My little children, these things write
I unto you, that ye sin not. And if any man sin, we have an advocate
with the Father, Jesus Christ the righteous." "Love not the world,
neither the things that are in the world. If any man love the world,
the love of the Father is not in him. For all that is in the world, the
lust of the flesh, and the lust of the eyes, and the pride of life, is
not of the Father, but is of the world. And the world passeth away,
and the lust thereof: but he that doeth the will of God abideth for
ever." "And now, little children, abide in him; that, when he shall
appear, we may have confidence, and not be ashamed before him at
his coming. If ye know that he is righteous, ye know that every one
that doeth righteousness is born of him." "Little children, let no man
deceive you, he that doeth righteousness is righteous, even as he is
righteous." "My little children, let us not love in word, neither in
tongue; but in deed and in truth." "Little children, keep yourselves
from idols." "Love not the world, I say unto you it is not good that
you should love the world."[579] "Children, live like Christians, and
I leave you the Covenant to feed upon." "Truly God is good; indeed He
is, He will not--" There his speech failed him, but as I apprehended
it was: "He will not leave me." This saying that God was good, he
frequently used all along, and would speak it with much cheerfulness
and fervour of spirit in the midst of his pains. Again, he said: "I
would be willing to live to be further serviceable to God and His
people; but my work is done. Yet God will be with His people." He was
very restless most part of the night, speaking often to himself. And
there being something to drink offered him, he was desired to take
the same, and endeavour to sleep, unto which he answered: "It is not
my design to drink or sleep; but my design is, to make what haste I
can to be gone."[580] Afterwards, towards morning using divers holy
expressions, implying much inward consolation and peace; among the rest
he spake some exceeding self-debasing words, annihilating and judging
himself. And truly it was observed, that a public spirit to God's cause
did breathe in him (as in his life time) so now to the very last,
which will further appear by that prayer he put up to God two or three
days before his end, which was as followeth: "Lord, although I am a
miserable and wretched creature, I am in covenant with Thee through
grace, and I may, I will, come to Thee, for Thy people. Thou hast made
me (though very unworthy) a mean instrument to do them some good, and
Thee service; and many of them have set too high a value upon me,
though others wish and would be glad of my death; but, Lord, however
Thou dost dispose of me, continue and go on to do good for them. Give
them consistency of judgment, one heart, and mutual love: and go on
to deliver them, and with the work of reformation; and make the name
of Christ glorious in the world. Teach those who look too much upon
Thy instruments, to depend more upon Thyself. Pardon such as desire to
trample upon the dust of a poor worm, for they are Thy people too. And
pardon the folly of this short prayer. Even for Jesus Christ's sake.
And give us a good night, if it be Thy pleasure. Amen."[581]
[Sidenote: _Death._]
Oliver died on the 3rd of September, "it having been to him," says
the Court Newspaper announcing his death, "a day of triumphs and
thanksgiving for the memorable victories of Dunbar and Worcester;
a day which after so many strange revolutions of Providence, high
contradictions, and wicked conspiracies of unreasonable men, he lived
once again to see, and then to die, with great assurances and
serenity of mind, peaceably in his bed. Thus it hath proved to him to
be a day of triumph indeed, there being much of Providence in it, that
after so glorious crowns of victory placed on his head by God on this
day, having neglected an earthly crown, he should now go to receive the
crown of everlasting life."[582]
The passages we have cited have an interest beyond their bearing upon
the Protector's character. They are specimens of the domestic and
social piety of the age. Letters like his in tone and spirit, varying
in intellectual conception and style of language, passed in those
days by thousands over the rough roads of broad England in the pocket
of some friendly traveller or in the postman's bag. So fathers and
mothers, and parents and children, and brothers and sisters, wrote
to one another, feeling every word they wrote--living under a deep
apprehension of those higher bonds which unite souls to souls, families
to families, Churches to Churches, and all to God and Christ. Hopes and
fears, and joys and sorrows, such as the Protector expressed, although
utterly unreal to multitudes of their neighbours, were experienced by
many a man and woman in those times, and were to them as real as the
everlasting hills or the unchanging stars.
[Sidenote: 1658.]
The ruler, in mortal agony,[583] by his faith and prayers, presents
a luminous contrast to another death-scene at Whitehall, a few years
afterwards, when a different spirit passed away amidst symbols of
popish superstition, the accessories of an abandoned Court, and the
memories of a sensual life. But, beyond that contrast, and apart from
all circumstances of royal splendour; dismissing from our minds images
of the quaint magnificence of the sick chamber in Whitehall, with its,
perhaps, tapestried walls and bed of damask hangings, and the figures
of generals, chaplains, and state servants, clustering round the form
wasted by disease, and the countenance growing pale in death; putting
aside, also, the memory of the marvellous career of the departing
soldier and statesman of the Commonwealth--we meet in Cromwell's
last words with an expression of the inmost soul of many a Puritan
in such dark nights, doing battle with the last enemy. Nor, perhaps
in the sorrows of his beloved family, and the sympathies of brother
generals, and the intercessions of attached chaplains, was there more
of religious affection than gathered about other pilgrims at that era,
whilst at last they were laying down all life's heavy burdens at once
and for ever. Such sentiments were often heard, such consolations were
often imparted, and such prayers, whatever of infirmity there might be
clinging to them, often went up to the throne of grace: but on account
of Oliver's high position, and the vast interests which depended on his
life, there would be in his case additional grounds for earnestness
and the inspiration of a much wider sympathy. Thurloe wrote to the
Protector's son Henry, when all was over, "that never was there any
man so prayed for as he was during sickness; solemn assemblies meeting
every day to beseech the Lord for the continuance of his life, so that
he is gone to heaven embalmed with the tears of his people and upon
the wings of the prayers of the saints."[584] And in these impassioned
supplications we can see even now the reflection of a devout temper
then very common; and in the parish congregations, and the church
gatherings of that day, may be recognized the interest felt in the life
of one who was the pillar of their strength, and the shield of their
freedom.
[Illustration]
APPENDIX.
I.--VOL. I. 137.
_Passages from Letters in the State Paper Office Respecting the Trial
of the Earl of Strafford._
N. TOMKYNS. APRIL 12th, 1641.
"On Saturday morning the Earl of Strafford being come to Westminster
Hall, and both Houses sitting in the presence of the King, the Commons
desired they might enlarge their charge upon the 23rd Article,
whereupon the Earl also desired he might enlarge his answer upon the
2nd, and 21st, and 23rd Articles;[585] the Lords retiring to their own
House returned with this resolution, that they held it equal if the
Commons added anything _de novo_, that the Earl should also have the
like liberty. The Commons, not satisfied therewith, much pressed that
they had formerly had a saving granted them, but the Earl had none.
The Earl said he had humbly besought the Lords, (his judges,) that he
might have the like saving, and he hoped it would be held reasonable,
that if new objections were made, he should have permission to make
new answers to them, being for his life. Hereupon the Lords met
again to consult in their own House with the judges, and after half
an hour's stay returned, and the Earl Marshal delivered their opinion
to be the same that before it was; that if the Commons should enforce
their charge in any point or bring any new matter (though for the King)
the Earl should have the like freedom to plead for himself; which so
soon as the Commons heard a great number of the precise part cried,
'Withdraw, withdraw,' and the Lords immediately thereupon cried,
'Adjourn, adjourn,' and so both Houses went in little better than [a]
tumultuous manner from the Hall to their several houses, where they did
little, but agreed only to meet in the afternoon. The King laughed,
(as my author says) and the Earl of Strafford was so well pleased
therewith, that he could not hide his joy, being now _sine die_ for any
further proceeding.
In the Commons' House after dinner, after much debate what course they
should take for the punishment of so great an incendiary, Sir Arthur
Haselrigge drew out of his pocket a Bill, (supposed to have been
prepared before that day), for the Earl's attainder, and punishment by
death, (hanging, drawing, and quartering,) which Bill was, with much
ado, kept from being read again the same afternoon--now the secret of
their taking this way is conceived to be to prevent the hearing of the
Earl's lawyers, who give out that there is no law yet in force whereby
he can be condemned to die for ought that hath been yet objected
against him, and therefore their intent is by this Bill to supply the
defect of the laws therein. And to make him more odious, a paper was
that afternoon produced and read in the Commons' House, which young Sir
H. Vane is said to have found casually in his father's study (as notes
of passages at the council table) wherein strange speeches of the said
Earl were quoted, touching the curbing of the people, and introducing
an arbitrary government, and also of the Lord Cottington's, and some
others tending to the same end--about which paper both their majesties
are said to be much offended with Mr. Secretary Vane."
N. TOMKYNS, APRIL 26th, 1641.
"There is a difference at present between the two Houses of Parliament,
the Commons desire (now that the Bill against the Earl of Strafford
is presented) to sit at the hearing of his counsel, as co-judges with
the Lords, with their hats on, to which the Lords not assenting,
the Commons are now content to sit as they did in Westminster Hall,
uncovered, so be that the Lords will please to come as a Committee
without their robes, to which the Lords having not yet yielded the
controversy is not yet ended. Besides, Sir H. Vane's deposition
touching the Earl of Strafford is lost by the Clerk of the Higher
House, who cannot give any account how it went out of his hands; and in
a copy thereof, since found, great difference is found in the same by
the altering, or rather by the adding of one letter, (t) for whereas
it was in the original that the Earl should say his Majesty might by
the army reduce the kingdom _here_ it is _there_ in this copy, and so
refers to Ireland only.
