CHAPTER XVI.

Writs of Assistance Issued--Excitement in Boston--The Stamp Act--Protests

Against Taxation Without Representation--Massachusetts Appoints a

Committee of Correspondence--Samuel Adams and Patrick Henry--Henry's

Celebrated Resolutions--His Warning to King George--Growing Agitation in

the Colonies--The Stamp Act Repealed--Parliament Levies Duties on Tea and

Other Imports to America--Lord North's Choice of Infamy--Measures Of

Resistance in America--The Massachusetts Circular Letter--British Troops

in Boston--The Boston Massacre--Burning of the "Gaspee"--North Carolina

"Regulators"--The Boston Tea Party--The Boston Port Bill--The First

Continental Congress--A Declaration of Rights--"Give Me Liberty or Give

Me Death!"

Even before peace had been made with France the king's officers in

America began to enforce the revenue laws with a rigor to which the

colonists had been unaccustomed. Charles Paxton, commissioner of customs

in Boston, applied to the Superior Court for authority to use writs of

assistance in searching for smuggled goods. These writs were warrants for

the officers to search when and where they pleased and to call upon

others to assist them, instead of procuring a special search-warrant for

some designated place. Thomas Hutchinson, chief justice, and afterward

royalist governor and refugee, favored the application, which was

earnestly opposed by the merchants and the people generally.[1] "To my

dying day," exclaimed James Otis, in pleading against the measure, "I

will oppose with all the power and faculties God has given me, all such

instruments of slavery on one hand and of villainy on the other."

Parliament had authorized the issue of the writs, however, and the custom

house officers therefore had the law on their side. Writs were granted,

but their enforcement was attended with so many difficulties that the

customs authorities virtually gave up this attempt to encroach upon the

rights of the people. The next step in provoking the colonists to

revolution was the Stamp Act. The object of this enactment was to raise

money for the support of British troops and the payment of salaries to

certain public officers in the colonies who had depended upon the

colonial treasuries for their compensation. In this there was a threefold

invasion of colonial rights. Taxation without representation was contrary

to a principle recognized for centuries in England, vindicated in the

revolution which cost Charles I his head, and upheld in America from the

very beginning of the settlements here. Again, while British troops had

been welcome as allies in battling against the French and the Indians,

they were not desired as garrisons to overawe the free people of the

colonies, and finally the colonial officers whom it was proposed to pay

from the royal treasury would become the masters instead of servants of

the people--or they would be servants only of the king. The purpose of

the Stamp Act obviously was to make America the vassal of Great Britain.

The act required that legal documents and commercial instruments should

be written, and that newspapers should be printed on stamped paper.

[1] John Adams, in his letter to the President of Congress, July 17,

1780, attributes the outbreak of the Revolution to Hutchinson's

course in this and other matters. "He was perhaps the only man in

the world," wrote Adams, "who could have brought on the controversy

between Great Britain and America in the manner and at the time it

was done, and involved the two countries in an enmity which must end

in their everlasting separation."

* * *

The people everywhere protested against the tyrannical action of

Parliament. Samuel Adams drew up the instructions to the newly elected

representatives of Boston to use all efforts against the plan of

parliamentary taxation. It was resolved "that the imposition of duties

and taxes by the Parliament of Great Britain upon a people not

represented in the House of Commons is irreconcilable with their rights."

A committee of correspondence was appointed in Massachusetts to

communicate with other colonial assemblies, and the idea of union for the

common defence began to take firm hold on the public mind. Benjamin

Franklin, in the Congress held at Albany in 1754 to insure the aid of the

Six Nations in the war then breaking out with France, had proposed a plan

of union for the colonies, with a grand council having extensive powers

and a president to be appointed by the crown. The plan was not adopted.

Adams had written about the same time that "the only way to keep us from

setting up for ourselves is to disunite us." Everybody now began to

perceive the need of union, which the great intellects of Franklin and

Adams had discerned long before.

