CHAPTER X

THE GAY AND PIOUS ELIZABETH

ELIZABETH has already entered so frequently, and so picturesquely, into

the story that little further introduction is necessary. She was the

younger of the two surviving daughters of Peter the Great and Catherine,

and she inherited the independent temper of her father. Her pretty,

merry figure was one of the most piquant of the court, and she had

hardly attained a precocious puberty when it became necessary to watch

her movements. She had, during the last three reigns, regarded both the

court and its rulers with disdain. For the belated prudery of the

Empress Anne she had no respect; it was the awful threat of confining

her hot blood in a convent which had for a time curbed her public

behaviour. For the baby-Emperor and his foolish parents she felt

contempt, and she was prepared at any time to see the wheel of fortune

turn toward her.

It was, as I said, the enterprising Marquis de la Chétardie who opened

for her a plausible path to the throne. I would not stress her virtue in

refusing to promise to yield Russian territory to Sweden. She knew, and

the Marquis ought to have known, that such a concession would have cost

her the throne. But she continued to negotiate with him, and her French

physician, Lestocq, assisted in the plot. Count Ostermann, the wise old

German councillor who survived all revolutions at court, suspected her,

and she had to use strategy. Chétardie took a villa up the Neva, and

Elizabeth was fond of boating. She contrived to meet him casually and

discuss the plot. She had, further, a few confidants at court, who were

ready to speculate on the chances of a revolution, and she had,

especially, the affection of the guards. Like her mother she was amiable

with the soldiers. She held their children at the font and inquired

genially about their families. Ostermann, we saw, detected the

conspiracy, and Anne was directed to charge her with treasonable

relations with France and Sweden, the enemies of Russia. The interview

ended in sisterly tears and embraces, and the conspirators got speedily

to work.

Ostermann, seeing the weakness of Anne, ordered the guard to be ready to

leave for the frontier within twenty-four hours. It was probable, he

mendaciously said, that Sweden was about to re-open the war. He had

recently quarrelled with Elizabeth, and had no mind to see her Empress.

This was on December 5th, the day after her interview with Anne. That

night at ten the conspirators met to decide upon immediate action.

Lestocq, the doctor, went out into the snow to see that all lights were

out at Ostermann’s mansion and the palace. They were as feeble a

group of conspirators as ever engineered a revolution in Russia, and

Elizabeth wavered between dread of a convent and eagerness for the

throne. The most active and eloquent of them was the French physician.

Then there were Vorontsoff, her chamberlain; Schwartz, her music-master;

the brothers Shuvaloff, gentlemen of her household; and Alexis

Razumovsky, her lover at the time, of whom we will see more. They raised

Elizabeth’s courage to the required pitch, and Lestocq stealthily

introduced twenty grenadiers of the guard who professed that they

were--for a consideration--ready to die for her. Elizabeth

donned a cuirass under her cloak and slung a crucifix at her breast, and

then, after a long and fervent prayer, committed her fortunes to

Providence and the modest skill of her friends. Her lover was left to

guard the house.

At two in the morning the party passed swiftly through the frozen

streets to the Preobrajensky barracks. A small crowd of about two

hundred soldiers gathered round Elizabeth and listened to her appeal to

support her, the daughter of Peter, and exterminate the foreigners. They

would cut them to pieces, they assured her; and she had to explain that

she would have no bloodshed. Other soldiers joined them, and presently a

troop of four hundred marched with her and her supporters to the palace.

It was the tamest revolution Russia had yet seen. Ostermann, Golovkin,

and the other leading ministers were pinned into their mansions; the few

loyal guards at the palace were thrust aside; and, as I said, Anne and

Julia awoke to find Elizabeth in their bedroom at the head of a crowd of

grenadiers.

Anne was not of the stuff of heroines. She meekly begged Elizabeth to

spare her family and not take away her dear Julia, and she and her

imperial baby were put upon the sledge and driven to Elizabeth’s house.

The blaze of fires in the courtyards and noise of soldiers soon roused

the city, and courtiers and soldiers rushed out to study the situation.

It is said of Lacy, the Irish commander, that, when a friend asked him

which party he stood for, he promptly replied: “For the party that is in

power.” Few were so candid in speech, but all behaved alike. They rushed

to take the new oath of allegiance, and the Empress Elizabeth

inaugurated her reign.

