CHAPTER VIII.

THE QUICHÉS AND CACHIQUELS. (BY A. P. M.)

[Illustration: ON THE STEPS OF THE CABILDO, ATITLAN.]

It will be as well now to give a slight sketch of the history of

the Indians whose country we were passing through. At the time of

Alvarado's entry into Guatemala in February 1524, the tableland round

about the modern towns of Santa Cruz del Quiché and Quezaltenango was

occupied by the Quiché Indians, who had their capital at Utatlan, close

to Santa Cruz. The Cachiquels held the land to the east of the Quichés,

and their capital, Patinamit or Iximché, stood near the modern town of

Tecpan Guatemala, and is called by Alvarado the "City of Guatemala."

The Tzutuhils, a less powerful tribe, appear to have held the land

on the east and south shores of the lake of Atitlan, and probably

had their headquarters on the site of the present Indian village of

Atitlan. All three tribes spoke languages of (what is now known as) the

Maya-Quiché stock, a family of languages which extends over the whole

peninsula of Yucatan, through the greater part of Guatemala, and parts

of Tabasco and Chiapas. The confederation of these three tribes or

nations--Quichés, Cachiquels, and Tzutuhils--is sometimes spoken of as

the Quiché-Cachiquel Empire; but whether it was ever a united empire,

as we understand the term, is somewhat doubtful, while it is quite

certain that at the time of the Spanish invasion all three tribes were

at enmity with one another.

It is sometimes assumed that these people had attained a high degree of

civilization, and were especially advanced in the art of building; but

this assumption I believe to be mainly due to the grossly exaggerated

descriptions of their towns given by the early Spanish historians, and

unfortunately there are no other written records to which we can refer

on these points.

Of the three aboriginal MSS. still extant, not one (so far as I know)

has been attributed to the Quichés or Cachiquels, and no carved

inscriptions have been found amongst the ruins of their towns; but a

few glyphs painted on pottery which is ascribed to them would lead

one to suppose that they made use of the Maya script. Of late years

two documents have been discovered which have gained for these people

some literary reputation--the 'Popul-Vuh,' or sacred book of the

Quichés, and the 'Chronicles' of the Cachiquels: the fact that they are

written in Roman characters shows that the transcription at least is

of recent date; but whilst they are of undoubted interest with regard

to mythology and traditional history, they afford no guide to the then

prevailing state of civilization.

After making due allowance for the inaccuracies of the available

descriptions, it may undoubtedly be conceded that at the time of

the Spanish conquest the Quichés and Cachiquels lived in organized

communities and that they were fairly proficient in the arts, without

attempting to exalt their culture to the same level with that of the

builders of Palenque or Copan, or the great towns in Yucatan. For

their history since the Spanish invasion we must turn to the earliest

accounts of them left to us by their conquerors.

Alvarado left Mexico in December 1523, with an army of 120 horsemen,

and 40 led horses, 300 infantry, of whom 130 were crossbowmen and

arquebusiers, four pieces of artillery, and some thousands of picked

Indian warriors. He passed over the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, and marched

on through the province of Soconusco, fighting a battle near Tonalá,

and on the 11th April he addressed a despatch from Utatlan to his great

Captain Hernando Cortés, who was then in Mexico, as follows:--

"Señor, from Soconusco I wrote to your Highness all that had happened

to me as far as that place, and said something of what I looked to

find ahead of me. And after I had sent my messengers to this country

to inform the people that I was coming to conquer and pacify certain

provinces which were unwilling to place themselves under the dominion

of his Majesty, I begged help and assistance from them as vassals (for

as such they had offered themselves to your Highness begging favour

and aid for their country) and said that if they gave their assistance

in the way they ought to do as good and loyal vassals of his Majesty,

they should be well treated by me and the Spaniards in my company; and

if not, I would make war on them as against traitors rebelling and

fighting against the dominion of our Lord the Emperor, and as such they

would be treated, and in addition to this, that we would make slaves of

all taken alive in the war. And having done all this and despatched the

messengers, who were men of their own people, I reviewed all my people,

both foot and horse, and the next day, on the morning of Saturday, I

set out in search of their land, and after marching for three days

through uninhabited forest, we pitched our camp, and the scouts whom

I had sent out captured three spies from a town in this land named

Zapotitlán. I asked them what they came for, and they told me that they

were collecting honey, but it was notorious that they were spies...."