Another paper touching Sir H. Vane also is lost by the Select Committee
of the Lower House, it lying upon Mr. Pym's table, whereas five
others were present, viz., Lord Digby, Sir Walter Erle, Sir John
Clotworthy, Mr. Hampden, and Mr. Maynard, which occasioned a variance
and reproaching one another publicly, each one making their personal
protestations of being guiltless therein. The suspicion fell most on
the Lord Digby, who was last in the chamber, and had said to some of
them that Mr. Pym should do well to have more care of his papers,
than to let them lie so loose. The Lord protested his own innocence,
and said it must be some unworthy man, who had his eye upon place and
preferment; wherein he was supposed to allude to Mr. Pym himself, who
hath been with the King twice of late, and since the Lord Cottington
laid his office at the King's feet, is designed by the voice of the
people to be his successor in the Chancellorship of the Exchequer."
It is curious to observe, in the first of these letters, that the
account of the effect produced by the confusion, is different from the
impression conveyed by Nalson, ii. 102, as well as by Baillie, i. 346.
The letter is inconsistent with Rushworth's statement, that the Bill of
Attainder was twice read on the 10th of April.--_Strafford's Trial_, 45.
* * * * *
Verney, in his "Notes of Proceedings in the Long Parliament," p. 37,
reports in detail the account given by Mr. Coggin and Sir H. Vane the
younger, of the way in which the famous paper was "casually" found.
Clarendon charges the father with having given the principal
information for the "whole prosecution," _Hist._ 92; and, perhaps, the
words in Tomkins' first letter about the King's displeasure towards him
points to a suspicion of that kind.
II.--VOL. I. 152.
PLAN OF CHURCH REFORM PRESENTED TO THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.
JUNE 11th, 1641.--The Commons, in a Grand Committee, of whom
Mr. Hyde, Member for Saltash, was chairman, resumed the consideration
of the Bill against Episcopacy; when the following scheme of
Alterations in the government of the Church was proposed to the House:--
I.--"That every several Shire of England and Wales be a
several Circuit or Diocese for the Ecclesiastic Jurisdiction,
excepting Yorkshire, which is to be divided into three.
II.--"A constant Presbytery of twelve choice Divines, to be
selected in every Shire or Diocese.
III.--"A constant President to be established as a Bishop over
this Presbytery.
IV.--"The Bishop in each Diocese to ordain, suspend, deprive,
degrade, and excommunicate, by and with the consent and
assistance of seven Divines of his Presbytery, then present,
and not else.
V.--"The times of Ordination throughout the land to be four
times in the year, viz., the 1st of _May_, 1st of _August_,
1st of _November_, and the 1st of _February_.
VI.--"Every Bishop constantly to reside within his diocese, in
some one chief city or town within his diocese.
VII.--"Every Bishop to have one special particular
congregation, to be chosen out of the most convenient place
for distance from his chief residence, and the richest in
value that may be had; where he shall duly preach, unless he
be lawfully hindered, and then shall take care his cure be
well supplied by another.
VIII.--"No Bishop shall remove or be translated from the
Bishopric which he shall first undertake.
IX.--"Upon every death or other avoidance of a Bishopric, the
King to grant a _congé d'élire_ to all the clergy of the whole
diocese, they to present three of the Presbytery aforesaid,
and the King to choose and nominate whom he pleaseth of them.
X.--"The first Presbytery of every Shire to be named by
Parliament; and afterwards upon the death or other avoidance
of any Presbyter, the remaining Presbyters to choose one other
out of the parish ministers of that Shire, and this to be done
within one month next after such death or avoidance.
XI.--"No Bishop or clergyman to exercise or have any temporal
office, or secular employment; but only for the present, to
hold and keep the Probate of Wills, until the Parliament shall
otherwise resolve.
XII.--"The Bishop once a year, at Midsummer, to summon a
diocesan synod: there to hear, and by general vote, to
determine all such matters of scandal in life and doctrine
amongst clergymen, as shall be presented unto them.
XIII.--"Every three years a national synod to be held,
which shall consist of all the Bishops in the land; of two
Presbyters, to be chosen by the rest out of each Presbytery;
and of two clerks, to be chosen out of every diocese by the
Clergy thereof.
XIV.--"This national synod to make and ordain Canons for the
government of the Church, but they not to bind until they be
confirmed by Parliament.
XV.--"Every Bishop to have over and above the benefice
aforesaid, a certain constant rent allowed to be allotted
proportional to the diocese wherein he is to officiate.
XVI.--"Every Presbyter to have a constant yearly profit above
his benefice. 'As for the revenue of the Bishops, Deans, and
Chapters, &c., a strict survey to be taken of all their rents
and profits; and the same to be represented at the beginning
of the next convention; and in the mean time no lease to be
renewed nor timber to be felled.'"
III.--VOL. I. 280.
THE ARTICLES OF THE CHURCH OF ARTICLES OF THE CHURCH OF
ENGLAND. ENGLAND, REVISED AND ALTERED
BY THE ASSEMBLY OF DIVINES
AT WESTMINSTER, IN THE YEAR
1643.
ARTICLE I. ARTICLE I.
_Of Faith in the Holy Trinity._ _Of Faith in the Holy Trinity._
"There is but one living and true "There is but one living and true
God, everlasting, without body, God, everlasting, without body,
parts, or passions; of infinite parts, or passions; of infinite
power, wisdom, and goodness, the power, wisdom, and goodness, the
maker and preserver of all things maker and preserver of all things
both visible and invisible. And both visible and invisible. And
in unity of this Godhead there be in unity of this Godhead there be
three persons of one substance, three persons of one substance,
power, and eternity, the Father, power, and eternity, the Father,
the Son, and the Holy Ghost. the Son, and the Holy Ghost.
II. II.
_Of the Word, or Son of God, _Of the Word, or Son of God,
which was made very Man._ which was made very Man._
The Son, which is the Word of The Son, which is the Word of
the Father, begotten from the Father, begotten from
everlasting of the Father, the everlasting of the Father, the
very and eternal God, of one very and eternal God, of one
substance with the Father, took substance with the Father, took
man's nature in the womb of the man's nature in the womb of the
blessed Virgin, of her substance; blessed so that Virgin, of her
two whole and perfect natures, substance: so that two whole and
that is to say the Godhead and perfect natures, that is to say
manhood, were joined together in the Godhead and the manhood, were
one person, never to be divided, joined together in one person,
whereof is one Christ, very God never to be divided, whereof is
and very man, who truly suffered, one Christ very God and very man,
was crucified, dead and buried, who for our sakes truly suffered
to reconcile His Father to us, most grievous torments in His
and to be a sacrifice not only soul from God, was crucified,
for original guilt but also for dead, and buried, to reconcile
all actual sins of men. His Father to us, and to be a
sacrifice, not only for original
guilt, but also for actual sins
of men.
III. III.
_Of the going down of Christ As Christ died for us, and was
into Hell._ buried, so it is to be believed
that He continued in the state of
As Christ died for us, and was the dead, and under the power and
buried, so also is it to be dominion of death, from the time
believed that He went down into of His death and burial until His
hell. resurrection, which hath been
otherwise expressed thus: He went
down into hell.
IV. IV.
_Of the Resurrection of Christ._ _Of the Resurrection of Christ._
Christ did truly rise again from Christ did truly rise again from
death, and took again His body, death, and took again His body,
with flesh, bones, and all things with flesh, bones, and all things
appertaining to the perfection of appertaining to the perfection of
man's nature, wherewith He man's nature, wherewith He
ascended into heaven and there ascended into heaven, and there
sitteth, until He return to judge sitteth, until He return to judge
all men at the last day. all men at the general
resurrection of the body at the
last day.
V. V.
_Of the Holy Ghost._ _Of the Holy Ghost._
The Holy Ghost, proceeding The Holy Ghost is very and
from the Father and the Son, is eternal God, of one substance,
of one substance, majesty, and majesty, and glory with the
glory with the Father and the Father and the Son, proceeding
Son, very and eternal God. from the Father and the Son.
VI. VI.
_Of the Sufficiency of the Holy _Of the Sufficiency of the Holy
Scriptures for Salvation._ Scriptures for Salvation._
Holy Scripture containeth all Holy Scripture containeth all
things necessary to salvation; so things necessary to salvation, so
that whatsoever is not read that whatsoever is not read
therein, nor may be proved therein, nor may be proved
thereby, is not to be required of thereby, is not to be believed as
any man, that it should be an article of faith, or necessary
believed as an article of the to salvation.
faith, to be thought requisite or
necessary to salvation. In the By the name of holy Scripture
name of the holy Scripture we do we understand all the canonical
understand those canonical Books Books of the Old and New
of the Old and New Testament, of Testament which follow. _Of the
whose authority was never any Old Testament_--Genesis, Exodus,
doubt in the Church. &c. _Of the New Testament_--The
Gospel of St. Matthew, &c. All
Of the names and number of which Books, as they are commonly
the canonical Books, Genesis, received, we do receive, and
Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, &c. acknowledge them to be given by
And the other books (as Hierome the inspiration of God, and in
saith) the Church doth read for that regard to be of most certain
example of life and instruction credit, and highest authority.
of manners; but yet doth it not
apply them to establish any
doctrine: Such are these
following:--Third of Esdras,
Fourth of Esdras, Book of Tobias,
Judith, &c. All the Books of the
New Testament, as they are
commonly received, we do receive,
and account them for canonical.