Elizabeth insisted that there should be no bloodshed, but what happened

may give the true measure of such advance as this indicated. Little Ivan

and his parents must, she said, receive a pension and go back to

Germany. Anne and Anthony, glad to escape so lightly, started for the

frontier, but a courier reached them before they had left Russia, and

they were imprisoned at Riga. After a time they were transferred, still

prisoners, to Oranienbaum. Whether Elizabeth was struggling with her own

glimmer of a conscience or with less humane counsellors it would be

difficult to say. She consulted everybody. Was her life really in

danger, or might she follow her impulse of humanity and let the

weak-minded couple depart? Humanity was a new and rare thing in Russia.

In 1744, when Anne expected a third baby, the deposed couple were, at

the instigation of Frederick of Prussia, confined in the fortress of

Schlüsselburg, and four months later they were put upon sledges and

driven north. They were to be imprisoned in a monastery on an island

near Archangel. When, however, they reached Kholnagory, on the coast,

the state of the ice would not allow the guards to take them to the

island and they were left in the village. There, on the bleak shore of

the Arctic, father and mother and five children--Anne added two to the

family before she sickened and died three years later--lived and slept

together in a common Russian hut. The children grew up feebler in mind

and body even than their parents, but Russia would have it that the

pale-faced Ivan was still the nucleus of a conspiracy. He was in 1756,

in his thirteenth year, removed to a remote dungeon, to await his murder

under the reign of Catherine. Prince Anthony was weak-minded enough to

survive the horrors for thirty years, and his children were at length

released by Catherine and sent to live on a small pension in Denmark.

The “clemency” of Elizabeth--of which the decrees of the time speak--was

equally exhibited toward the surviving servants of her father and her

predecessor. Away with the Germans, was the cry; and a few distinguished

Russians were included in the batch of prisoners who now looked forward

to the customary reprisals. Old Ostermann, gouty and stoical, had fought

Elizabeth, and he knew that his forty years of sound service would count

for nothing. He was to be broken on the wheel. Münnich was to lose his

hands and his head; Golovkin his head; and so on. A vast crowd gathered

in the square on January 29th to see the “traitors” butchered. At the

last moment an order of the Empress spared Ostermann the wheel and

changed the sentence to decapitation. The old man moved toward the

block, and a new order changed the punishment to exile. He quietly asked

for his coat, and was packed off to the bleak northern region to which

he had once helped to send Menshikoff. The crowd murmured when fresh

orders from the Empress cheated them of the sight of blood. Münnich was

sent to the spot--the very house--in Siberia to which he had sent Biren,

who was summoned back to life. They met on the way, in Siberia, and

bowed; and the great soldier settled down to rearing chickens and

growing vegetables. The others were scattered over the bleak north.

There had been no torture of witnesses--though much suborning of

witnesses--and no bloodshed. Russia was improving.

While the goats were scattered, the sheep were gathered on the right

hand. Vorontsoff became a leading minister, and his humble colleagues

strutted also in gold lace and silks. Lestocq, first physician of the

new court, was so richly rewarded with gold and favour that he imagined

himself the prime spirit of the new regime, and will presently come to

grief. The Marquis de la Chétardie became a saviour of Russia (which he

would like to ruin in the interest of France, and indeed expected to be

at least gravely weakened under the rule of Elizabeth), and soldiers

kissed his hand. The guards, heavily rewarded, put on insufferable airs,

and wandered insolently about the palace as if they were part owners of

it. The state of the court was chaotic, and foreign envoys sent word

home that Russia would sink back into barbarism.

The strange fortune of Alexis Razumovsky deserves a paragraph, since it

cannot have a chapter. He was a tall, handsome Cossack, with fine black

eyes and eyebrows and a rich black beard; a man in his thirty-fourth

year when wealth and power were thus thrust upon him. Twenty years

earlier he had been a guardian of his father’s sheep and a

chorister in the church of the little Cossack village where his mother

kept an inn. An imperial courier, passing through, had heard him sing,

and had sent him to St. Petersburg to be trained and then got him a

place in the choir of the imperial palace at Moscow. He was then

twenty-two, and Elizabeth saw and appropriated him for her household.

