direct affairs at that distance, as only a body subject to the British
government and usually having no electoral voice abroad; but before its
early expiration it assumed at one time to do more than the Crown itself
cared to undertake for Plymouth, which was never of marked political
importance to the realm. This ephemeral Council superseded the
colonists' head by the appointment of a Governor General of New England,
Captain Robert Gorges, son of Sir Ferdinando the famous promoter of
provincial territory. On his advisory board was Admiral Francis West,
who had unsuccessfully served a monopoly seeking exclusive control of
the New England fishing grounds, and one William Bradford, resident in
New Plymouth and generously accorded this favor "for the time being," a
copy of his superior's commission being delivered to him. The Pilgrim
leader not only accepted the situation, as his duty was, but did so with
good grace, providing for the entertainment of Gorges and his
considerable company during a fortnight after their arrival in
September, an act of hospitality which was acknowledged with thanks.
With the new dignitary were families intended to replace, at
Wessagusset, now Weymouth, those who had been there long enough to
provoke the natives into the insurrection against all whites.
Before they sailed up the coast, Thomas Weston also came into port, just
at the wrong juncture for him. All his fraudulent villainy was charged
against him by Robert Gorges, including the wrongs done to the latter's
distinguished father. Bradford here displayed his forgiving spirit by
interceding in behalf of Weston, though he himself and all Plymouth had
suffered because of his actions. Clemency being obtained, Weston thought
himself free and, instead of showing gratitude, indulged in the spiteful
expressions so congenial to his nature. Thereupon Gorges in righteous
wrath vowed he would either curb or banish him; and he would have done
so had not Bradford, secretly entreated by the wretch, again procured
his release with much difficulty. This and other favors granted to him,
when in dire straits or personal peril, were ignored by Weston, who
from a safe distance still proved his inherent depravity by reviling the
Pilgrims.
A single American winter sufficed for Gorges and the bulk of the
Wessagusset colony. Relinquishing his magisterial powers, necessity
compelled him to return home before spring, accompanied by some of his
people. Others were carried to Virginia, only a few remaining in
Weymouth. Thus quickly terminated the assumption of external, delegated
authority at Plymouth as a separate Colony, the British government being
usually content to grant, though unofficially and by sufferance, its
autonomy, even to the choice of its chief executive, which was not the
case at Massachusetts Bay.
In an opportune time when opposition among the English patrons was
developing against the New England Separatists, Winslow did his part
well in defending, abroad, the Colony from its unfriendly critics, who
had misrepresented it from the time of the Mayflower's return with her
rough, profane crew, to the reprobate malcontents who had to be
deported. And now, when the Charity went back in which Winslow had
returned, having left her cargo of necessities such as much needed
clothing and cattle for breeding, she conveyed home specific answers by
the Governor, to a dozen baseless criticisms. Two are cited, in the
loose orthography of the day. Variable spelling was no sure sign of
illiteracy then, as with Bradford and contemporary writers of good
thought and dignified style.
Thus he meets the leading calumny, as to "diversitie about Religion:"
"We know no such matter, for here was never any controversie or
opposition, either publicke or private, (to our knowledg,) since we
came."
The last objection designed to injure Plymouth was this: "The people are
much anoyed with muskeetoes.
"Ans: They are too delicate and unfitte to begin new-plantations and
collonies, that cannot enduer the biting of a muskeeto; we would wish
such to keepe at home till at least they be muskeeto proofe. Yet this
place is as free as any, and experience teacheth that y^e more y^e land
is tild, and y^e woods cut downe, the fewer ther will be, and in the end
scarce any at all."
Bradford prepared this clear and direct rejoinder to the unjust charges,
at the urgent request of the planters' foreign agent. And the unexpected
defense "did so confound y^e objecters, as some confessed their falte,
and others deneyed what they had said, and eate their words, & some
others of them have since come over againe and heere lived to convince
them selves sufficiently, both in their owne & other mens judgments."