VII. VII.
_Of the Old Testament._ _Of the Old Testament._
The Old Testament is not contrary The Old Testament is not contrary
to the New; for both in the to the New, in the doctrine
Old and New Testament everlasting contained in them, for both in the
life is offered to mankind by Old and New Testament everlasting
Christ, who is the only mediator life is offered to mankind by
between God and man, being both Christ, who is the only mediator
God and man. Wherefore they are between God and man, being both
not to be heard which fain that God and man. Wherefore they are
the old Fathers did look only for not to be heard which feign that
transitory promises. Although the the old Fathers did look only for
law given from God by Moses, as temporary promises. Although the
touching ceremonies and rites, do law given from God by Moses, as
not bind Christian men, nor the touching ceremonies and rites, do
civil precepts thereof ought of not bind Christians; nor the
necessity to be received in any civil precepts given by Moses,
Commonwealth; yet, such as were peculiarly fitted to
notwithstanding, no Christian the Commonwealth of the Jews, are
man whatsoever is free from the of necessity to be received in
obedience of the Commandments any Commonwealth; yet,
which are called moral. notwithstanding, no Christian man
whatsoever is free from the
obedience of the Commandments
which are called moral. By the
moral law we understand all the
Ten Commandments, taken in their
full extent.
VIII.
_Of the Three Creeds._
The Three Creeds, Nice Creed,
Athanasius' Creed, and that which
is commonly called the Apostles'
Creed, ought throughly to be
received and believed; for they
may be proved by most certain
warrants of holy Scripture.
IX. IX.
_Of Original or Birth Sin._ _Of Original or Birth Sin._
Original sin standeth not in the Original sin standeth not in the
following of Adam (as the following of Adam, as the
Pelagians do vainly talk), but it Pelagians do vainly talk; but
is the fault and corruption of together with his first sin
the nature of every man, that imputed, it is the fault and
naturally is engendered of the corruption of the nature of every
offspring of Adam, whereby man is man, that naturally is propagated
very far gone from original from Adam; whereby man is wholly
righteousness, and is of his own deprived of original
nature inclined to evil, so that righteousness, and is of his own
the flesh lusteth always contrary nature inclined only to evil, so
to the Spirit, and therefore in that the lust of the flesh,
every person born into this world, called in Greek Φρόνημα σαρκὸς,
it deserveth God's wrath and which some do expound the wisdom,
damnation. And this infection of some sensuality, some the
nature doth remain, yea in them affection, some the desire of the
that are regenerated, whereby the flesh, is not subject to the law
lust of the flesh, called in of God, and therefore in every
Greek Φρόνημα σαρκὸς, which some person born into this world it
do expound the wisdom, some deserveth God's wrath and
sensuality, some the affection, damnation. And this infection of
some the desire of the flesh, is nature doth remain, yea in them
not subject to the law of God. And that are regenerate, whereby the
although there is no condemnation flesh lusteth always contrary to
for them that believe and are the Spirit. And although there is
baptized, yet the Apostle doth no condemnation for them that are
confess that concupiscence and regenerate, and do believe, yet
lust hath of itself the nature of the apostle doth confess that
sin. concupiscence and lust is truly
and properly sin.
X. X.
_Of Free Will._ _Of Free Will._
The condition of man after the The condition of man after the
fall of Adam is such, that he fall of Adam is such that he
cannot turn and prepare himself by cannot turn or prepare himself,
his own natural strength and good by his own natural strength and
works to faith and calling upon good works, to faith and calling
God. Wherefore we have no power upon God, wherefore we have no
to do good works, pleasant and power to do good works pleasing
acceptable to God, without the and acceptable to God, without
grace of God by Christ preventing the grace of God by Christ, both
us, that we may have a good will, preventing us, that we may have a
and working with us, when we have good will, and working so
that goodwill. effectually in us, as that it
determineth our will to that
which is good, and also working
with us when we have that will
unto good.
XI. XI.
_Of the Justification of Man._ _Of the Justification of Man
before God._
We are accounted righteous
before God, only for the merit of We are justified, that is, we are
our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, accounted righteous before God,
by faith, and not for our own and have remission of sins, not
works or deservings. Wherefore, for, nor by our own works or
that we are justified by faith deservings, but freely by His
only is a most wholesome doctrine, grace, only for our Lord and
and very full of comfort, as more Saviour Jesus Christ's sake, His
largely is expressed in the whole obedience and satisfaction
homily of justification. being by God imputed unto us, and
Christ with His righteousness
being apprehended and rested on
by faith only. The doctrine of
justification by faith only is an
wholesome doctrine, and very full
of comfort, notwithstanding God
doth not forgive them that are
impenitent, and go on still in
their trespasses.
XII. XII.
_Of Good Works._ _Of Good Works._
Albeit that good works, which Good works, which are the fruits
are the fruits of faith, and of faith, and follow after
follow after justification, justification, cannot put away
cannot put away our sins, and our sins, and endure the severity
endure the severity of God's of God's judgment; yet are they,
judgment, yet are they pleasing notwithstanding their
and acceptable to God in Christ, imperfections, in the sight of
and do spring out necessarily of God pleasing and acceptable unto
a true and lively faith, insomuch Him in and for Christ, and do
that by them a lively faith may spring out necessarily of a true
be as evidently known as a tree and lively faith, insomuch that
discerned by the fruit. by them a lively faith may be
evidently known, as a tree
discerned by the fruits.
XIII. XIII.
_Of Works before Justification._ _Of Works before Justification._
Works done before the grace of Works done before justification
Christ, and the inspiration of by Christ, and regeneration by
His Spirit, are not pleasant to His Spirit, are not pleasing unto
God, forasmuch as they spring not God, forasmuch as they spring not
of faith in Jesus Christ, neither of faith in Jesus Christ; neither
do they make men meet to receive do they make men meet to receive
grace, or (as the school authors grace, or (as the school authors
say) deserve grace of congruity; say) deserve grace of congruity;
yea, rather, for that they are yea rather, for that they are not
not done as God hath willed and done as God hath willed and
commanded them to be done, we commanded them to be done, they
doubt not but they have the are sinful.
nature of sin.
XIV. XIV.
_Of the Works of Supererogation._ _Of Works of Supererogation._
Voluntary works besides, over Voluntary works, besides, over
and above God's commandments, and above God's commandments,
which they call works of which they call _works of
supererogation, cannot be taught supererogation_, cannot be taught
withoutarrogancy and impiety. For without arrogancy and impiety;
by them men do declare that they for by them men do declare that
do not only render unto God as they do not only render unto God
much as they are bound to do, but as much as they are bound to do,
that they do more for His sake but that they do more for His
than of bounden duty is required; sake than of bounden duty is
whereas Christ saith plainly, required; whereas Christ saith
When ye have done all that are plainly, When you have done all
commanded to you, say, we be those things that are commanded
unprofitable servants. you, say, we are unprofitable
servants, we have done that which
was our duty to do.
XV. XV.
_Of Christ alone without Sin._ _Of Christ alone without Sin._
Christ, in the truth of our Christ in the truth of our
nature, was made like unto us in nature was made like unto us in
all things (sin only except) from all things, sin only excepted,
which He was clearly void, both from which He was clearly void
in His flesh and in His spirit. both in His flesh and in His
He came to be a lamb without spirit. He came to be the lamb
spot, who by sacrifice of Himself without spot, who by sacrifice
once made, should take away the of Himself once made, should take
sins of the world; and sin (as away the sins of the world, and
St. John saith) was not in Him. sin (as St. John saith) was not
But all we the rest (although in Him. But all we the rest,
baptized, and born again in although baptized and regenerate,
Christ) yet offend in many yet offend in many things, and if
things; and if we say we have no we say we have no sin, we deceive
sin we deceive ourselves, and the ourselves, and the truth is not
truth is not in us. in us.
CHARLES HERLE, Prolocutor.
HENRY ROBROUGH, Scriba.
ADONIRAM BYFIELD, Scriba.
N.B.--The Assembly proceeded no further in the revisal."--_Neal_, iii.
555-563.
IV.--VOL. I. 294.
COPY OF THE SOLEMN LEAGUE AND COVENANT.
We Noblemen, Barons, Knights, Gentlemen, Citizens, Burgesses, Ministers
of the Gospel, and Commons of all sorts in the kingdoms of _England_,
_Scotland_, and _Ireland_, by the Providence of God living under one
King, and being of one reformed religion, having before our eyes the
glory of God, and the advancement of the kingdom of our Lord and
Saviour Jesus Christ, the honour and happiness of the King's majesty
and his posterity, and the true public liberty, safety, and peace
of the kingdoms, wherein every one's private condition is included,
and calling to mind the treacherous and bloody plots, conspiracies,
attempts, and practices of the enemies of God against the true religion
and professors thereof in all places, especially in these three
kingdoms, ever since the reformation of religion, and how much their
rage, power, and presumption are of late, and at this time increased
and exercised, whereof the deplorable estate of the Church and kingdom
of _Ireland_, the distressed estate of the Church and kingdom of
_England_, and the dangerous estate of the Church and kingdom of
_Scotland_, are present and public testimonies, we have (now at last)
after other means of supplication, remonstrance, protestations, and
sufferings, for the preservation of ourselves and our religion from
utter ruin and destruction, according to the commendable practice of
these kingdoms in former times, and the example of God's people in
other nations, after mature deliberation, resolved and determined to
enter into a mutual and solemn League and Covenant, wherein we all
subscribe, and each one of us for himself, with our hands lifted up to
the most high God, do swear:--
I.--That we shall sincerely, really, and constantly, thro' the
grace of God, endeavour in our several places and callings,
the preservation of the reformed religion in the Church of
Scotland, in doctrine, worship, discipline, and government,
against our common enemies; the reformation of religion in
the kingdoms of England and Ireland, in doctrine, worship,
discipline, and government, according to the Word of God,
and the example of the best reformed churches; and we shall
endeavour to bring the Churches of God in the three kingdoms
to the nearest conjunction and uniformity in religion,
confessing of faith, form of Church government, Directory for
worship and catechising, that we, and our posterity after us,
may, as brethren, live in faith and love, and the Lord may
delight to dwell in the midst of us.