No influence was so powerful in leading the South to stand side by side

with the Northern colonies as that of Patrick Henry, the great orator of

Virginia. In the House of Burgesses, in 1765, Mr. Henry introduced his

celebrated resolutions against the Stamp Act, as follows:

"Resolved, That the first adventurers and settlers of this his

majesty's colony and dominion, brought with them, and transmitted to

their posterity, and all other his majesty's subjects, since

inhabiting in this, his majesty's said colony, all the privileges,

franchises and immunities, that have at any time been held, enjoyed

and possessed by the people of Great Britain.

"Resolved, That by two royal charters, granted by King James the

First, the colonists, aforesaid, are declared entitled to all the

privileges, liberties and immunities of denizens and natural born

subjects, to all intents and purposes, as if they had been abiding

and born within the realm of England.

"Resolved, That the taxation of the people by themselves, or by

persons chosen by themselves to represent them, who can only know

what taxes the people are able to bear, and the easiest mode of

raising them, and are equally affected by such taxes themselves, is

the distinguishing characteristic of British freedom, and without

which the ancient constitution cannot subsist.

"Resolved, That his majesty's liege people of this most ancient

colony have uninterruptedly enjoyed the right of being thus governed

by their own assembly in the article of their taxes and internal

police, and that the same hath never been forfeited, or any other way

given up, but hath been constantly recognized by the king and people

of Great Britain.

"Resolved, therefore, That the General Assembly of this colony have

the sole right and power to lay taxes and impositions upon the

inhabitants of this colony; and that every attempt to vest such power

in any person or persons whatsoever, other than the General Assembly

aforesaid, has a manifest tendency to destroy British as well as

American freedom."

On the back of the paper containing those resolutions, and found among

Henry's papers after his death, was the following endorsement in the

handwriting of Mr. Henry himself: "The within resolutions passed the

House of Burgesses in May, 1765. They formed the first opposition to the

Stamp Act, and the scheme of taxing America by the British Parliament.

All the colonies, either through fear or want of opportunity to form an

opposition, or from influence of some kind or other, had remained silent.

I had been for the first time elected a burgess, a few days before; was

young, inexperienced, unacquainted with the forms of the House, and the

members that composed it. Finding the men of weight averse to opposition,

and the commencement of the tax at hand, and that no person was likely to

step forth, I determined to venture, and alone, unadvised and unassisted,

on a blank leaf of an old law book wrote the within. Upon offering them

to the House, violent debates ensued. Many threats were uttered, and much

abuse cast upon me by the party for submission. After a long and warm

contest, the resolutions passed by a very small majority, perhaps of one

or two only. The alarm spread throughout America with astonishing

quickness, and the ministerial party were overwhelmed. The great point of

resistance to British taxation was universally established in the

colonies. This brought on the war, which finally separated the two

countries, and gave independence to ours. Whether this will prove a

blessing or a curse will depend upon the use our people make of the

blessings which a gracious God hath bestowed on us. If they are wise,

they will be great and happy. If they are of a contrary character, they

will be miserable--Righteousness alone can exalt them as a nation.

"Reader, whoever thou art, remember this; and in thy sphere practice

virtue thyself, and encourage it in others.--P. HENRY."

Every American realized the truth expressed in Mr. Henry's resolutions;

but no man beside himself dared to utter it. All wished for independence;

and all hitherto trembled at the thought of asserting it. Randolph,

Bland, Pendleton and Wythe, with "all the old members whose influence in

the House had, till then, been unbroken," opposed the resolutions, and

had not Henry's unrivalled eloquence supported them, they would have been

strangled in their birth. "The last and strongest resolution was carried

by a single vote;" and Peyton Randolph said, immediately after, "I would

have given 500 guineas for a single vote!" From this we may easily imagine

how spirited was the opposition, and how energetic the eloquence exerted

against Henry. It was in the midst of this magnificent debate, while he

was descanting on the tyranny of the obnoxious act, that he exclaimed

in a voice of thunder, and with the look of a god, "Caesar had his

Brutus--Charles the First his Cromwell--and George the Third--('Treason,'

cried the Speaker--'treason, treason,' echoed from every part of the

House--it was one of those trying moments which is decisive of

character--Henry faltered not for an instant; but rising to a loftier

attitude, and fixing on the Speaker an eye of the most determined fire,

he finished his sentence with the firmest emphasis) _may profit by

their example. If this be treason, make the most of it_."[2]

[2] Wirts' "Life of Patrick Henry," pages 64, 65.