The Marquis de la Chétardie says that one of her maids first

appropriated the handsome Cossack and Elizabeth got the news from her.

To tell all the _legends_ of the Russian court would need many

volumes, and would offend the taste of our polite age, but no one

seriously questions that Razumovsky took the place of Elizabeth’s

latest lover whom Anne had sent to Siberia.

At Elizabeth’s accession he was made a Count and a Field Marshal. He was

never spoiled by prosperity--“you may make me a Field Marshal,” he said

genially, “but you’ll never make me a soldier”--and never interfered in

politics. He took his great wealth pleasantly and generously, and drank

royally. His brothers and relatives were--not by him, but by the

Empress--similarly enriched, and even his old Cossack mother was brought

from her inn, richly dressed, and presented at court. There was a story

that the bewildered woman took her own reflection in the glass for the

Empress and nervously curtsied to it; which would not flatter Elizabeth,

as she was still one of the most handsome women of Russia.

Whether Elizabeth ever married Razumovsky cannot be exactly determined.

It is generally accepted that she privately, at the instigation of her

confessor, married him in the fall of 1742. Elizabeth openly doted on

him and would always have him with her. He kept his even temper when, in

her later years, she returned to her early license, and he was present

at her death; after which, it is said, he was seen to burn a casket of

papers which _may_ have included a wedding-certificate.

A still greater favourite, in a different way, was Elizabeth’s nephew,

Karl Peter Ulrich, son of the Duke of Holstein-Gottorp and Anne of

Mecklenburg, the elder daughter of Catherine and Peter. His mother had

died of consumption a few months after his birth at Kiel, in 1728, and

her sickly taint was on the boy. He was mean in body, intellect and

character, and, as his father had died when he was eleven, his education

had been rough. Elizabeth sent for him, gave him excellent tutors, and

completely spoiled what bit of manliness he had. He was made a Grand

Duke and heir to the throne--being the last male with any Romanoff

blood--and, as he disliked the Empress’s feminine circle, he surrounded

himself with Germans, affected a contempt for Russia, and laughed at his

aunt’s amours.

[IMAGE: img214.jpg Paul the First]

But Elizabeth was very far from being a fool. She adopted Peter in order

to keep the crown in her father’s family, making, out of dynastic

feeling, a mistake which wise men like Marcus Aurelius had made. For the

government of the country she chose her men well, as a rule, and she

tried to put a stop to the disgraceful rivalry which had so often rent

the court. At first her chief ministers were her Grand Chamberlain,

Prince Tcherkasky, a corrupt old noble of the traditional school, and

his son-in-law Trubetskoi. But she saw the greater merit of Michael

Bestuzheff, the Grand Marshal of her household, a grave and learned man,

and his able younger brother, Alexis, who was to become her chief

minister.

Elizabeth herself was lazy. She let documents wait weeks for her

signature and at ordinary times paid little attention to affairs. Her

more resolute admirers say that she was so conscientious that she took

weeks to consider a matter. She was, in point of fact, a thorough

patriot, eager to maintain the work of her father; but most of her time

was spent in the preservation of her health and beauty and the

satisfaction of her insatiable thirst for pleasure. Her toilet took

several hours every day, and it did not generally begin before midday,

as she was apt to sit up with her intimate friends until the early hours

of the morning. It is said that she drank heavily in her later years,

but that is disputed. Her chief passion was for dress and entertainment.

In a palace-fire she lost four thousand costly dresses, yet there were

fifteen thousand in her wardrobe when she died. She had a large and

opulent figure--a little too opulent as time went on--a face

with few rivals in Russia, charming blue eyes and dark-golden hair.

One of her characteristics was a love of dressing as a soldier or

sailor. She had good warrant for this in the example of her parents;

and, to say the truth, she thought that no lady of her court could match

her in male dress. So fancy-balls became very frequent, and Elizabeth,

who was still fond of dancing and hunting until she grew too heavy, made

a handsome Dutch sailor or colonel of the guard. She would change her

garments three times in a ball; a dozen times in a day. Like Anne, she

set her face against the old Russian debauches, and was for a French

elegance, or a poor imitation of it. Luxury of every kind she

encouraged, until the court shone with diamonds and gold brocade; and

for her operas singers were brought from the ends of Europe. Reading was

bad for the health, she said, and she avoided it.