II.--That we shall in like manner, without respect of persons,
endeavour the extirpation of Popery, Prelacy, (that is,
Church-government by Archbishops, Bishops, their Chancellors
and Commissaries, Deans, Deans and Chapters, Archdeacons,
and all other ecclesiastical officers, depending on that
hierarchy), superstition, heresy, schism, profaneness, and
whatsoever shall be found to be contrary to sound doctrine and
the power of godliness, lest we partake in other men's sins,
and thereby be in danger to receive of their plagues, and that
the Lord may be one, and His Name one in the three kingdoms.
III.--We shall with the same sincerity, reality, and
constancy, in our several vocations, endeavour with our
estates and lives mutually to preserve the rights and
privileges of the Parliaments, and the liberties of the
kingdoms, and to preserve and defend the King's Majesty's
person and authority, in the preservation and defence of the
true religion and liberties of the kingdoms, that the world
may bear witness with our consciences of our loyalty, and that
we have no thoughts or intentions to diminish his Majesty's
just power and greatness.
IV.--We shall also with all faithfulness endeavour the
discovery of all such as have been or shall be incendiaries,
malignants, or evil instruments, by hindering the reformation
of religion, dividing the King from his people, or one of
the kingdoms from another, or making any faction or parties
amongst the people, contrary to the League and Covenant, that
they may be brought to public trial, and receive condign
punishment, as the degree of their offences shall require
or deserve, or the supreme judicatories of both kingdoms
respectively, or others having power from them for that
effect, shall judge convenient.
V.--And whereas the happiness of a blessed peace between these
kingdoms, denied in former times to our progenitors, is by the
good providence of God granted unto us, and hath been lately
concluded and settled by both Parliaments, we shall each
one of us, according to our places and interest, endeavour
that they may remain conjoined in a firm peace and union to
all posterity, and that justice may be done upon the wilful
opposers thereof in manner expressed in the precedent articles.
VI.--We shall also, according to our places and callings,
in this common cause of religion, liberty, and peace of the
kingdom, assist and defend all those that enter into this
League and Covenant, in the maintaining and pursuing thereof,
and shall not suffer ourselves directly or indirectly, by
whatsoever combination, persuasion, or terror, to be divided
and withdrawn from this blessed union and conjunction, whether
to make defection to the contrary part, or give ourselves to
a detestable indifferency or neutrality in this cause, which
so much concerneth the glory of God, the good of the kingdoms,
and the honour of the King; but shall all the days of our
lives zealously and constantly continue therein, against
all opposition, and promote the same according to our power
against all lets and impediments whatsoever; and what we are
not able ourselves to suppress or overcome we shall reveal and
make known, that it may be timely prevented or removed; all
which we shall do as in the sight of God.
And because these kingdoms are guilty of many sins, and
provocations against God, and His Son Jesus Christ, as is too
manifest by our present distresses and dangers, the fruits
thereof, we profess and declare before God and the world our
unfeigned desire to be humbled for our sins, and for the sins
of these kingdoms, especially that we have not, as we ought,
valued the inestimable benefit of the Gospel, that we have
not laboured for the purity and power thereof, and that we
have not endeavoured to receive Christ in our hearts, nor
to walk worthy of Him in our lives, which are the causes of
other sins and transgressions so much abounding amongst us;
and our true and unfeigned purpose, desire, and endeavour for
ourselves, and all others under our power and charge, both in
public and in private, in all duties we owe to God and man,
to amend our lives, and each one to go before another in the
example of a real reformation, that the Lord may turn away His
wrath and heavy indignation, and establish these Churches and
kingdoms in truth and peace; and this covenant we make in the
presence of Almighty God, the searcher of all hearts, with a
true intention to perform the same, as we shall answer at that
great day, when the secrets of all hearts shall be disclosed,
most humbly beseeching the Lord to strengthen us by His Holy
Spirit for this end, and to bless our desires and proceedings
with such success as may be a deliverance and safety to His
people, and encouragement to the Christian Churches groaning
under, or in danger of the yoke of anti-Christian tyranny,
to join in the same or like association and Covenant, to the
glory of God, the enlargement of the kingdom of Jesus Christ,
and the peace and tranquillity of Christian kingdoms and
commonwealths.--_Rushworth_ v. 478.
V.--VOL. I. 329.
RESPECTING THE MINUTES OF THE WESTMINSTER ASSEMBLY.
The question has often been asked, "What became of the minutes of the
Assembly kept by the scribes?" It has been said by some, they were
burnt in the fire of London; by others, that they were destroyed (1834)
in the fire which burnt down the House of Commons ("Hetherington's
Hist. of the Westminster Assembly," preface v.) Whether it be the
case that some MS. records of the proceedings were so consumed I have
no means of ascertaining. But certainly there exist in Dr. Williams'
library, minutes of the Assembly's business, in the handwriting of
Adoniram Byfield, one of the scribes. As so many incorrect accounts
of these MSS. have been given, I am glad to be able to present the
following description of them, drawn up from the carefully-prepared but
unprinted catalogue of Dr. Williams' MSS. by Mr. Black, and from my own
examination of the papers. They consist of three volumes, and contain
minutes of the sessions of the Assembly of Divines from August the 4th,
1643, to April the 24th, 1652, and what are, apparently, the rough
notes of proceedings, debates, and orders of the Assembly, taken for
the most part by Adoniram Byfield, one of the scribes.
On the fly-leaf of the first volume is a list of members, amongst whom
the sum of £100 had been distributed in sums of £5 each, according to
the decision of a Committee (Sept. 8th, 1643) "appointed to dispose
of the £100, allotted by the order of Parliament, to such persons as
they shall find to have most need thereof, for supply of their present
necessities."--Vol. i. 24.
This volume contains heads and particulars, in many cases very brief,
of speeches delivered in the Assembly, with the names of speakers
appended in the margin, as well as lists of resolutions passed, and
various other memoranda. The proceedings of sessions thus reported
extend from August the 4th, 1643, to April the 11th, 1644.
The second volume embraces similar minutes from the 12th of April to
the 15th of August, 1644, with a list of members prefixed. Some of
the notes are written in shorthand by a different scribe; but however
unintelligible the shorthand may be, it is not much more so than Mr.
Byfield's longhand in some places.
Vol. iii. gives further minutes from November the 18th, 1644, to
March the 25th, 1652. The late ones are briefly, but more distinctly
recorded, in the handwriting of better scribes than Byfield.
"The latest sessions relate almost exclusively to examinations for
ordinations for livings, in relation to which an original paper was
found loose in the book, now inserted in its proper place, where the
name occurs--viz.: testimonial from R. Robinson in favour of Mr.
Gilson, M.A., and fellow of C.C.C., Oxon., 14th March, 1650-51."
Some of the papers in this volume are carelessly arranged, but they
contain only trivial memoranda.
There are bound up in this volume Minutes of Provincial Assemblies
holden at Sion College, and elsewhere in London, from the 27th of
November, 1650, to the 9th of April, 1655.
"It does not appear when these volumes were deposited in this library.
They came most probably with Morrice's MSS."
Mention has often been made of there being in Dr. Williams' library
fourteen or fifteen small volumes of the Assembly's transactions, by
Dr. Thomas Goodwin. No manuscript notes by Goodwin can there be found.
The three volumes just described contain a number of distinct thin
MSS. bound up together. Do not they after all contain the fourteen or
fifteen small (thin?) MSS. incorrectly ascribed to Dr. Goodwin?
In the Advocate's library, Edinburgh, there are two volumes of
manuscript notes, by Gillespie, which--according to Dr. Hetherington,
who inspected them--"corroborate the printed accounts of Lightfoot and
Baillie."
VI.--VOL. I. 434.
NUMBER OF THE EJECTED CLERGY.
The number of clergymen ejected during the Civil Wars and under the
Commonwealth is a question commonly discussed in a party spirit.
The Churchman is anxious to swell the number, and the Nonconformist
labours to reduce it; each thinking his ecclesiastical principles at
stake in the controversy. Yet it is curious that the former should
not see, that the more sequestrations there might be, the more open
to censure must have been the conduct of the clergy; the more likely
must be the charges of immorality brought against them; and the more
completely must they have alienated from themselves the sympathies of
the nation--otherwise how can we account for their being swept out
of the Church in such swarms? For it is incredible that the enormous
number imagined by some could have been expelled on political or
ecclesiastical grounds alone, without any demerit on the score of
irreligion or uselessness. It is equally curious that the Nonconformist
should regard his own cause as helped, and the opposite side as
damaged, by making the sequestrations under Puritan ascendancy appear
to have been few; for, if few, then either the clergy of that age could
not be so bad as they have been represented, or the Puritans allowed
clergymen to remain in the Church notwithstanding their immorality.