The Governor further justified Plymouth's course by a series of replies,
which became useful locally and for posterity, but were not sent
abroad, as the letters of complaint were intercepted and seized. He had
now to cope with internal revolt, headed by John Lyford and John Oldham.
Lyford was an exceedingly disreputable and discredited clergyman of the
Established Church who, like Morell of Wessagusset previously, had been
sent in hope of superseding Elder Brewster and breaking up the much
disliked Separatist order in New England. Morell had perceived the
strength of the Pilgrim fellowship, and was wise enough to make no vain
attempt to subvert its order, only daring to mention, on leaving the
country, the ecclesiastical authority with which he had been invested.
His successor, in this dark scheme of foreign persecution, sought with
serpentine cleverness to ingratiate himself; but his effusive servility
nauseated those sterling souls. As Bradford graphically recorded, "when
this man first came a shore, he saluted them with that reverence &
humilitie as is seldome to be seen, and indeed made them ashamed, he so
bowed and cringed unto them, and would have kissed their hands if they
would have suffered him; yea, he wept & shed many tears, blessing God
that had brought him to see their faces; and admiring y^e things they
had done in their wants, &c. as if he had been made all of love, and y^e
humblest person in y^e world."
Nevertheless, not knowing his reprobate nature, they gave the clerical
the best entertainment they could, a larger allowance from the stored
food than any other had, and, "as the Gov^r had used in all waightie
affairs to consulte with their Elder, Mr. Brewster, (togeither with his
assistants,) so now he caled Mr. Liford also to counsell with them in
their waightiest bussineses." Soon he desired admission to the church,
and was received, confessing that his conscience had been troubled by
much wrong doing, and professing gratitude for "this opportunity of
freedom and liberty to enjoy the ordinances of God in purity among his
people."
Oldham also, who had been a malcontent and evil informant to parties
abroad, now, to quote again the magisterial historian, "tooke occasion
to open his minds to some of y^e cheefe amongst them heere, and
confessed he had done them wrong both by word & deed, & writing into
England; but he now saw the eminente hand of God to be with them, and
his blesing upon them, which made his hart smite him, neither should
those in England ever use him as an instrumente any longer against them
in any thing; he also desired former things might be forgotten, and that
they would looke upon him as one that desired to close with them in all
things, with such like expressions. Now whether this was in hipocrisie,
or out of some sudden pang of conviction (which I rather thinke), God
only knows. Upon it they show all readynes to imbrace his love, and
carry towards him in all frendlyness, and called him to counsell with
them in all cheefe affairs, as y^e other, without any distrust at all."
Thus generous and patient was the Governor and his Pilgrim comrades.
They were ready to let a man make amends for his misdeeds. But very soon
Bradford had opportunity to show that he had discretion as well as
mercy.
Lyford saw no prospect of his becoming the "spiritual" head at Plymouth,
although by his encouragement some of the Merchant Adventurers in
England succeeded in still keeping the Pilgrims' true pastor from coming
to his own, as he desired to do, writing to them concerning his
unwilling absence. They even pleaded lack of funds to transport him and
Mrs. Robinson, though they could send Lyford with his numerous family.
This man and Oldham secretly lapsed back into their congenial ways, and
they busied themselves in efforts to stir up discontent and sedition,
among those who had been generously allowed residence at Plymouth
without assuming the colonial foreign obligations. There were stealthy
gatherings and whisperings, which the government discovered. There was
industrious writing of letters intended for English consumption.
As the mail carrier sailed, the Governor and several others accompanied
her in the shallop until well out, when he called for all the letters of
Lyford and Oldham. The ship master, knowing the evil conduct of those
men on both sides of the sea, cheerfully co-operated, finding over a
score of vicious epistles, many of them bulky, and full of slanders
sufficient to ruin the reputation of the Colony if believed.
At night the Governor returned and nothing was said, the uneasy
malcontents concluding Bradford had gone with messages of his own.