She was, and always had been, very pious. There she differed

emphatically from her father, and the orthodox clergy fell furiously

upon dissenters and seceders. She observed the fasts rigorously, she

knelt in prayer until she fainted, and she had a great veneration for

the relics of the saints and holy places. To the end she made

pilgrimages afoot to famous shrines like the Troitsa monastery. In her

youth she had made the journey in a day, and had had a lover to meet her

there. Now she would walk out a few miles from Moscow--the court

spent one year in four at Moscow--then ride back to the city, and

begin her pilgrimage on the morrow at the point where she had left it

the day before. It often took weeks to make a pilgrimage. She insisted

so closely on decency that one day, as she prayed in church, it occurred

to her that the angels painted on the walls were really cupids, and she

had them repainted. Her own elderly gallantries we will see later.

With all this she, as I said, paid substantial attention to the

interests of Russia. Sweden had collapsed in the late struggle, but

Chétardie and Lestocq were instructed to induce her to be generous and

give it some of the territory taken from it. It is generally difficult

to disentangle the action of a sovereign from that of her advisers, and

Elizabeth may have more credit for firmness than she deserves. She, at

all events, refused, and the war went on until Sweden was crushed.

Russia kept a large part of Finland. At last intercepted letters made it

plain to the Empress that the gallant French marquis who bowed and

flattered her was really trying to injure Russia in the interest of his

country, and he had to go. She was, however, still infatuated with

France and her French doctor, though Count Bestuzheff, who became her

chief adviser, persistently warned her against France. Lestocq, who took

bribes from all Powers and fancied himself a master of intrigue, now,

with the aid of the French minister, made a desperate attempt to win

her.

Elizabeth’s chief rival in good looks was Natalia Lapukhin, a noble lady

of equal freedom in manners and morals who had viciously tormented

Elizabeth when she was the Cinderella of the court. To her surprise she

had been, at the coronation, made a Lady in Waiting. But she remained

insolent, and at a ball she appeared in a pink robe and with pink roses

in her hair; and pink was understood to be an imperial monopoly at

Elizabeth’s court. Elizabeth’s temper was much shorter than her prayers.

Many a maid got the heavy imperial slipper across her mouth for talking

when the Empress dozed on her couch, and her language at times resembled

that of the guards. She had a buffoon cruelly tortured for playing a

trick which frightened and upset her. She now fell furiously upon the

audacious Lady in Waiting. She sent for scissors, made her kneel while

she cut off the roses (and hair along with them), and cuffed her twice

across the face. “Serves her right,” she said, when they told her that

the countess had fainted. To her bosom friend, the Countess Bestuzheva,

wife of the elder Bestuzheff, Natalia often told what she thought of the

Empress, and in both families the talk over tea was mildly seditious.

Lestocq got his agents to ply Natalia’s son, young Colonel

Lapukhin, with drink and learn it.

And on July 21st, 1743, the physician rushed to the palace with a report

of a conspiracy. Elizabeth lived in daily dread of a conspiracy, knowing

how easy such things were in Russia. She cowered behind a hedge of

soldiers and let Lestocq arrest whom he would. She had humanely

abolished torture and the death-sentence; but this was a different

matter. Natalia and her husband and a score of others were imprisoned,

and the old torture-chambers rang again with the shrieks of delicate

women whose limbs were stretched until they cracked. It is said, but is

difficult to believe, that Elizabeth was secretly at hand to hear their

confessions. There was, in fact, no conspiracy to confess, but Lestocq

was one of the three commissioners appointed to examine the prisoners,

and Elizabeth was stung by the table-talk that was wrung from them. One

of the women was pregnant, and the Empress was asked to spare her the

torture. “She did not spare me,” said the daughter of Peter the Great.