The interests of Church or of dissent are really not at all involved
in this enquiry. Even if it were to the interest of the one that the
Puritans should be represented as bad as possible, and to the interest
of the other that they should be represented as good as possible, still
the proper subject of investigation would be found, not in numerical
statistics, but in the rules laid down to regulate the sequestrations,
and in the spirit of equity, or otherwise, in which they were carried
out. Of those rules we have spoken already.
Walker hazards the statement, that if we add "such as _would have_
suffered had not death prevented," it would "in all probability
make the total nothing short of ten thousand."[586] To pass over
the absurdity of including those _who might_ have suffered, but
were prevented by death, it is enough to remark that he entirely
invalidates his own calculations by candidly confessing that he
possessed no satisfactory data on which to proceed. He apologizes for
the defectiveness of his lists, and endeavours to give colour to his
conjectures by quoting broad royalist assertions, in which "thousands"
are dealt with in the loosest way: and a report is cited, that the
party in power "destroyed all the principal ministers throughout the
kingdom, and of ten thousand scarce left one thousand of the old
clergy." If nine thousand were ejected, the question naturally occurs,
what became of them all? Making allowance for mere curates, and for
unusual mortality owing to hardship, and for those who went abroad, and
for those who, having betaken themselves to other means of livelihood,
did not care to seek their old cures, how came it about that so small
a proportion re-entered the Church upon the re-establishment of
Episcopacy?[587] If, on Walker's reckoning, all survivors (with such
exceptions as were just now indicated) had been reinstated, then, to
make room for them all, many more ejectments, between the Restoration
and Bartholomew's-day, must have occurred than can be reconciled with
the facts of history.
Nor do I see my way to the opposite extreme. It has been argued that
although two thousand episcopal clergymen might altogether first and
last suffer ejectment during the period, half were allowed to return
before its expiration. To establish the point that one-half the ejected
Episcopalians were re-admitted by Presbyterians or Independents under
the Commonwealth, requires positive statistical evidence such as I
cannot discover.
General references to the preaching of malignant ministers may be met
with in Commonwealth tracts, but they are not sufficient to decide the
matter.[588] Moreover, it must be remembered that if some individuals,
ejected during the wars, were replaced when the wars were over,
others who had escaped under the Presbyterians were turned out by the
Independents.
Walker mentions White's assertion that 8,000 of the clergy "were
unworthy and scandalous, and deserved to be cast out;" and the
addition made to this by Mr. Stephens, that "he (White) and his
committee have come little short of that number." Sir Henry Yelverton
too is quoted as saying: "If I mistake not there were 8,000 forsook
all for the Covenant." Walker afterwards insists on Dr. Gauden's
calculation of 6,000 or 7,000 persons expelled. With respect to
which Coleridge says: "I presume that no party will regard any
assertion of Gauden's as other than ==O--nay, nay, this is saying too
little. It is==evidence in the same sense as debts are algebraically
designated==capital.--'Southey's Life of Wesley.'" This is too severe,
yet Gauden's testimony in the matter does not prove anything. The
reports quoted by Walker will appear to every impartial reader of his
"Sufferings" quite insufficient to sustain his conclusions. He makes
out a list of 1,339 names of the several persons mentioned in the
cathedrals, collegiate churches, chapels, and the two universities.
He also gives, without numbering, lists of _some_ of the loyal and
Episcopal clergy of London and of the provinces. All these lists he
acknowledges are imperfect, and he admits that some names may be given
more than once, and that many of the cathedral clergy held parochial
benefices. Nothing can be determined on such grounds. It may be further
stated that he and Anthony Wood do not agree. Walker says that about
400 were ejected from Oxford (part ii. 139). Wood states that 334 (see
Neal, iii. 455) did not submit, but they were not immediately expelled.
Walker, p. 138, represents Wood as meaning 334 at one time, besides
more at other times, but I cannot trace his references.
Now let us turn to data supplied from other sources.
Baillie, in his "Letters" (vol. ii. 224), August 28th, 1644, speaks as
if many churches were at the time unsupplied, for he says, that after
all which can be done by a pure ordination, and what more Scotland
"can afford of good youths for the ministry here, are provided; it is
thought _some thousands of churches_ must vaik (be vacant) for fault of
men."
There is a tract in the "Harleian Miscel." (vii. 181), giving a total
list of 115 London clergy expelled. "In the ninety-seven parishes
within the walls, besides St. Paul's, outed eighty-five, and dead,
sixteen." Out of sixteen without the walls, fourteen expelled, two
dead. Out of eleven out parishes, nine expelled, two dead. Adjacent
towns, besides those of the Abbey Church and Islington, seven expelled,
two dead. This list differs somewhat from "Walker's" (p. ii. 164-180).
There is a list of sequestrations in Essex (Add. MSS. Brit. Museum.
15,669, &c.), amounting to 153, out of the 415 parishes in that county.
Withers, of Exeter--a Nonconformist--computed that in Suffolk, Norfolk,
and Cambridge, out of 1,398 parishes, there were 253 sequestrations,
and in his own county of Devon, out of 394 parishes there were 139
ejected, thirty-nine were deducted for pluralities ("Neal," iii. 134).
Pluralists must be allowed for throughout the country, so also must
cathedral dignitaries and members of the universities, not holding
parochial benefices. But what was done in the Eastern counties, where
the Puritan party had great power, is no rule for judging of what was
done in other counties where the Puritan party had little power.
After repeatedly pondering what has been said on all sides, it appears
to me impossible to come to a definite conclusion; but computing the
clergy at about ten thousand, and reckoning from the loose data just
given, I venture to suggest that perhaps about one fifth of the whole
might be ejected. I see no ground for believing that less than 2,000 or
more than 2,500 were expelled from the Establishment.
VII.--VOL. II. 150.
DRAFT OF A BILL FOR REVISING THE ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE
SCRIPTURES.
Since the account given p. 150 was printed, the following document in
the State Paper Office, (_Domestic Interreg._, Bundle 662, f. 12.,) has
been pointed out to me:--
"Whereas by the reverend, godly, and learned Dr. Hill, it was publicly
declared in his sermon before an honourable assembly,[589] and by
himself since that time published in print, that when the Bible had
been translated by the translators appointed, the New Testament was
looked over by some Prelates (that he could name) to bring it to speak
the prelatical language, and he was informed by one that lived then, a
great observer of those times, fourteen places in the New Testament,
whereof he instanceth these in five or six places by them corrupted.
The like testimony of those Prelates so wronging that new and best
translation being given by some other ancient and godly preachers also,
who lived in those times.
And some appearance hereof may yet be seen in part of that very copy of
those translators.
And whereas in the original text of the Holy Scriptures there is so
great a depth, that only by degrees there is a progress of light
towards the attaining of perfection of the knowledge in the bettering
of the translation thereof; and hence the most learned translators
have found cause again and again of reviving and still rectifying and
amending within a few years of what they themselves had translated and
published. And this hath been the commendable practice even of some
Papists,[590] and of sundry of the reformed religion.[591]
And it being now above forty years since our new translation was
finished,[592] divers of the heads of colleges and many other learned
persons (that coming later have the advantage to stand as on the heads
of the former) in their public sermons (and in print also) have often
held out to their hearers and readers that the Hebrew or Greek may
better be rendered, as they mention, than as it is in our newest and
best translation: some of the places seeming to be very material, and
crying aloud for the rectifying of them, if the truth be as it is so
affirmed, and published by them, and here in some MSS. presented to us.
And forasmuch as the translation by Mr. H. Ainsworth of Moses and
the Psalms, and Song of Solomon, is greatly commended by many of the
learned as far more agreeable to the Hebrew than ours; and it is said
that there are MSS. of his translations of some other Scriptures
both of the Old and New Testament. And also in other parts of the
Holy Scriptures, some have translated verses and some chapters; and
we hear that some have translated the New Testament, if not the Old
also, and would have them printed and published in our nation. Which
if it should be done on their own heads, without due care for the
supervising thereof by learned persons sound in the fundamentals of
the Christian religion, might be a precedent of dangerous consequence,
emboldening other to do the like, and might tend at last to bring in
other Scriptures or another Gospel instead of the oracles of God and
the Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ.
For the reforming, rectifying, and repairing of the former injury to
the new translation, and for preventing of so great inconveniences of
such dangerous consequence, and for the furtherance (what in us lieth)
and the benefit and edification of many, Be it [enacted,] that no
person or persons whatsoever within the dominions of England, Scotland,
and Ireland, without the approbation of persons hereafter named or
to be named by authority, shall presume to print or publish any such
translation of the Bible or of the New Testament.
And that these persons, viz: Dr. John Owen,[593] Dr. Ralph Cudworth,
Mr. Jenkins, Mr. William Greenhill, Mr. Samuel Slater, Mr. William
Cowper, Mr. Henry Jessey, Mr. Ralph Venninge, and Mr. John Row,
Hebrew professor in Aberdeen, in Scotland, shall be and hereby
are constituted, appointed, and authorized in and about all these
particulars following to be performed by them in the fear of the Lord,
for the good of His people, namely:--
That these or any three or more of them may search and observe wherein
that last translation appears to be wronged by the Prelates, or
printers, or others; that in all such places, as far as in them is, it
may be rectified and amended therein, and the evident and most material
failings that do in a special manner call for reformation, (some
particulars whereof to us have been presented for consideration;) and
that this may be performed with all speed before there be any further
printing of the Bible.