[Illustration: THE PLAZA, ATITLAN.]

[Illustration: MAP OF UTATLAN. Ancient Capital of THE QUICHÉS.]

Alvarado had so far been marching through the tropical forest on the

Pacific slope; now that he wished to turn inland and reach the plateau

he found the path barred by a great host of Indians. A battle was

fought at Zapotitlán, and the victorious Spaniards rested for two days

in that town. Then Alvarado led his army up the Cuesta de Santa Maria

to the high land, and at the top of the pass, near the town of Xelahú

or Quezaltenango, another great battle was fought with the Quiché

warriors. Again the Indians were defeated, and Alvarado entered the

deserted town. In a short time his army was again on the march, and for

a third and last time the despairing Indians offered battle; but, as

usual, the Spaniards carried all before them, and the carnage amongst

the Indians is described as fearful. The victorious army continued its

march towards Utatlan, the capital of the Quichés; but Alvarado shall

tell the tale in his own words:--

"And when the chiefs of this town found that their people were defeated

they took counsel with all the land and called many other provinces

to them and gave tribute to their enemies and induced them to join

them, so that all might come together and kill us. And they agreed to

send and tell us that they had wished to be friends, and that again

they gave obedience to our Lord the Emperor, so that I should enter

the city of Utatlan, where they afterwards brought me, thinking that I

would camp there, and that when thus encamped, they would set fire to

the town in the night and burn us all in it, without the possibility

of resistance. And in truth their evil plan would have come to pass

but that God our Lord did not see good that these infidels should be

victorious over us, for this city is very strong, and there are only

two ways of entering it, one over thirty steep stone steps, and

the other by a causeway made by hand, some part of which was already

cut away, so that that night they might finish cutting it, and no horse

could then have escaped into the country. As the city is very closely

built and the streets very narrow we could not have escaped suffocation

or falling down headlong in fleeing from the fire. And as we rode up,

and I could see how large the fort was, and that within it one could

not avail oneself of the horsemen because the streets were so narrow

and walled in, I determined at once to clear out of it on to the plain,

although the chiefs of the town asked me not to do so, and invited me

to seat myself and eat before I departed, so as to gain time to carry

out their plans. But I knew the danger in which we were, and sent some

men ahead of me to take possession of the causeway and bridge, so that

I could get out on to the plain, and the causeway was already in such a

condition that one could hardly get over it on horseback, and outside

the city were many warriors, and as they saw me pass out on to the

plain, they retreated somewhat, so that I did not receive much harm

from them. Then I concealed my real intentions so that I might capture

the chiefs who were taking to flight, and by the cunning with which I

approached them, and through the present which I gave them the better

to carry out my plan, I took them captive and held them prisoners in my

camp. But, nevertheless, their people did not cease fighting against

me in the neighbourhood and killed and wounded many Indians who had

gone out to cut grass. And one Spaniard who was cutting grass a gunshot

from the camp was slain by a stone rolled down the hill. This land is

very full of gulleys, there are gulleys two hundred fathoms in depth,

and on account of them one cannot carry on war and punish these people

as they deserve. And seeing that by fire and sword I might bring these

people to the service of his Majesty, I determined to burn the chiefs,

and they themselves said at the time that they wished to be burnt,

as appears in their confessions (where they say that they were those

who had declared and made the war against me and wished to burn me in

the city; and it was with this intention that they brought me to the

city, and that they had ordered their vassals not to come and give

obedience to our Lord the Emperor, nor help us nor do anything else

that was right). And as I knew them to have such a bad disposition

towards the service of his Majesty, and to insure the good and peace

of this land, I burnt them and sent to burn the town and to destroy