Instead of this, he waited to see what their intentions were, and who
were their adherents, particularly as one of the intercepted letters
promised a change in church and state, and that they would bring this
about soon after the ship's sailing. Therefore, mistaking the Governor's
caution for timidity, without notifying him or the Elder they presumed
to call a meeting of the conspirators, on a certain Sunday.
This was what Bradford had been waiting for, to know the disloyal
constituency. Swiftly he acted now, summoning the whole company to
court. They were urged to state, frankly and fully, all their
grievances, in the open and proper manner; but they had nothing to say,
and stoutly denied the charges laid against them. Their letters being
produced, Lyford was struck dumb; but Oldham began to rage, affecting
righteous wrath over the interference with his mail. He called upon his
supposed sympathizers to have courage and stand forth, but none of them
spoke or moved. The Governor explained to the people the necessity of
suppressing mutinous missives; and the assembly was shocked at the
produced evidence, of seditious plotting in return for uniform
kindness. The weak and variable Lyford, when some of his voluminous
writing was read, suddenly gave way to copious tears, cursing himself
and confessing everything, declaring that his actions were the result of
his pride, vainglory and self-love, though he involved Billington and
others who at once grew emphatic in denial.
By way of illustration, and to show the breadth of the colonial policy,
the first two charges, and their refutations, are here given.
"1. First, he saith, the church would have none to live hear but them
selves. 2'y. Neither are any willing so to doe if they had company to
live elsewher.
"Ans: Their answer was, that this was false, in both y^e parts of it;
for they were willing & desirous y^t any honest men may live with them,
that will cary them selves peacably, and seek y^e comone good, or at
least doe them no hurte. And again, ther are many that will not live els
wher so long as they may live with them.
"2. That if ther come over any honest men that are not of y^e
seperation, they will quickly distast them, &c.
"A. Ther answer was as before, that it was a false callumniation, for
they had many amongst them that they liked well of, and were glad of
their company; and should be of any such like that should come amongst
them."
Sentence of banishment was imposed upon the miserable men, but Lyford's
time was extended to six months more at Plymouth in the vain hope that
his punishment might be commuted on good behavior. Elder Brewster
especially entreated for him, though this strange pulpit aspirant had
hoped to supplant him. The clerical renegade's contrition began to cool
in a few weeks, and he penned in great secrecy a letter to his backers
abroad, which however was brought to the Governor, and all its charges
answered in writing. In consequence, there was a revulsion of feeling on
the part of certain formerly disaffected ones, who now so loathed these
traitorous deeds that their own loyalty was toned up. The Colony was rid
of such experts in duplicity, though Oldham rashly returned next spring,
and became so defiant and abusive that he was first put under guard,
then led away to a boat between files of musketeers who were ordered to
strike him with the butts of their guns. Yet afterward in a fearful
storm he confessed his wickedness and vowed that if spared he would do
right. Delivered from drowning, he kept his word, proved his genuine
good will, and behaved himself so well that eventually he had liberty to
visit Plymouth when he would. In all these things the toleration of the
chief magistrate and his associates, where toleration was possible,
appears marvellous, though they were firm in protecting their essential
rights and maintaining the colonial integrity.
But the English supporters of the unsuccessful revolution, vexed at the
ministerial traitor's expulsion, dissolved their company as then
composed, broke with the Colony and thenceforth withheld their help.
Also some of them, not content with this, manned a vessel on their own
account, and dispatched it ahead of any others to Cape Ann on the north
shore, where Plymouth had established a fishing station. This expedition
seized the stage and necessary supplies for the Cape Ann industry, and
threatened to fight for their possession. Hereupon Bradford sent men to
defend their authority, and help build a new drying stage; but those who
were left in charge conducted the business so unsuccessfully that it was
finally abandoned.
