she ceases to be single. On the evening of the day before the wedding,
the bride has a ceremonial bath, and performs the ceremony of growing
a jasmine shoot, the flowers of which she should cull and present as
an offering to the deity. On the marriage day, the bridegroom's party
arrives in procession at the house of the bride, who awaits them with
her face covered, and holding a brass mirror and garland of flowers
in her hands. Her veil is removed, and the contracting couple gaze at
each other. At the auspicious hour their hands are joined, and other
items of the marriage rites carried out. In connection with a Pushpaka
marriage, ammana attam or tossing of metal balls, kaikottikali or
the circular dance, and yatrakali are among the amusements indulged
in. Divorce was common among the Pushpakas in bygone days, but, at
the present time, the marriage tie is usually permanent, and it is
only after the first husband's death that cloths may be received from
a Malayala Brahman in token of sambandham (alliance). The Brahmanis,
however, have not given up the practice of divorce. Nambiyassans,
Puppallis, Pattar Unnis, and Brahmanis follow the marumakkattayam
system of inheritance (through the female line), while the Pushpakas
and Tiyattunnis are makkattayis, and follow the law of inheritance
from father to son. The offspring of a Brahmani by a Pushpaka woman
are regarded as issue in a makkattayam family. As is the custom among
the Nambutiris, only the eldest son marries, the other sons remaining
as snatakas, and contracting alliances with Nayar women. The Illam
Nayars, however, do not give their daughters to the Unnis.
The jatakarma, though not strictly proper, is observed in modern
days. The namakarana takes place, along with the annaprasana, in the
sixth month after birth. The chaula is performed in the third year,
though, among the Nattu Pattars, it is a preliminary ceremony before
upanayana. The proper time for the performance of the upanayana is
between the eighth and sixteenth year. Samavartana takes place on
the fourteenth day after upanayana. Pollution lasts for only ten
days among the Tiyattunnis, whereas the Brahmanis observe twelve,
and the Nattu Pattars thirteen days' pollution. Ten gayatris (hymns)
are allowed to be recited thrice daily.
The Pushpakas are the highest of the thread-wearing sections of the
Ambalavasis, according to their traditional origin as well as their
religious and social practices. The Pattar Unnis are the lowest,
and are only a step higher than the Kurukkals. Consecrated water
and flowers are not given to them directly by the temple priest, but
they may stand on the right side of the stone steps leading to the
inner shrine. This is the rule with all Ambalavasi divisions. Other
Ambalavasis do not receive food from the Unnis. These sections of
the Unnis which have Ilayatus for their priests accept food from
them. As the Pushpakas proper employ only Nambutiris for purificatory
purposes, the latter freely cook food in their houses, as in those
of the Muttatus.
It is recorded by Mr. Logan [75] that the Tiyattunnis or Tiyadis (ti,
fire; attam, play) are "a class of pseudo-Brahmans in Malabar, who
derive their name from the ceremony of jumping through fire before
temples." Mr. Subramani Aiyar writes, in this connection, that "I do
not think Mr. Logan is quite right when he describes the service of
the Tiyattunnis as jumping through fire. It is dancing with lighted
wicks in the hands, to exorcise the genius representing the evil eye,
or as a propitiatory service in temples. It answers to the pallippanna
and kolantullal of the Kaniyans. A figure of Bhadrakali is drawn on the
ground with powders of different colours, and the chief incidents in
the incarnate life of the deity are recited by the Tiyattunnis. After
this, some cocoanuts are broken in two, and lighted wicks are then
placed before the presiding deity if done in a temple as a propitiatory
service, or before any particular individual or individuals, if the
object is to free him or them from the effect of the evil eye."
Uppalavar (salt workers).--A synonym of Alavan.