And further, because it is our duty to endeavour to have the Bible
translated in all places as accurately and as perfectly agreeing
with the original Hebrew and Greek as we can attain unto, to remove
(whatever in us lieth) the stumbling-blocks and offence of the weak, or
the cavils of others when they hear in sermons preached or printed, or
in other treatises, that the original bears it better thus and thus.
Be it [enacted] that the persons beforesaid may seriously consider
the translation of Mr. H. Ainsworth, and of any other translations,
annotations, or observations made or that may be made by any of
themselves, or of any others that they know of, or may confer withal
(who are desired to add unto them their best assistance for the
general good of all), and consider of the marginal readings in Bibles,
whether any of them should rather be in the line. And what they, after
serious looking up to the Lord for His gracious assistance in so
weighty a work, and advising together amongst themselves, shall judge
to be nearest to the text, and to the mind of the Lord, they may give
thereunto their approbation, and this with all speed that conveniently
they are able.
And be it further [enacted], that Dr. Thomas Goodwin, Dr. Tuckney, and
Mr. Joseph Caryl, are hereby appointed and authorized to be supervisors
of what is so approved, and that what those persons shall so approve
of, shall accordingly be printed and published for the general
edification and benefit of the whole nation, to be read both privately
and in the public congregations."
VOL. II. 207.
_Anno Domini, 1655._
For the following extract from the Records of the Church at Bury St.
Edmund's, dating from 1646, I am indebted to the Rev. Alfred Tyler, the
present minister.
"Thos. Taylor, sometimes a member of the Church of Christ which is
at Norwich, and, afterwards, by dismission from them, a foundation
member of the Church which is at Godwick and Stanfield, in the county
of Norfolk, being a publick preacher and dispenser of the Gospell,
approved therein by both those Churches, was called by the Church to
preach and dispense the Gospell of Christ unto them in the year 1653,
and after neare two yeares experience and tryall, his dismission
being first obtained from the Church of Godwick and Stanfield, was by
commendation from the said Church and brethren at Godwick, and also by
giving in a relation of the dealings of God with his soul, of the work
of grace upon his heart, received into fellowship as a brother upon the
18th day of the 9th month, 16--." (The other figures are worn off.)
After this follows a somewhat lengthy confession of faith, and then:--
"Upon the 3rd day of the eleventh month, commonly called January, the
Church did, by election and holding up of hands, and by fasting and
prayer, ordain Thomas Taylor, a publick preacher and member of the
Church, after neare two yeares tryall and experience, unto the office
of a pastor, and John Hayward, a member of the same Church, unto the
office of a Deacon, at a very solemn and publick meeting, where were
present the messengers sent from nine generall Churches, viz.: 1,
Coggeshall, in the county of Essex; 2, Sudbury, that whereof Saml.
Crossman is pastor; 3, two Churches in Ipswich, meeting at St. Peters
(?) and Hellens; 4,----ham (?); 5, Weston; 6, Rattlesden; 7, Pulham;
8, H----en, both in the county of Norfolk; in which meeting the Church
did also make a publick profession of their faith according to the
foregoing copy, and had the unanimous, clear, and full concurrence of
the spirits, judgments, and approbation of all the messengers, both
as to their confession of faith, church-state, and order, not one
dissenting; and did, at the same meeting, receive the right hand of
fellowship from the Churches of Rattlesden, Weston, and Coggeshall:
and the messengers from H----en and Pulham declared that the Church
had formerly received the right hand of fellowship from them, at or
soone after their first sitting down together in fellowship; and the
messengers from ----ham, Sudbury, and Hellens, in Ipswich, promised, on
the behalf of those Churches, that they would make report of our faith
and order unto the Churches to whom they did belong, and to give us the
right hand of fellowship at some convenient time, but could not then
doe it because they had received no such power from the Church."
ADDITIONAL NOTE ON RITUALISM.
The whole of this work was prepared and much of it printed before
the present controversy on Ritualism arose. This will account for
the omission in the early part of the first volume of any comparison
between the Ritualism of Anglo-Catholics under the Stuarts, and
the Ritualism of Anglo-Catholics at the present day. Judging from
ceremonial worship now performed in certain quarters, and from the
publications of persons who represent the party, we may say that
Archbishop Laud never attempted to go so far in the adoption of Roman
Catholic rites and vestments as his modern successors have done.
[Illustration]
INDEX.
Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury, i. 359; ii. 234
Act of Uniformity, First of Elizabeth, i. 5
At the Restoration, 47
Akehurst, ii. 271
Alcock, i. 433
Alleine, Joseph, ii. 220
Alphery, i. 433
Alvey, i. 433
Ames, Dr. William, i. 460
Andrewes, Bishop, i. 9, 50, 53, 129
Andrews, Mrs. Margaret, ii. 426
Anglo-Catholics under Elizabeth, i. 4
Under James I. and Charles I., 6, 29
Changes in their Doctrine and Policy, 7
Under Laud, 31
Adhere to Resolutions issued by the Lords concerning
Innovations, 172
Annesley, Dr. Samuel, His Loyalty to the King, ii. 44
His Sermon at St. Paul's, 437
Arminianism in time of Stuarts, i. 17, 45, 52
Arrowsmith, Dr. John, Master of St. John's, ii. 274
Ash, Simeon, Chaplain to Lord Brooke, i. 241
Preaches to the Soldiers, 250
Attended Love on the Scaffold, ii. 48
Died in 1646, 187
Ash, Edward, i. 529
Ashmole, Elias, at Oxford, ii. 257
Assembly of Divines, Ordinance for convening it, i. 271
Members, 272
Appointed by Secular Authority, 273
Controlled by Parliament, 274
Their First Meeting, 275
Assemble again, 278
Present a Petition to the Two Houses, 287
Appoint Deputation to accompany Commissioners to Scotland, 289
Follow Pym to the Grave, 302
Invited to the City Banquet, 308
Advise Destruction of Popish Relics, 313
Their Exhortation respecting the Solemn League and Covenant, 320
They meet in Jerusalem Chamber, 326
Baillie's Description of Assembly, 327
Propose Committee for Ordination, 391
Debate the subject of a Directory, 405
Debates on Ordination, 417
On Presbyterian Discipline, 418
Touching "The Power of the Keys," 439
Toleration, 443
Divine Right of Presbyterianism, 446
On the _Jus Divinum_, 447
Assembly threatened with a _Præmunire_, 448
They submit to Parliament, 448
Conclusion of their History, 448
Their Confession of Faith, 449
Catechisms, 450
Revision of Psalmody, 451
The Assembly not treated with Justice, 452
Talents and Attainments of the Divines, 453
Astley, Sir Jacob, i. 254
Atkins, Robert, ii. 228
Ayscue, Sir George, ii. 469-472
Bacon, Sir Nicholas, i. 351
Bagshawe, i. 85, 103, 113
Baillie, Visits London, i. 107
Present at City Banquet, 311
At the Hague, ii. 23
His Speech to Charles, 24
See also i. 264, 269, 289, 298, 327, 418, 437
Baines, Captain, ii. 147
Baltimore, Lord, Governor of Maryland, ii. 450, 478, 482
Bampfield, ii. 150, 363
Bancroft, i. 6, 17, 42
Baptists, ii. 121
In Elizabeth's Reign, 230
Their Publications, 232
Imprisoned, 234
Arminian and Calvinistic Baptists, 235
Their Controversy with Calamy, 236
Their Polity and Discipline, 238
Ministers, 238
Baptists in Wales, 243
In Ireland and Scotland, 244
Barksdale, ii. 296
Barlow, ii. 258
Barnardston, Sir Nathaniel, ii. 422
Barrow, Isaac, ii. 267
Barrowe, Henry, i. 353
Barrowists, Bill against them, i. 355
Barton, i. 451; ii. 393
Barwick, John, i. 384
Basire, Isaac, ii. 321
Bastwick, i. 26, 79
Bates, William, ii. 185
Battles. Edge Hill, i. 253
Newbury, 296
Long Marston Moor, 425