it, for it is a very strong and dangerous place, that more resembles

a robbers' stronghold than a city. And to enable me to hunt out these

people I sent to the city of Guatemala, which is ten leagues distant

from this place, and ordered them on the part of his Majesty to send

me some warriors (and this I did so that I could find out what their

disposition was, as well as to strike terror into the land), and they

were well disposed towards me and agreed to do so, and sent me four

thousand men, and with these men and those that were already with me, I

made an expedition and overran the whole of the country. And seeing the

damages which they had suffered they sent me messengers to tell me that

now they wished to be good, and that if they had erred it had been at

the order of their chiefs, and that whilst their chiefs had been living

they dared not do otherwise, but as now their chiefs were dead they

prayed me to pardon them, and I spared their lives, and ordered them

to return to their houses and live as they had done formerly; and this

they did, and at the present time I have them in the same condition as

they were formerly, but at the service of his Majesty. And for greater

security I chose out two sons of the chiefs, whom I placed in their

fathers' position, and I believe that they will carry out faithfully

all that tends to the service of his Majesty and the good of his lands.

And as far as touches the war I have nothing more at present to relate,

but that all the prisoners of war were branded and made slaves, of whom

I gave his Majesty's fifth part to the treasurer Baltasar de Mendoza,

which he sold by public auction, so that the payment to his Majesty

should be secure.

"I would wish your Excellency to know that the country is healthy and

the climate temperate, that there are many strong towns, and that this

city is well built and wonderfully strong, and has much cornland and

many people subject to it, the which, with all the subject towns and

neighbourhoods, I have placed under the yoke and in the service of the

royal crown of his Majesty.

"In this country there is a mountain range of alum, another of

copperas, and another of sulphur, the best which I have yet seen, and

with a piece of it which they brought me without refining or any such

process, I made half an arroba of very good gun-powder; but as I wish

to send off Argueta without delay, I do not send to your Excellency 50

charges of it, but whenever there should be a messenger there will be

time for it. On Monday, April 11th, I started for Guatemala, where I

mean to halt for a short time, because the town which is situated on

the water called Atitlan is at war with me, and has killed four of my

messengers, and I think with the aid of our Lord soon to subdue it to

the service of his Majesty."

Alvarado then marched to Iximché, or Guatemala, as he calls it, and was

received in a most friendly manner by the Cachiquels: "we could not

have been better treated in our fathers' houses," he writes to Cortés.

After a few days' rest he joined his hosts in an expedition against the

Tzutuhils; but he shall continue to tell the story in his own words:--

"I left this town (Iximché) to go against them with seventy horsemen

and a hundred and fifty foot, in company with the chieftains and people

of this land, and we marched so far that we arrived in the enemy's

land on the same day. And no one came out to receive me in peace or

otherwise, and when I was aware of this I started with thirty horsemen

along the edge of the lagoon, and when we came to an inhabited rock,

which stood out in the water, we saw a company of men very near us, and

I attacked them with the horsemen that were with me, and as we followed

in pursuit they got on to a narrow causeway which led to the rock where

we could not follow on horseback, so I and my companions dismounted,

and almost carried along with the Indians we reached the rock along

with them on foot, so that they had no time to break down the bridges,

for had they done so we could not have reached them.

"In the meantime many of my men, who had been marching behind me, came

up to us, and we gained possession of the rock, which was thickly

inhabited, but all the people threw themselves into the water to swim

to another island. And many of them escaped, because my allies, who

were bringing three hundred canoes across the lake, did not arrive

soon enough. And that afternoon I left the rock with all my men and we

camped in a maize field, where we passed the night.