On the following day, when Henry was absent, the more timid asserted

themselves and the most important of the resolutions was reconsidered and

expunged.

A congress held at New York declared against, the Stamp Act, and sent a

protest to Parliament. Americans would not buy or use the stamps, and

those who undertook agencies for their sale were treated as public

enemies. Boxes of stamped paper were burned on arrival in port; the

newspapers ignored the act, and legal documents were, by general consent,

treated as valid without the stamp. In the following year Parliament,

after a prolonged debate, in which William Pitt earnestly supported the

American cause, repealed the act. The news of the repeal was received

with great rejoicing in America, and the colonists hoped that there would

be no more attempts to invade their rights as English subjects.

* * *

King George III., however, was bent upon reducing the colonists to abject

submission to his will, and the fact that William Pitt, whom the king

detested, had championed the Americans, made the monarch all the more

obstinate in his purpose to humiliate them. In 1767 Charles Townshend,

chancellor of the exchequer, carried through Parliament a bill putting a

duty upon tea, glass, paper and other articles entering American ports.

In connection with this measure the scheme of the British crown to reduce

the colonies to a vassal condition was fully disclosed. Not only were

troops to be supported out of the revenue thus raised, but the salaries

of governors, judges and crown attorneys were to be paid from it, and any

surplus remaining could be used by the king to pension Americans who had

gained the royal grace by their subserviency. Townshend suddenly died

after these measures had been adopted, and was succeeded by Lord North,

who soon afterward became prime minister. North was not personally in

favor of dealing harshly with the colonies, but he yielded to the royal

will as the price of remaining in office, and shares in history the

infamy of his master's course.

The Americans began to concert measures of resistance. They refused to

use the dutiable articles, and made it unprofitable to import them. The

Massachusetts legislature was dissolved by order of the king, because it

had sent a circular-letter to other colonies inviting common action

against the aggressions of Parliament. Other colonial assemblies were

dissolved by the king's governors because they answered the letter

favorably. The people's representatives continued to attend to the

people's interests in informal conventions, and had the more time to give

to the overshadowing issue of colonial rights, because royal displeasure

had relieved them from the ordinary business of law making. Boston and

Richmond worked in harmony in the one great cause, and North and South

forgot social and religious differences in common effort for the common

weal.

* * *

King George regarded Massachusetts as the hotbed and centre of colonial

discontent, and in the autumn of 1768 he sent two regiments of British

regulars to that city to assist in enforcing the Townshend acts. The

troops and the citizens had frequent disputes, for the colonists were

unused to military arrogance, and refused to be ordered about by

martinets in uniform. The Boston Massacre, so-called, in March, 1770,

when seven soldiers fired into a crowd of townspeople, killing five and

wounding several others, helped to inflame the antagonism between the

provincials and the military, and Governor Hutchinson, at the demand of

Samuel Adams, speaking in behalf of three thousand resolute citizens,

removed the troops to an island in the harbor. In April, 1770, Parliament

again yielded to the Americans in so far as to take off all the Townshend

duties except the duty on tea, which the king insisted upon retaining as

a vindication of England's right to impose the duty.