Naseby, 428
Dunbar, ii. 37
Worcester, 43
Baxter, Richard, at Alcester, i. 254
His Dislike to Covenant, 325
With the Army, 456
Draws up an Agreement, ii. 187
At Kidderminster, 189
Preaches before Oliver Cromwell, 194
His Correspondence with Howe, 223
See also i. 315, 452; ii. 48, 100, 312, 366, 385
Beal, Thomas, i. 221
Bedell, Bishop of Kilmore, i. 216
Bedford, Samuel, ii. 133
Behmen, Jacob, ii. 367
Bere, Sidney, his Letters, i. 149, 167, 183, 198, 229
Berry, Major-General, i. 464; ii. 115, 119
Berry, Daniel, i. 434
Bibles, Misprinted, ii. 150
Biddle, ii. 102, 367
Bishops, i. 76
Attempts to Remove them from the Peerage, 126
Thirteen impeached, 163
Bishops Promoted, 186
Insulted, 199
Protest of Twelve Bishops, 203
Impeached, 205
Unpopularity, 205
Bishops who died before 1650, 209
Irish Bishops, 216
Bishops with the King at Oxford, 378
Those who were Deprived, ii. 302
Those who Survived the Return of Charles II., 308
Blair, i. 107
Blake, Robert, i. 430, 437; ii. 215
Bodurda, ii. 146
Bolton, i. 53
Book of Sports, i. 13, 52, 93
Booth, Sir George, his Insurrection, ii. 168
Boteler, Major-General, ii. 114
Bramhall, Bishop of Derry, his account of Irish Church, i. 216
His flight from Ireland, ii. 309
Extracts from his Works, 311
Brayne, ii. 477
Brent, Sir Nathaniel, i. 68, 121, 386, 484
Bridge, William, i. 332, 371; ii. 219
Briscoe, Colonel, ii. 147, 149
Broghill, Lord, ii. 117, 226
Brooke, Lord, i. 77, 246
Enlists Volunteers, 240
Exhortation to Londoners, 255
His Death, 280
Brooke, Basil, i. 304
Brooks, Thomas, ii. 219
Browne, Robert, i. 349, 351
In Scotland, ii. 225
Brownism, i. 177, 351
Brownists, i. 255, 343, 355, 365; ii. 226
Brownrigg, Bishop of Exeter, i. 186; ii. 277
Member of Assembly, i. 272, 278
Remainder of his days, ii. 307
Bulkeley, i. 409
Bull, George, ii. 294, 436
Bunyan, i. 428; ii. 241
Burdett, i. 50
Burgess, Dr. Cornelius, i. 91, 102, 143, 170, 292, 312, 328; ii. 229
Chaplain to Earl of Essex, i. 241
Appointed Assessor to Assembly, 279
Burleigh, Lord, i. 349, 351
Burnet, ii. 276, 279, 503
Burroughs, Jeremiah, i. 332, 333, 422
Burroughs, Edward, ii. 359
Burton, i. 26, 79, 369
Busby, Richard, ii. 292
Busher, Leonard, i. 346; ii. 231
Butler, ii. 147
Button, Ralph, ii. 254
Byfield, i. 278, 328
Cabot, ii. 443
Calamy, Edmund, Presbyterian Preacher, i. 259
His Popularity, 260
See also i. 329; ii. 48, 139, 175, 182, 236
Calvin, i. 99
Calvinism, i. 17, 46
Cambridge University--Opposition to Parliament, i. 490
Commissioners, 491
Revival of Puritanism, 493
Engagement enforced, ii. 265
Military Visitors, 268
Evelyn's Visit, 273
Studies at Cambridge, 281
Compared with Oxford, 284
Canne, John, ii. 234, 245
Carbery, Lady--Sketch of her Character, ii. 423
Cartwright, i. 43, 100
Cary, Lucius, Viscount Falkland, i. 72, 113, 127, 185, 267
His Character and Policy, 225
Created Secretary of State, 231
Killed at Newbury, 296
Caryl, Joseph, i. 527; ii. 216
Cathedrals, those that suffered from Destruction of Popish
Relics, i. 316
Cawdry, i. 329
Cawton, a Presbyterian Minister, ii. 12
Charles I. opens Long Parliament, i. 1
Attached to Episcopacy, 76
Attempts to Establish it in Scotland, 104
Summons both Houses to Whitehall, 111
Assents to Bill rendering Parliament Indissoluble, 135
His Perplexity when sanctioning the Death of Strafford, 139
Assents to Scotch Treaty, Starts for Scotland, 166
Attempts to conciliate Scotch, 169
His Return and Reception in London, 187
Grand Remonstrance presented to him, 191
His Answer, 192
Attempts to seize the Five Members, 193
His Flight from London, 229
Attempts at Mediation between him and Parliament, 231
Parliamentary Propositions, 236
His Answer, 236
Denied Entrance to Hull, 246
Sets up his Standard, 247
On his way to London, 254
Quarrel between King and City, 256
Scotch Commissioners treat with him, 264
Parliament sends an Embassy, 265
Success of his Army, 283
His Duplicity, 300
Intrigues with Independents, 306
His Mock Parliament, 330
At Oxford, 372
Accused of Popish Tendencies, 374
Agrees to Truce with Ireland, 376
Treaty at Uxbridge, 412
His Double-dealing, 415
His Debate with Henderson, 469
Joins Scotch Camp at Newark, 469
His Letters to the Queen, 470, 474
Parliament Propositions to him, 472
His Dislike of Presbyterianism, 473
His Intrigues with Independents and Papists, 475
In hands of Parliamentary Commissioners, 513
Taken from Holdenby by Independents, 519
Newport Treaty, 526
His Removal from Carisbrook to Hurst Castle, 529
On the Scaffold, 531
His Burial, 535
Regarded as a Martyr, ii. 20
Charles II. in Holland, ii. 21
Scotch Commissioners sent to treat with him, 23
His Policy, 25
Papers disclosing secrets, 25
Signs Covenant and goes to Scotland, 31
Crowned in Scotland, 39
His Life there, 40
Comes to England, 42
His Treachery, 43
Defeated at Worcester, 43
Charnock, ii. 227
Cheynell, Francis, i. 286; ii. 100
His Connection with Chillingworth, i. 381
Chidley, Catherine, ii. 392
Chillingworth, William, i. 286, 335
At Oxford, 380, 381
His Death, 382
Cholmeley, Sir Hugh, i. 489
Christina of Sweden, her Conversation with Whitelocke, i. 466
Clarke, Samuel, ii. 185
Clarkson, David, i. 284
Clotworthy, Sir John, i. 212, 401
Cogan, his Letters, i. 212, 222
Coke, George, Bishop of Hereford, i. 210
Coke, Secretary, ii. 484
Coleman, Thomas, i. 330
Colfe, Abraham, ii. 204
Collinge, Dr., ii. 427
Collins, Dr., i. 495
Colonies, State of Religion before the Commonwealth, ii. 443
Virginia, 446
Bermudas, 449
Maryland, 450
Pilgrim Fathers, 451
Massachusetts, 452
During Civil Wars, 459
Barbadoes, 460
Maryland, 461
United Colonies of New England, 462
During the Commonwealth, 463
Society for Propagation of Gospel in New England, 464
Rhode Island, 467
Barbadoes, 469
Virginia, 472
Bermudas, 474
West Indies, 475
Maryland, 477
East Indies, 480
Commons, Petitions, i. 79
Debates on Religion, 83
Appoint Committee to prepare Remonstrance, 86
Committee to draw up charges against Strafford, 89
Petitions, 108
Debate on Root and Branch Petition, 112
Resolution for Reforming Pluralities, 126
Bill for removal of Star Chamber and High Commission Courts, 127
Solemn Vow and Protestation, 133
Bill rendering Parliament indissoluble, 135
Deans and Chapters, 142
Bill for Restraining Bishops, 144
Bill for Abolition of Bishops, 147
Sabbath Legislation, 151
Abolition of Cathedral Chapters, 154
Petition the King to delay his journey to Scotland, 166
Send Commissioners after him, 166
Press Church Reforms, 170
New Bill for Excluding Bishops, 176
Grand Remonstrance Debated, 179
Arrest of the five Members, 193
Impeach twelve Bishops, 204
Return of the five Members, 229
Bill for Abolition of Episcopacy, 262
Corporation Banquet, 307
Ordinances for Destruction of Popish Relics, 313
Endorse Directory, 406
Fresh Members in the House, 437
Debates on the _Jus Divinum_, 447
Decide that Rouse's Psalms should be sung, 451
Ordinance against Heresies and Blasphemies, 523
Newport Treaty, 526
Pride's Purge, 531
Conant, Dr. John, ii. 256
Convocation, i. 95, 98, 108, 274
Corbet, Edward, i. 386, 529
Cosin, Dr., i. 493, 495; ii. 318
Courten, Lady Catherine, her Christian Character, ii. 426
Crisp, Dr., ii. 368
Cromwell, Oliver, i. 63, 70, 115, 149, 185, 231
Member for Cambridge, 64
His Ironsides, 241
Governor of Ely, 319
Suggests Committee of Accommodation, 421
At Marston Moor, 425
His Letter about Naseby, 429
His Jealousy of Presbyterian Power, 436
Preaches to Soldiers, 464
His desire for Toleration, 520
Aims at Reconciling Presbyterians and Independents, 520
Anecdote of him, 520
His Character and Religion, ii. 3, 5
Goes to Scotland, 35
Victories at Dunbar, 37,
and Worcester, 43
Dissolves Long Parliament, 50
His Speech at opening of Little Parliament, 53
Members resign their powers into his hands, 65
Made Lord Protector, 73
His Portrait, 73
His National Church, 79
His Ecclesiastical Policy, 80
State Recognition, 81
State Control, 83
State Support, 88
State Protection, 89
State Penalties, 90
Originality of his Policy, 92
His Establishment not a Church, 93