The Governor was now relieved from the chain of crises which had
threatened to overthrow the Colony from its beginning. In the fourth
year he found himself at the head of about one hundred and eighty
people, including approximately a score of persons not in the trading
company, together occupying thirty-two dwellings within the stockade. By
the tenth year, 1630, Plymouth had grown to about three hundred
inhabitants.
When the Merchant Adventurers had failed in their scheme to break up the
Pilgrim order in America as in England, and so as a body had deserted
Plymouth, four of their former company showed their own faithfulness by
sending in 1625, on their own account, more cattle and clothing. In
their accompanying letter, they subscribed themselves, over mere
initials, "your assured freinds to our powers." The following extract
reveals their desire to impart cheer, as well as good things, to the
distant toilers, in whom they also felt confidence.
"Let us all indeavor to keep a faire & honest course, and see what time
will bring forth, and how God in his providence will worke for us. We
still are perswaded you are y^e people that must make a plantation in
those remoate places when all others faile and returne. And your
experience of Gods providence and preservation of you is such as we hope
your harts will not faile you, though your friends should forsake you
(which we our selves will not doe whilst we live, so long as your
honestie so well appereth).... Goe on, good friends, comfortably, pluck
up your spirits, and quitte your selves like men in all your
difficulties, that notwithstanding all displeasure and threats of men,
yet y^e work may goe on you are aboute, and not be neglected."
Myles Standish was sent over in hope of persuading the Merchant
Adventurers to hold together, with the aid also of the nominally ruling
Council for New England. But his earnest efforts met with only partial
success, in a time of industrial depression prevalent on account of the
fearful pestilence there, together with an uncertain political situation
embarrassed by rumors of war with France. Nevertheless Bradford
recorded for Plymouth, that "in y^e mean time, it pleased the Lord to
give y^e plantation peace and health and contented minds, and so to
blese their labours, as they had corn sufficient, (and some to spare to
others,) with other foode; neither ever had they any supply of foode but
what they first brought with them." He had previously spoken of the
provisions brought by the sixty in 1623, but they retained them for
their own use, and had no more than what they carried over with them.
After Captain Standish returned from abroad, however, their peace of
mind was sorely tested. They learned that their loved pastor, Mr.
Robinson, could no more hope to rejoin them, for he had passed away, as
also had their capable agent Robert Cushman, who expected soon to come
to them. The efficient Sherley was seriously ill, whose initials had led
in the joint letter of encouragement the year before. Many of their
friends in Leyden likewise were dying, while others lamented that they
could not leave Holland for New England. King James too had died, and
Charles now reigned. Considering all these important changes, the
Governor writes again:
"To looke humanly on y^e state of things as they presented them selves
at this time, it is a marvell it did not wholy discourage them, and
sinck them. But they gathered up their spirits, and y^e Lord so helped
them, whose worke they had in hand, as now when they were at lowest
they begane to rise againe, and being striped (in a maner) of all human
helps and hops, he brought things aboute other wise, in his devine
providence, as they were not only upheld & sustained, but their
proceedings both honoured and imitated by others."
They went resolutely to work anew, giving their attention to planting
and trading. Bradford and Winslow proceeded by boat, with several hands,
to Monhegan Island in Maine, where an attempted plantation was about to
give up and sell out their trading stock. A good supply of articles
being procured, a number of debts were cleared away in consequence, and
clothing bought for those who still needed it. Little by little their
wants were being met, and actual discomfort prevented.
Also Isaac Allerton was commissioned to go to England the same year
Myles Standish came back, and with the assistance of friends over there,
a formal agreement satisfactory to the colonists was drawn up and
subscribed by forty-two Merchant Adventurers. Thereupon in 1627 Bradford
and six or seven other leading citizens ran a large venture and made
themselves personally responsible for the eventual purchase, by them and
their partners, of the revived English company's interest in the Colony,
amounting to eighteen hundred pounds, of which two hundred were to be
paid annually at the Royal Exchange in London. Next year, 1628, the
transaction was fully confirmed, with the best legal counsel available;
and the first instalment was paid. This gradual settlement was completed
three years ahead of time, with the help of a large quantity of beaver
skins.