"And the next day we commended ourselves to God, and set out for the

town on ahead of us, which was very strong on account of the many rocks

and Palisades about it, and we found it deserted; and as they had lost

the fortress which they had in the lake they did not dare to face us on

land, although a few of them waited for us at the end of the town, but

owing to the roughness of the ground, which I have already mentioned,

no more people were killed. And then we encamped about midday, and

commenced to overrun the country, and we captured some of the native

Indians, and I sent off three of them as messengers to their chiefs,

advising them that they should come and render obedience to his Majesty

and submit themselves to the Imperial crown, and to me in his Majesty's

name, or otherwise I should still carry on the war, and follow them and

seek them in the mountains. These chiefs replied to me that hitherto

their land had never been broken into nor entered by force of arms, and

that since I had forced an entrance they would be glad to serve his

Majesty in any way I might direct them, and soon afterwards they came

to place themselves at my orders."

Alvarado had now subdued two of the strong tribes of the country, and

was in alliance with the third, so was free to continue his march;

and after a most arduous journey and frequent collisions with other

and less important Indian tribes he succeeded in reaching Cuzcatlán,

a town in what is now the Republic of Salvador. By the month of July

he was back again in Iximché, and the ceremony which then took place

of founding there the city of Santiago and the subsequent changes of

locality which the city underwent have been described in an earlier

chapter.

Interesting as Alvarado's letters are in showing us his method of

procedure in dealing with the Indians and the nature of the resistance

he met with, they give us very little information about the natives

themselves, the way in which they lived, or the culture to which they

had attained. For these particulars it has been usual to rely upon

later writings, and especially on the 'History of Guatemala,' written

between 1808 and 1818 by Domingo Juarros, who, in his turn, relies for

much of his information on the 'Recordacion Florida,' a manuscript

account of the kingdom of Guatemala written, in 1690, by Francisco

Antonio Fuentes y Guzman, and still preserved in the city of Guatemala.

The following description of Utatlan is taken from Baily's translation

of Juarros:--

"The history of this place is singular, as it was once the large and

opulent city of Utatlan, the court of the native kings of Quiché, and

indubitably the most sumptuous that was discovered by the Spaniards

in this country. That indefatigable writer Francisco de Fuentes,

the historian, who went to Quiché for the purpose of collecting

information, partly from the antiquities of the place, and partly from

manuscripts, has given a tolerably good description of this capital.

It stood nearly in the situation that Santa Cruz now occupies, and

it is presumable that the latter was one of its suburbs; it was

surrounded by a deep ravine that formed a natural fosse, leaving

only two very narrow roads as entrances to the city, both of which

were so well defended by the castle of _Resguardo_, as to render it

impregnable. The centre of the city was occupied by the royal palace,

which was surrounded by the houses of the nobility; the extremities

were inhabited by the plebeians. The streets were very narrow, but the

place was so populous as to enable the king to draw from it alone no

less than 72,000 combatants, to oppose the progress of the Spaniards.

It contained many very sumptuous edifices, the most superb of them

was a seminary, where between 5000 and 6000 children were educated;