They were all condemned to death. For ten days Elizabeth lingered over

the sentence, but in the end, she observed her own decree. She commuted

the sentence to exile, flogging, and mutilation. Natalia Lapukhin, a

beautiful woman in the prime of life, was partly stripped before an

immense crowd, and brutally knouted. She sank, covered with blood, to

the floor of the scaffold, and the executioner roughly finished his

work, and, with a brutal laugh, offered to sell her tongue to the

highest bidder. Countess Bestuzheva slipped a bribe into the man’s

hands. The lash fell less heavily on her white back, and less of her

tongue was cut out. The mutilated wretches went the worn way to Siberia

and the north. Count Michael Bestuzheff, who was innocent, was

despatched on a foreign embassy. Alexis, at whom the French had chiefly

aimed, was untouched. He was astute as well as able.

At the end of the year Elizabeth transferred the court to Moscow and

prepared it for a new sensation. She had chosen a bride, or a girl to be

trained as bride, for her wastrel of a nephew. After her weakness for

France, which was then a deadly rival of Russia, came a weakness for

Frederick the Great, who was far more cynical and crafty in his

professions of friendship and determination to sacrifice Russia’s

interests to his own. He flattered Elizabeth, and laughed at her.

Hearing that there was question of a future Empress, he strongly

recommended the daughter of the Prince of Anhalt-Zerbst, one of his own

generals. A courier sped to the little court where Sophia Augusta

Frederika lived quietly with her mother, and that lady, a remarkably

ambitious person for her station in life, hurried to St. Petersburg, and

on to Moscow. Both Peter and Elizabeth were indecently impatient to see

the bride-elect, and they professed themselves entirely satisfied with

the quick-eyed, precocious maiden of fourteen who would one day be

Catherine the Great.

Sophia and her mother were lodged in the Kreml, and the work of

preparation began. The young princess soon realised her destiny and

determined not to spoil it. But she had three near misses within a year.

She worked so hard at the Russian that she would get up during the night

and pace the room, repeating her lessons, in bare feet; and she caught

pneumonia and nearly died a few weeks after her arrival. Incidentally

she won the Empress’s favour completely. In the hour of danger they

asked if she would see her Lutheran pastor. No, she said, the Russian

priest; and the rumour of her piety, which--she afterwards said--was

really policy, spread through the court. She was received into the

Russian Church in July, and solemnly betrothed to Peter. Then Peter had

the smallpox and nearly died; and in fine her mother nearly spoiled her

prospect. She had come with secret instructions from Frederick of

Prussia, and, like a good German, she stealthily pushed his interest.

The inquiry into the supposed Bestuzheff plot exposed her, and she

retired to her obscure province. But Elizabeth liked her daughter, and

Catherine--her name was changed on entering the Orthodox

Church--remained, and married Peter in the following year.

The years that followed were filled with European struggle, which does

not much concern us here. The capture of the letters of Chétardie

exposed the machinations of both France and Prussia. Elizabeth found

herself described as living in a state of “voluptuous lethargy,” and her

passion for France and Frederick suddenly chilled. Alexis Bestuzheff

became her chief counsellor, and inclined her toward England and

Austria. The court was honeycombed by intrigue, and even the favourite,

Lestocq, was at length (1748) detected in his treachery. He was put to

the torture and banished.

Elizabeth was not long drawn out of her “voluptuous lethargy.” In fact,

the attainment of middle age seemed to bring back the looseness of her

youth, and her lovers were the jest of the courts of Europe. One of her

pages, Ivan Shuvaloff, was promoted and placed in apartments near those

of the Empress. Ivan took his good fortune modestly, but the customary

tribe of relatives appeared and blossomed into wealthy and influential

courtiers. Count Bestuzheff and others were alarmed, and they put in the

way of the Empress a very handsome young amateur actor named Beketoff.

Elizabeth genially added the youth to the intimate circle which caroused

in her room at night, but Peter Shuvaloff, uncle of the earlier

favourite, did not like the prospect. The more credible version of his

action is that he met young Beketoff one day, and, impressing upon him

how much the Empress liked to see her favourites fresh and healthy, gave

him a box of ointment for his face. There was in the stuff something

which caused an eruption of the skin, and his condition was represented

to the Empress in such a light that he fled.

It should be added that she still guarded the propriety of her subjects.

The elder Count Bestuzheff held that his wife’s crime had dissolved his

marriage, and he wished to take a second wife. Elizabeth sternly refused

to consent, holding that marriage was indissoluble. When the desperate

Count did at length marry she refused to receive his “paramour” at

court.