Yet it was ten years beyond the expiration of those creditors' time
limit of nine years before the Colony was finally free from heavy
indebtedness to other parties in England, so making a financial struggle
of a quarter of a century from the landing of the Pilgrims. To the
lasting wonder of all who consider them, they exhibited alongside of
their piety, a practical business ability and perseverance, which
ultimately was not frustrated by reverses such as the seizure of
consignments by national enemies, and the loan to themselves of
absolutely necessary sums at the fearfully extortionate rate of thirty
and even fifty per cent. An indomitable tenacity, and the endurance of
rock, reposed in these gentle spirits.
To facilitate commercial progress, Governor Bradford, Captain Standish
and other competent men came before the body of colonists, recounted the
weight of debt upon them, in this matter of buying out the English
company's interest, and offered to undertake the payment of it
themselves, instead of merely being responsible for the others; only
they asked that they might have the trade of the Colony for six years,
after which it was to revert to them all, who were called the
generality. The Colony was to purchase its exemption by yearly
delivering to this internal smaller company a specified amount of
agricultural products.
This was a hazardous responsibility for the few most concerned, none of
whom were persons of real affluence; and yet they felt this was the only
feasible way to push trade, unhindered by too cumbrous an organization,
in which a number of incapable individuals, and even some less earnest,
were sure to be found. Efficiency and resolution were certainly needed;
for this little inner company dared to attempt, in two-thirds of the
time granted for the full payment of the eighteen hundred pounds, not
only the discharge of that encumbrance, but various other obligations
devolving upon the plantation, approximating six hundred pounds, or a
third of the other sum. It was a bold venture truly, in their still
limited circumstances and with the loss of valuable helpers abroad:--to
assume liabilities aggregating between two and three thousand pounds, or
more specifically, about twelve thousand dollars in our currency.
Insignificant enough for a well established community, the load was
large for these straitened pioneers in an almost unbroken wilderness,
who recently throughout several years had struggled for their very
lives. The feebleness of their condition makes their courage colossal.
Yet the Governor and his several partners in this enterprise were no
hot-headed speculators, rashly making chimerical castles in the air, or
busily blowing financial bubbles with foolhardy recklessness. They were
a brainy group, and the outcome proved their judgment sober. Having by
this time some basis of calculation, they took the long look, knew what
they were about, and, though purposing to be as prompt as possible, were
too cool to be in a hurry. Their sound discretion never failed; and they
displayed that rare balance which blends quiet repose of mind with
resistless energy.
One fortunate effect of such stress of business burdens was to develop
territorial exploitation. To fulfil their purposes, they enlarged the
area of their industry. Southward and northward their commerce spread. A
small pinnace was built and placed in Monumet river, emptying into
Buzzard's Bay. This could be reached by boat from Cape Cod Bay and
Scusset river, with some colportage overland between those two streams;
so avoiding the dangerous peninsular circumnavigation, and marking the
main course of the present Cape Cod Canal. Thus was opened all the lower
coast of New England, including the populous Narragansett Bay; access
was given to the mouth of the Connecticut River, with its fair valley
intersecting the country; and the approach was unimpeded, through Long
Island Sound, to the New Netherlands. Here was trading ground indeed,
all the way to the promising harbor at the Hudson's mouth and the seat
of the mighty metropolis to be. This southern enterprise brought
substantial returns.
Also in the north, a store house was put up on the Kennebec River, where
Augusta, the capital city of Maine, should afterward arise. The Council
for New England, over the signature of its president the Earl of
Warwick, made out a patent to William Bradford, granting territory
thirteen miles on the River, and extending fifteen miles on either side.
Business there did so well at first, that the American debtors gained
headway, until a disappointing agent abroad occasioned trouble by
private competition. After carrying on trade for ten years, they leased
the post for one-sixth of its profits, so receiving some regular income
thence.