they were all maintained and provided for at the charge of the royal

treasury; their instruction was superintended by 70 masters and

professors. The castle of the Atalaya was a remarkable structure, which

being raised four stories high, was capable of furnishing quarters

for a very strong garrison. The castle of Resguardo was not inferior

to the other; it extended 188 paces in front, 230 in depth, and was

5 stories high. The grand alcazar, or palace of the kings of Quiché,

surpassed every other edifice, and, in the opinion of Torquemada, it

could compete in opulence with that of Moctesuma in Mexico, or that of

the Incas in Cuzco. The front of this building extended from east to

west 376 geometrical paces, and in depth 728; it was constructed of

hewn stone of different colours; its form was elegant, and altogether

most magnificent: there were 6 principal divisions, the first

contained lodgings for a numerous troop of lancers, archers, and other

well-disciplined troops, constituting the royal body-guard; the second

was destined to the accommodation of the princes and relations of the

king, who dwelt in it and were served with regal splendour, as long as

they remained unmarried; the third was appropriated to the use of the

king, and contained distinct suites of apartments, for the mornings,

evenings, and nights. In one of the saloons stood the throne, under

four canopies of plumage, the ascent to it was by several steps; in

this part of the palace were, the treasury, the tribunals of the

judges, the armory, the gardens, aviaries, and menageries, with all

the requisite offices appending to each department. The 4th and 5th

divisions were occupied by the queens and royal concubines; they were

necessarily of great extent, from the immense number of apartments

requisite for the accommodation of so many females, who were all

maintained in a style of sumptuous magnificence; gardens for their

recreation, baths, and proper places for breeding geese, that were

kept for the sole purpose of furnishing feathers, with which hangings,

coverings, and other similar ornamental articles, were made. Contiguous

to this division was the sixth and last; this was the residence of the

king's daughters and other females of the blood royal, where they were

educated, and attended in a manner suitable to their rank. The nation

of the Quichés, or Tultecas, extended its empire over the greatest

portion of the present kingdom of Guatemala; and, on the authority of

the manuscripts mentioned above (which were composed by some of the

Caciques, who first acquired the art of writing), it is related that

from Tanuh, who commanded them, and conducted them from the old to the

new continent, down to Tecum Umam, who reigned at the period when the

Spaniards arrived, there was a line of 20 monarchs."

To show how far these statements can be relied on, it will now be worth

while to pass in review the remains of Utatlan as it can be seen at

the present day. I visited both Utatlan and Iximché in January 1887,

and made surveys of the sites. Utatlan lies about two miles to the

W.S.W. of the modern town of Santa Cruz del Quiché. On the left of the

track from the town, just before reaching the great barranca, there

is a natural mound, the sides of which have been terraced, and on the

top is a more or less level space measuring 200 by 150 feet. Within

this space are several mounds surrounding a level plaza. A reference

to the plan will show that two of the mounds are nearly square at the

base, and these probably supported small "cués" or temples; the other

two mounds are longer, and may have supported long houses. If these

houses were built of stone with stone roofs they probably contained

two parallel corridors or rooms not more than 9 feet wide and 200 feet

long, divided off by transverse partitions into smaller chambers. If

the lower part only were built of stone and the upper part of the walls

and the roof were of wood and thatch, then the breadth of the houses

may have been 20 to 25 feet, as no longitudinal partition-wall would

have been needed. At the present time no traces of house or temple

walls are to be seen, and the stone facings have even been stripped off

the foundation mounds, for the whole group of ruined buildings has long

been treated as a quarry by the people of Santa Cruz. There can be no

doubt that this group of mounds represents the guard-house or Castle

of Resguardo; but it is quite clear from the plan that the buildings

were of the same nature as those found throughout the country, and they

stand grouped together in the usual manner. The position they occupy is

a naturally strong one, and would offer great facilities for defence,

but there is nothing especially characteristic of a fortress about the

buildings themselves.

After leaving this hill a walk of about two hundred yards brings one

to the edge of the barranca and to the narrow natural causeway by

which alone the city or stronghold of Utatlan could be approached. On

crossing this narrow bridge one finds oneself on a fairly level space

of ground about eighteen acres in extent, with almost precipitous

sides, over which one can look down to the bottom of the barranca four

hundred feet below.

[Illustration]

Nearly the whole area affords some trace of ruined buildings, but

almost all the stonework has been stripped from the foundations,

and the buildings which stood on them have altogether disappeared.

Stephens, who visited the ruins in 1840, gives the following account

of the principal temple:--"The most important part remaining of these

ruins is that which appears in the engraving, and which is called 'El

Sacrificatorio,' or the place of sacrifice. It is a quadrangular stone

structure, sixty-six feet on each side at the base, and rising in a

pyramidal form to a height, in its present condition, of thirty-three

feet. On three sides there is a range of steps in the middle, each step

seventeen inches high, and but eight inches on the upper surface, which

makes the range so steep that in descending some caution is necessary.