The colonists continued as determined as ever not to submit to British

taxation, or to the domineering course of the king's officers, which in

some of the provinces had led to harsh and even bloody strife between the

people and their oppressors. An armed schooner in the British revenue

service called the Gaspee, gave offence to American navigators on

Narragansett Bay by requiring that their flag should be lowered in token

of respect whenever they passed the king's vessel. The Gaspee ran aground

while chasing a Providence sloop. Word of the mishap was carried up to

Providence and, on the same night (June 9, 1772) sixty-four armed men

went down in boats, attacked and captured the Gaspee, and burned the

vessel. Abraham Whipple, afterward a commodore in the Continental Navy,

and one of the founders of the State of Ohio, led the expedition. The

royal authorities were greatly exasperated on hearing of the daring

achievement, and Joseph Wanton, Governor of Rhode Island, afterward

deposed from office for his loyalty to King George, issued a proclamation

ordering diligent search for the perpetrators of the act. The British

government offered a reward of $5000 for the leader, but although the

people of Providence well knew who had taken part in the exploit, neither

Whipple nor his associates were betrayed. In North Carolina insurgents

calling themselves "Regulators" fought a sanguinary battle with Governor

Tryon's troops, and were defeated, and six of them hanged for treason. In

South Carolina the people also divided on the issue between England and

the colonists, but for the time stopped short of violence.

The famous "Boston Tea Party" occurred in December, 1773. This was not a

riotous, or, from the colonial standpoint, a lawless act, for the

colonists were already administering their own affairs to a certain

extent independently of royal authority, with the view to the

preservation and defence of their liberties. The English East India

Company had been anxious to regain the American trade and offered to pay

an export duty more than equivalent to the import duty imposed in

America, if the government would permit tea to be delivered at colonial

ports free of duty. To this the British government would not consent, on

the ground that it would be a surrender of the principle which the import

duty represented. The government permitted the East India Company,

however, to export tea to America free from export duty, thus allowing

the Americans to buy tea as cheaply as if no import duty had been levied.

The British authorities assumed that Americans would be satisfied to sell

the principle for which they were contending for threepence on a pound of

tea. They learned the American character better when two ships laden with

tea arrived in Boston. The citizens gathered in the old South

Meeting-house, and in the evening about sixty men, disguised as Indians,

boarded the ships and cast the tea into the harbor. Upon news of this

event reaching England, King George and his ministers decided to make an

example of Boston. A bill was introduced by Lord North and passed almost

unanimously closing the port of Boston and making Salem the seat of

government. Another act annulled the charter of Massachusetts, and a

military governor, General Thomas Gage, was appointed, with absolute

authority over the province.

* * *

With the enactment of the Boston Port Bill, King George and his

Parliament crossed the Rubicon. America was aflame. The other colonies

joined in expressing their sympathy with Massachusetts, and their resolve

to stand by her people and share their fate. A Continental Congress

convened in Carpenter's Hall, Philadelphia, on the fourth of September,

1774. The most eminent men in the colonies were now brought together for

the first time to decide upon action which would affect the liberties of

three millions of people. Patrick Henry was the first to speak, and he

delivered an address worthy of his fame and worthy of the occasion.

Colonel, afterward General Washington, then made the impression which

earned for him the command of the American armies. The Congress drew up a

Declaration of Rights, and sent it to the king. The people of

Massachusetts formed a Provincial Congress with John Hancock for

President, and began organizing provincial troops, and collecting

military stores. Virginia continued to keep pace with Massachusetts. At a

convention of delegates from the several counties and corporations of

Virginia, held in Richmond, March, 1775, Patrick Henry stood resolutely

forth for armed resistance. "Three millions of people," he said, "armed

in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we

possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us.

Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God

who presides over the destinies of nations; and who will raise up friends

to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone;

it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no

election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to

retire from the contest. There is no retreat, but in submission and

slavery! Our chains are forged. Their clanking may be heard on the plains

of Boston! The war is inevitable--and let it come!! I repeat it, sir, let

it come!!!

"It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry peace,

peace--but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale

that sweeps from the north, will bring to our ears the clash of

resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here

idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so

dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and

slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God!--I know not what course others may

take; but as for me, give me liberty, or give me death!"

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