His First Protectorate Parliament, 96
His Speech at the Opening, 97
Speech on Dissolving Parliament, 103
His dislike to Episcopal Royalists, 110
Major-Generals, 113
His Second Parliament, 128
His Speech, 131
His Letters, 134
Refusal of the Crown, 139
Accepts Petition and Advice, 141
His Speech, 141
Religious Toleration under him, 144
His Second Installation, 153
His Speech at Re-assembling of Parliament, 157
Last Speeches, 160
His Order Book, 162
His Broad Church, 165
His Interview with Baxter, 194
Makes Howe Court Chaplain, 221
His Liberality to those who Differed from him, 222
Receives Academic Honours at Oxford, 247
Visits Cambridge, 265
His Ordinance for another Collegiate Establishment, 286
His Establishment, 294
Anecdotes of him and Ussher, 304
His Interview with Fox, 358
Character of his Court, 400
His Chaplains, 402
His interference on behalf of the Piedmontese, 492
Writes to Louis XIV., 499
His Foreign Policy, 503
His Treatment of the Jews, 504
At Hampton Court, 508
Death of his Daughter, 508
His last Interview with Fox, 510
His Last Days, 511
Last Words, 517
Death, 520
Cromwell, Henry, ii. 121
Cromwell, Richard, ii. 155
Cudworth, Dr. Ralph, i. 339; ii. 275
Culpeper, i. 85, 97, 148
Curie, Walter, Bishop of Winchester, i. 210
Dalston, Sir George, ii. 413
Davenant, Bishop of Salisbury, i. 163
Deans and Chapters, i. 142
Their History, 155
Surveys of their Possessions, ii. 9
Abolition and sale of Possessions, 9
Dell, William, ii. 269
Denn, ii. 297
Dering, Sir Edward, i. 74, 157, 178, 181, 191, 270; ii. 159
Presents Bill for Abolition of Bishops, i. 146
His Conduct, 149
A Seceder from Popular Party, 224
Desborough, Major-General, ii. 55, 134, 149
Digby, Lord, i. 63, 75, 85, 97, 112
Directory, Established, i. 404
Debated in Assembly, 405
Sent to Scotland, 406
Ordinance for its Establishment, 406
Penalties for Refusing it, 407
Its Fate in Ireland, 409
Donne, Dr., i. 9, 46, 53
Dorset, Earl of, i. 365
Douglas, ii. 39
Downings, William, i. 315
Duncan, Dr., i. 495
Duppa, Bryan, Translated from Chichester to Salisbury, i. 186
With the King at Oxford, 378
Endeavours to Revive Episcopal Church, ii. 309
Durie, John, ii. 490
his Labours for Protestant Union, 484-489
Eaton, i. 360, 364
Edwards, ii. 365
Eliot, Sir John, i. 28, 36, 67
Eliot, John, ii. 464
Elizabeth, i. 6, 41, 45, 214; ii. 4, 230
Episcopacy, i. 99
Rooted out of Scotland, 104
Charles I. Attempts to Restore it, 104
Defended in the House, 114
Its Divine Right, 116
Plans for its Reformation, 124
Controversy Concerning it, 128
Bill for Restraining Bishops, 144
Bills for the Abolition of Episcopacy, 147, 176, 262
Petitions Concerning it, 197
No Bishop Riots, 199
Bill for Exclusion from Upper House, 208
Its Opponents, 227
Sequestration of Property, 385
New Bill Relative to it, 480
Episcopalians--How they regarded Solemn Vow and Protestation, i. 134
Blame Twelve Protesting Bishops, 205
Not excluded from Westminster Assembly, 272
Exasperated by League and Covenant, 325
Their views of the Assembly, 452
At Norwich, 505
Their Dislike to the Scotch, ii. 33
Commissioners for approbation of godly preachers, 104
For ejecting scandalous ones, 107
Persecution of their clergy, 111
Those who continued to use the Common Prayer, 294
Those who held Livings without using it, 298
Those who did not Conform, 301
Their Sufferings, 311
Prayers read by them during Commonwealth, 340
Their Patriotism, Loyalty, and Sufferings, 342
Erastians, i. 330, 439, 447
Theses by Erastus, 331
Erbery, ii. 271
Erle, Sir Walter, i. 135
Essex, Earl of, i. 77
Commander of Parliamentary Army, 241
At Edge Hill, 254
Raises Siege of Gloucester, 287
At Newbury, 296
Capitulates to the King, 426
His Death, 517
Evelyn, John, ii. 258, 273, 337, 418
Ewes D', Sir Symonds, i. 114, 148, 152, 184, 529
Ewins, Thomas, ii. 240
Fairclough, Richard, ii. 420
Fairfax, in Yorkshire, i. 283
At Somerset, 430
Punishes Disorderly Soldiers, 455
Receives Academic Honours, ii. 247
Falkland, (see Cary)
Farindon, ii. 299, 436
Feake, ii. 65, 70, 183
Featley, Dr., i. 25
Fell, Vice-Chancellor of Oxford, i. 498; ii. 249, 253
Ferrendail, Orthro, ii. 225
Fielding, Lady Barbara, i. 12
Fiennes, Nathaniel, i. 62, 70, 75, 112; ii. 156, 159
Fifth Monarchy Men, ii. 61, 63, 65, 70, 91, 120
Finch, Lord Keeper, i. 2
Fitz, Richard, i. 348
Flavel, John, ii. 220
Fleetwood, i. 522; ii. 512
Fortescue, ii. 477
Fox, George, His Early Life, ii. 350
Character, 351
His Mysticism, 352
Mighty in Prayer, 354
His Peculiarities, 355
His Interview with Cromwell, 358
His Followers, 359
His Last Interview with Cromwell, 510
Frampton, Robert, ii. 481
Frewen, Dr., Accepted, i. 209
Fuller, Thomas, i. 48, 277, 326, 376; ii. 202-204
Chaplain to Lord Hopton, i. 380
His Piety, ii. 412
Gale, Theophilus, ii. 255
Garroway, Alderman, i. 257, 409
Gataker, ii. 199
Gauden, Dr. John, ii. 201
Geddes, Jenny, i. 105
Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, ii. 445
Giles, Dr., i. 281
Gillespie, i. 329, 406; ii. 226
Gilpin, Bernard and Richard, ii. 288
Glynne, i. 60, 330
Godeman, Casper, ii. 483
Goffe, Major-General, ii. 116
Goodman, Godfrey, ii. 302
Goodwin, Thomas, i. 332, 343, 418; ii. 97, 100, 255, 284
Gookin, Captain, ii. 466
Gouge, Dr., i. 295
Gourney, Alderman, i. 188
Grand Remonstrance debated by Commons, i. 179, 180
Discussion about Printing, 183
Presented to the King, 191
Greenhill, i. 217, 375
Greenwood, Congregational Pastor, i. 353-355
Greenwood, Dr. Daniel, ii. 256
Grenville, Sir B., ii. 416
Greville, i. 77
Grimston, Sir Harbottle, i. 82, 85, 97, 113, 529
Grindal, i. 21, 41, 42, 319
Grotius, Hugh, i. 401
Gunning, Peter, ii. 297
Hacket, Dr. John, i. 142
Forbidden to use Prayer Book, ii. 296
Hale, Edward, ii. 121
Hales, John, i. 336; ii. 300
Hall, Joseph, i. 322
His Tract on Episcopacy, 128
His Speech, 144
Translated from Exeter to Norwich, 186
His Account of Riots, 203
Remainder of his Life, ii. 305
Hall, Thomas, ii. 197
Hammond, i. 519, 527
His Friendship for Sanderson, ii. 324
His Letters, 330
His Death, 333
His Piety, 411, 436
Hampden, John, i. 63, 66, 68, 72, 75, 82, 152, 184, 221, 241, 455;
ii. 159
Raises Volunteers, i. 240
Wounded, 281
His Last Moments, 281
Burial, 282, 283
Hardy, Dr. Nathaniel, ii. 301
Harley, Sir Robert, i. 152
Harley, Lady, ii. 424
Harrington, Sir James, Attends the King at Holdenby, i. 515
Harris, Dr. Robert, i. 329; ii. 256
Harrison, Major-General, i. 464; ii. 55, 58, 62, 70, 98
Harrison, Dr. Thomas, ii. 226
Hartford, Marquis of, i. 203
Hartlib, ii. 162, 289
Haselrig, Sir Arthur, i. 65, 146, 149, 241, 521; ii. 1, 98, 131,
159, 288
Haynes, Major-General, ii. 114
Helme, ii. 296
Henderson, Alexander, visits London, i. 107, 118
In Scotland, 167
One of the Commissioners sent to treat with the King, 264
Declaration written by Him, 293
His Controversies with the King, 470
Henrietta Maria, Queen of Charles I., i. 136, 187
Henry, Matthew, i. 533
Henry, Philip, i. 533; ii. 255, 260
Herbert, George, i. 10
His Dying Confession, ii. 409
His Hymns, 410
Herle, Charles, i. 329
Herrick, ii. 168
Hide, David, i. 199
Hill, Dr. Thomas, ii. 274
Hill, Joseph, ii. 288
Hitch, i. 319
Hobart, i. 82
Hobart, Lady Frances, her Christian Character, ii. 427
Holland, Lord, i. 76
Holland, Sir John, i. 85
Holles, Denzil, i. 60, 82, 115, 134, 148, 330
A Leader in Parliamentary Army, 240
Declares Petition from Army Seditious, 516
Hollister, Dennis, ii. 52
Hook, William, ii. 402
Hooker, i. 43, 129
Hopton, Sir Ralph, afterwards Lord, i. 191, 192, 380
Hotham, Sir John, i. 246
Houghton, Lady Mary, her Piety, ii. 426
Howe, John, ii. 93, 185, 218, 220
Cromwell's Court Chaplain, 221
His faithful Preaching, 222
His Correspondence with Baxter, 223
His Life at Court, 402
Howell, Francis, ii. 222
Howell, Thomas, i. 209, 210
Hoyle, Dr., ii. 256
Hunt, Robert, ii. 446
Hunton, Philip, ii. 287
Hutchinson, Colonel, i. 315, 437, 534
His Wife, i. 322, 461, 534
Hyde, Lord Clarendon, i. 62, 69, 77, 79, 126, 148, 153, 157, 183,
185, 226, 239, 267, 285, 374, 516, 518; ii. 503