At the corners are four buttresses of cut stone, diminishing in size

from the line of the square, and apparently intended to support the

structure. On the side facing the west there are no steps, but the

surface is smooth and covered with stucco, grey from long exposure.

By breaking a little at the corners, we saw that there were different

layers of stucco, doubtless put on at different times, and all had been

ornamented with painted figures. In one place we made out the body of a

leopard, well drawn and coloured.

"The top of the Sacrificatorio is broken and ruined, but there is

no doubt that it once supported an altar.... It was barely large

enough for the altar and officiating priests and the Idol to whom the

sacrifice was offered."

I have reproduced Catherwood's sketch and plan which accompanies this

description; the scale given on the plan does not agree with the

description, and unfortunately I did not take any detailed measurements

of the mound in its present ruined condition; but in any case it is

clear that the building was a small one. The sides of the long mounds,

which are just indicated in my plan, are perpendicular, and these

foundations may have supported stone-roofed buildings, in which case

we know that the chambers could not have been more than nine feet

wide, and even on the larger mounds there would not have been room for

more than two of such chambers side by side. The small fragment of a

stone-vaulted roof in the remains of a half-buried chamber shows that

the Quichés understood the art of building stone roofs. But, to judge

from Alvarado's statement that it was the intention of the Indians to

set fire to the town and burn or smother him and his followers, there

can be little doubt that some of the houses must have been built of

inflammable material, probably of wood and thatch. But amongst these

small and distinct foundation mounds where is the Palace to be found?

The absurdity of Fuentes's oft-copied description at once becomes

evident. According to the measurements he gives, the Palace alone would

occupy nearly three times the whole space available for building, and

with the seminary, the gardens, and the aquatic fowl must be relegated

to a dreamland suffused with the afterglow of Oriental splendour from

which the Spanish chronicler was so ready to seek inspiration.

It is hardly worth while to compare the account of Iximché given by

Fuentes and Juarros with the facts revealed by an examination of the

ruins; it would be to a great extent a repetition of what has already

been said with regard to Utatlan. The sites were similar; both were

peninsulas almost surrounded by deep barrancas, and approachable only

by a single neck of land, and each was guarded on the outer edge of the

barranca by a girdle of "atalayas" or watch-towers, which were most

probably small truncated pyramids supporting a cue or shrine which

served for the religious use of the outlying population.

All the tribes or nations whom the Spaniards encountered in the

subjugation of Guatemala and its neighbourhood appear to have had as

their headquarters such strongholds as Utatlan and Iximché, or towns

built on rocky islands in the lakes. Such was the stronghold in the

lake of the Lacandones and the island town of Puchutla, described in

the pages of Remesal, which was conquered in the year 1559. Such, too,

was the island of Tayasal in the Lake of Peten, the headquarters of

the Itzas, captured in 1697, of which some account will be given in a

later chapter; and with these may be classed the ruins on the hill-top

at Uspantan and the curious groups of temples and houses which crown

the ridges of the hills round the valley of Rabinal. None of them

appear to have possessed walls and bastions such as we are accustomed

to associate with fortresses; but all were placed in naturally strong

positions, and were easily defensible, and their existence tends to

the conclusion that the condition of society was one of continual

intertribal warfare.

None of the sites of these strongholds have yielded any examples of the

carved hieroglyphic inscriptions, highly ornamented stone buildings, or

elaborately-sculptured monolithic monuments which are to be found at

Copan, Quirigua, or Palenque; and it cannot be too strongly insisted on

that between the civilization revealed to us by those great ruins and

the culture of the Indian tribes conquered by the Spaniards there is a

great gap which at present we have no means of bridging.

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