Uppara.--For the following note, I am mainly indebted to
Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. Uppiliyan, Uppara, Uppara or Uppaliga,
are different names for a class of people, who followed the same
professional occupation, the manufacture of salt (uppu), in various
parts of Southern India. The Uppiliyans live in the Tamil country,
and speak Tamil; the Upparas in the Telugu country, and speak Telugu;
while the Upparas inhabit the Mysore province and the districts
bordering thereon, and speak Canarese. The Upparas are described by
Mr. H. A. Stuart [76] as "a caste of tank-diggers and earth-workers,
corresponding to the Uppiliyans of the Tamil districts. They resemble
greatly the Oddes (Voddas or Wudders) in appearance, customs,
and manner of earning a living. Their traditional occupation is,
as the name implies, manufacturing earth-salt. They profess to be
Saivites and Vaishnavites, but practically worship village deities,
e.g., Sunkalamma, Timmappa, and Jambulamma." It is possible that the
Uppiliyans, Upparas, and Upparas were originally a homogeneous caste,
the members of which, in course of time, migrated to different parts
of the country, and adopted the language of the locality in which
they settled. The causes, which may have led to the breaking up of
the caste, are not far to seek. The original occupation thereof,
according to the legendary story of its origin, was tank, channel,
and well digging. Southern India depended in days gone by, as at the
present time, mainly on its agricultural produce, and people were
required, then as now, to secure, conserve, and distribute the water,
which was essential for agricultural prosperity. Inscriptions, such
as those quoted by Mr. V. Venkayya, [77] bear testimony to the energy
displayed by former rulers in Southern India in having tanks, wells,
and irrigation channels constructed. Uppiliyans, Upparas or Upparas,
are, at the present day, found all over the Madras Presidency, from
Ganjam in the north to Tinnevelley in the south. From early times
they seem to have, in addition to the work already indicated, been
engaged in bricklaying, house-building, the construction of forts,
and every kind of earth-work.
Writing concerning the Telugu Upparas at the beginning of the
nineteenth century, Buchanan states [78] that "their proper occupation
is the building of mud walls, especially those of forts." A very
important occupation of these people was the manufacture of earth-salt
and saltpetre, of which the latter was an important ingredient in the
manufacture of gunpowder. "Throughout India," Dr. G. Oppert writes,
[79] "saltpetre is found, and the Hindus are well acquainted with all
its properties; it is even commonly prescribed as a medicine. India
was famous for the exportation of saltpetre, and is so. The Dutch,
when in India, traded especially in this article."
The Uppiliyans say that they are descended from a man who was created
to provide salt for the table of their god, but lost the favour
of the deity because his wife bartered the salt for some glass
bangles. In his wrath he put his wife into the oven to kill her,
but she escaped through a hole in the back. As evidence of the truth
of the story, they point to the facts that their women wear no glass
bangles, and that their ovens always have a hole in them. The caste
further traces its descent from a mythical individual, named Sagara,
to whom is ascribed the digging of the Bay of Bengal. His story is
narrated in the Vishnu Purana, [80] and is briefly as follows. Sagara
was son of Bahu, who was overrun by the Haihayas and Talajanghas,
and consequently retired to the forest, where, near the hermitage of
Muni Aurva, one of his queens conceived. A rival queen poisoned her,
so as to prevent her from being delivered of the child. Meanwhile,
Bahu waxed old, and his pregnant wife prepared to ascend the funeral
pyre with him. But the Muni forbade her, saying that she was going
to be the mother of an universal emperor. She accordingly desisted
from the desperate act, and a splendid boy was born, and the poison
expelled along with him. The Muni, on this account, gave him the
name of Sagara, meaning with poison. As he grew up, the boy came
to know of the troubles of his father, and resolved to recover
his kingdom. He put to death nearly the whole of the Haihayas,
and made the others acknowledge his suzerainty. He had two wives,
by one of whom he had a son named Asamanja, and by the other sixty
thousand sons. He subsequently performed the asvamedha or sacrifice
of a horse, which was guarded by his sons. The animal was, however,
carried off by some one into a chasm in the earth. Sagara commanded his
sons to search for the steed, and they traced him by the impressions
of the hoofs to the chasm, which he had entered. They proceeded to
enlarge it, and dug downwards, each for a league. Coming to Patala,
they saw the horse wandering freely about, and at no great distance
from it was Kapila Rishi, sitting in meditation. Exclaiming "This is
the villain who has maliciously interrupted our sacrifice, and stolen
the horse, kill him, kill him," they ran towards him with uplifted
weapons. The Rishi raised his eyes, and for an instant looked upon
them, and they became reduced to ashes by the sacred flame that
darted from him. On learning of the death of his sons, Sagara sent
Amsumat, the son of Asamanja, to secure the animal. He went by the
deep path which his father and uncles had dug, and, arriving at the
place where Kapila was, propitiated him with an obeisance. The Rishi
gave him the horse, to be delivered to his father, and in conferring
the boon which Amsumat prayed for, said that his grandson would bring
down the divine Ganges, whose "waters shall wash the bones and ashes
of thy grandfather's sons," and raise them to swarga. Sagara then
completed his sacrifice, and, in affectionate memory of his sons,
called the chasm which they had dug Sagara. This is still the name
of the ocean, and especially of the Bay of Bengal at the mouth of the
Ganges, which, in accordance with the boon of Kapila, was brought down
to earth by Amsumat's grandson Bhagiratha, from whom it received the
name of Bhagirathi, which it retains to this day. Such is the story
of the origin of the caste, members of which often call it Sagara
kula, or the family of Sagara. As his sons excavated the ocean, so
they dig tanks, channels, wells, etc. In the Mysore Census Reports,
the Upparas are said to be called "Uppara in the eastern, Uppaliga in
the southern, and Melu (west) Sakkre in the western districts. [Some
explain that they work in salt, which is more essential than sugar,
and that Mel Sakkare means superior sugar.] This caste is divided into
the Telugu and Karnataka sub-divisions. The latter make earth-salt,
while the former work as bricklayers and builders. The well-to-do
section of the caste further undertake public works on contract,
and some of them are good architects of ordinary Hindu houses,
which do not call for much scientific precision. There are also
agriculturists and labourers among them." In the Madras Presidency, at
the present day, some members of the caste are well and tank diggers,
house-builders or bricklayers; others are agricultural labourers,
or village servants. A few are earth-work contractors, or, as at
Muthialpet near Conjeeveram, yarn dyers. Some are in the service of
Government as police constables. The women are very hard-working,
and help their husbands at their work. To this fact is said to be
due the high rate at which the bride-price is fixed. The well-kept
roads of the city of Madras are the work of a colony of Upparas,
who have settled there. The following curious custom is recorded by
the Rev. J. Cain in a note [81] on the tank-diggers of the Godavari
district. "A disturbance in a little camp of tank-diggers confirmed a
statement which I heard at Masulipatam as to the manner in which the
tank-diggers divide their wages. They had been repairing the bank of a
tank, and been paid for their work, and, in apportioning the shares of
each labourer, a bitter dispute arose because one of the women had not
received what she deemed her fair amount. On enquiry, it turned out
that she was in an interesting condition, and therefore could claim
not only her own, but also a share for the expected child. This had
been overlooked, and, when she asserted her right to a double portion,
those who had already received their money objected to part with any,
although they acknowledged that the claim was fair and just."
By the Madras Salt Act, 1889, it is enacted that any person who--
(a) removes any salt without or in excess of the permits necessary
by this Act; or
(b) except for agricultural or building purposes, excavates, collects
or possesses salt-earth in any local area where it is contraband
salt; or
(c) manufactures contraband salt in any other way than by excavating
or collecting salt-earth; or
(d) purchases, obtains, possesses, sells or weighs contraband salt
other than salt-earth, knowing or having reason to believe it to be
contraband; or
(e) refines saltpetre without such license as is prescribed by the
Act; or
(f) attempts to commit, or within the meaning of the Indian Penal
Code abets the commission of any of the above acts,
shall on conviction be punishable for every such offence with
imprisonment for a term not exceeding six months, or with fine not
exceeding five hundred rupees, or with both.
It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Bellary district, that "at the
time when the Company came into possession of the district, the salt
consumed in it was of two kinds, namely, the earth-salt manufactured
from saline soils by men of the Uppara caste, and the marine salt
made on the west coast. The latter was imported by the Lambadis and
Korachas, who brought it up the ghats by means of large droves of
pack-bullocks. The earth-salt was made in what were known as modas,
which were peculiar to the Ceded Districts, and were especially
common in Bellary. A heap of earth was piled up, and on the top of
it were hollowed out one or more circular basins, some five feet
in diameter and two feet deep. From the bottom of these basins,
channels lined with chunam (lime) ran down to one or more reservoirs
similarly lined. Salt-earth was collected in the places where it
effloresced naturally in the dry months, and taken to the moda on
pack-buffaloes. It was thrown into the basins, and then a quantity
of water was poured upon it. The brine so obtained flowed through the
channels at the bottom of the basins into the reservoirs. From these
it was baled with chatties (pots) into a set of masonry evaporating
pans, carefully levelled and plastered with chunam, where it was
left to be converted into salt by solar evaporation. Each lot of
salt-earth, which was thus lixiviated, was taken from the basins and
thrown outside them, and this process constantly repeated gradually
raised the level of the moda and the basins, which were perpetually
being re-made on the top of it. Some of the modas gradually grew
to be as much as twenty feet in height. When they became too high
for the buffaloes to carry the salt-earth up to their summits with
comfort, they were abandoned, and others started elsewhere. The
earth-salt made in this manner was neither so good nor so strong
as marine salt, but it was much used by the poorer classes and for
cattle, and thus interfered with the profits of the Government salt
monopoly, which was established in 1805. As early as 1806, therefore,
it was proposed to prohibit its manufacture. The chief arguments
against any such step were that it would inflict hardship upon the
Upparas who made the salt, and upon the poorer classes who consumed
it, and, for the next three quarters of a century, a wearisome
correspondence dragged on regarding the course which it would be
proper to pursue. In 1873, Mr. G. Thornhill, Member of the Board of
Revenue, visited the Ceded Districts, to see how matters stood. He
reported that it was not possible to check the competition of the
earth-salt with the Government marine salt by imposing an excise
duty, as the modas were numerous and scattered. For similar reasons,
and also because all the Upparas were very poor, a license-tax was
out of the question. At the same time he calculated that the loss to
Government due to the system was from eight to ten lakhs annually, and,
seeing that Government salt was obtainable in Bellary as cheaply as
in other inland districts, he recommended that the industry should be
gradually suppressed. Government agreed, and ordered that the opening
of new modas should be prohibited, and that those in existence should
be licensed, with reference to their productive capacity, at rates to
increase by annual increments until 1879, when the full duty leviable
on sea-salt should be imposed on their entire produce. These measures,
though they checked the manufacture, failed to entirely protect the
revenue, and, in 1876, the Madras Salt Commission and Board of Revenue
concurred in recommending that the manufacture of earth-salt should
be at once and entirely suppressed. The Government of India agreed,
and in 1880 orders were given that the modas should all be destroyed,
reasonable compensation being paid to their owners. The manufacture
of earth-salt in the district is now entirely a thing of the past,
though in many places the remains of the old modas may still be
seen. Some of the Upparas, however, still go annually to the Nizam's
Dominions in the dry season, and make earth-salt by the old methods
for sale there. Apparently they agree with the Nizam's Government
to pay a certain fee, one-fourth of which is paid in advance,
for the privilege. If the season is sufficiently dry, they make a
small profit, but if, on the other hand, it is wet, manufacture is
impossible, and they lose the amount of the fee, and their labour as
well." A good deal of saltpetre is still made by members of the caste
in various parts of the Madras Presidency by lixiviating the alkaline
efflorescence of the earth. For this purpose, licenses are obtained
annually from the Salt Department. Crude saltpetre is sold for manure
on coffee estates, and also used in the manufacture of fireworks.
Speaking different languages, and living in different parts of the
country, the Uppiliyans, Upparas, and Upparas do not intermarry,
though, where they are found close together, they interdine.
The caste recognises the authority of its headmen, who are called
Periyathanakaran, Ejaman, etc., and are assisted in some places,
for example Madras, by a Jatibidda (son of the caste), who does
the duties of caste peon or messenger, summoning members to a caste
council-meeting, and so on. The usual punishments inflicted by a caste
council are excommunication, fine, and the giving of a caste dinner. I
am informed that, among the Canarese Upparas, a woman found guilty
of adultery is punished as follows. A lock of her hair is cut off,
and she is bathed in cold water, and made to drink a little cow-dung
water. She is then taken to the temple, where the pujari (priest)
sprinkles holy water over her head. A fine is paid by her family. A
man, who is proved guilty of a similar offence, has one side of
his moustache and one of his eyebrows shaved off, and the hair of
his head is removed in three parallel lines. Seven small booths are
constructed of straw, and set on fire. Through this the man has to
pass. He is then plunged into a tank, and, after bathing therein,
he is sprinkled with holy water. I am told that a woman has also to
go through the fire ordeal.
Girls are married either before or after puberty, but usually
after. Among the Uppiliyans and Upparas, it is customary for a man
to claim his paternal aunt's daughter in marriage. The ceremonies in
connection with marriage vary in accordance with the locality. Amongst
the Uppiliyans of Madura, the tali (marriage badge) is usually tied to
the bride's neck by a special woman, resident in her village, called
Sirkari. In some places it is tied, as among some other Tamil castes,
by the bridegroom's sister. Among the Telugu and Canarese sections,
it is tied by the bridegroom himself. By the Upparas of South Canara,
the dhare marriage rite is performed, in which the father of the bride
pours water from a vessel over the united hands of the contracting
couple. I am told that, among some Canarese Upparas, the bridegroom's
head is shaved, and, after bathing, he puts on a double brass wire
corresponding to the sacred thread of the Brahmans, which he wears
for five days. Among the Telugu Upparas there are two sub-divisions,
which are called, according to the amount of the bride-price, Yedu
(seven) Madala and Padaharu (sixteen) Madala, a mada being equal to
two rupees. Some say that mada refers to the modas (heaps of earth)
used in former times. At a marriage among some Uppiliyans, it is
customary for the bride and bridegroom to sit inside a wall made of
piled up water pots, with the ends of their cloths tied together,
while some of the women present pour water from the pots over their
heads. The remarriage of widows is permitted, and I gather that,
among the Upparas, a widow may only marry a widower, and vice versâ.
In a note on the Uppiliyans of the Trichinopoly district,
Mr. F. R. Hemingway states that "some of the marriage ceremonies are
peculiar. They allow an unborn boy to be betrothed to his unborn
cousin. The bride has to be asked in marriage a number of times,
before consent is given, lest it be thought that she is yielding
too easily. The marriage is performed at her house, lest it should
be thought that her parents are forcing her on the bridegroom. The
caste does not use the marriage pole or paligai pots. Instead of the
usual turmeric threads, the wrists of the contracting couple are
tied together with wool. A curious custom among the Tamil section
is that, at the beginning of the ceremonies, both on the first and
second day, three matrons wash their faces in turmeric water, and
the bride and bridegroom are bathed with the water used by them. They
also have unusual observances connected with a girl's attainment of
maturity. A husband may not look into his bride's eyes until this
occurs. When she has at length attained maturity, the husband comes
to his bride's house with a sheep and some vegetables, and kills the
former. His brother-in-law then marks his forehead with the sheep's
blood. The husband eats some plantain and milk, and spits it out at his
bride, who is made to stand behind a screen. If the girl has attained
maturity before her marriage, the Tamil section of the caste make her
walk over seven wooden hoops on the wedding day. The husband has to
give his formal consent to the ceremony, and a washerman has to be
present. The Telugus perform this rite on the last day of the girl's
first menstrual period, and her maternal uncle has to be present. The
Uppiliyans allow the remarriage of widows and divorced women. A man
may not shave until he marries a virgin, and, if he does not do so,
he has to remain unshaved all his life."
The dead are, as a rule, buried. Among the Uppiliyans, who occupy a
higher social position than the Canarese and Telugu sections, death
pollution is observed for seven days. Among the Upparas, the period
of pollution is sixteen days.
Concerning the death ceremonies, Mr. Hemingway writes as
follows. "Widows of the Tamil section never remove their tali, but
leave it till it drops off of itself. When a man dies, his widow
is made to pretend he is still alive, and bathes him with oil, and
puts garlands on him. If a man is to be buried, the chief mourner
pretends to dig the grave. The karumantaram, or final death ceremony,
of the Tamil section consists merely in taking some milk to an erukka
(Calotropis gigantea) shrub on the sixteenth evening, just before the
jackals begin to howl. They pour it over the shrub with the help of
a barber, saying 'Go to Swarga (the abode of Indra), and make your
way to Kailasam (heaven).'"
Some members of the caste are Vaishnavites, and others Saivites. In
some places, the former are branded by their gurus, who are Vaishnava
Brahmans. They also worship various village deities, which vary
according to the place of residence. In the Census Report, 1891,
the worship of Sunkalamma, Jambulamma, and Timmappa is noted.