In many other respects she tried to continue the process of cleaning the

face of Russia. At first she had undone her father’s control of the

monks, and let them gather enormous wealth. As the needs of war pressed

on her, she revoked this and checked them. She endeavoured also to check

the irregularities and dispel the ignorance of the secular clergy.

Wandering priests would gather in the streets of Moscow and importune

passers-by to give them the price of a mass. Some are said to have held

a crust in their hands, and threatened to eat (which would make them

unable to say mass that day), unless a man offered his purse. Elizabeth

set the bishops to remove these and other irregularities. She promoted

letters, since it was the proper thing for an enlightened monarch to do,

and her ministers attempted to improve trade and agriculture.

Agricultural banks were opened; industries were protected; mines were

sunk; Siberia and the southern steppes were partly colonised. It was

forbidden for men and women to mix in the public baths. These were, on

the whole, slight improvements of a terribly backward country.

Ignorance, violence, drunkenness, dishonesty in trade, official

corruption, brigandage, listlessness, and idleness were still general.

The later years of the reign were filled with the inevitable Prussian

war. After years of diplomatic struggle Elizabeth, in 1756, concluded an

alliance with England. To her great disgust, and Bestuzheff’s grave

danger, England then formed an alliance with Frederick, and the French

redoubled their efforts to oust Bestuzheff and receive the friendship of

Russia. By this time the Princess Catherine openly disdained her husband

and went her own way. For years the Empress, eager to see an heir to the

throne she would leave to Peter, tried to bring them together, but each

hated the other, and Catherine found consolation elsewhere. In 1754,

however, Catherine had a son who was presumed to be a Romanoff.

Elizabeth fell ill, and Bestuzheff, believing that she would die,

approached Catherine, through her latest lover, Poniatowski, and

suggested that he could make her Empress if she would support his

anti-French and anti-Prussian policy.

Elizabeth recovered, however, and declared that the good of the world

demanded the destruction of Frederick of Prussia, who had said caustic

things about her. The Seven Years’ War opened, and Russia joined France

and Austria against Prussia. The Russian army under General Apraksin won

a great victory, and then, instead of pressing it, retired. Now this

coincided with a second serious illness of the Empress, and the French

envoy raised a cry of treachery. Vorontsoff, who waited impatiently for

the official shoes of Count Bestuzheff, and hated Catherine, joined the

French in demanding an inquiry. Bestuzheff’s papers were searched, and

it was found that he had been in communication with Catherine. A plot

was easily constructed out of this material. Bestuzheff was to raise

Catherine’s baby to the throne and make her Regent; and Apraksin’s

troops were withdrawn toward the capital for the event of the death of

Elizabeth.

Catherine in later years looked back with a shudder upon that critical

time. Bestuzheff contrived to send her word that he had burned her

letters, and there was no danger, but she saw a very serious danger. She

wrote to Elizabeth, and for weeks she received no answer. At last she

was summoned to the Empress’s room. Her enemy, Alexis Shuvaloff, was

with the Empress; her husband, another enemy, waited in the room; and on

the table she saw letters that she had written to Apraksin. They were

innocent letters, but what right had she to communicate with commanders

in the field, as if she were already Empress? With tears and prayers she

mollified the angry Empress, and her enemies were beaten. Apraksin died

of apoplexy, and Bestuzheff was compelled to retire to his estates.

For the brief remainder of the reign of the Empress Elizabeth Catherine

went warily. Elizabeth, who was little beyond her fiftieth birthday, would

not control her appetites, and her health slowly departed. She became a

chronic invalid and would lie for hours on a couch admiring the little

babe, Paul, who would carry on the line of the Romanoffs. Some

misgiving in regard to the future seemed to trouble her. Peter, though a

Romanoff, was emphatically a brutal German. He lived in an entirely

German atmosphere; an atmosphere of smoke and beer-fumes and Teutonic

disdain of everything Russian. Catherine, on the other hand,

had developed into a thorough Russian. Her strong sense and feeling of

policy told her to eradicate all Germanism from her composition and

wholly transnationalise herself. Peter had an immense admiration of

Prussia and Frederick, while Catherine was a Russian patriot.

And Elizabeth hated Prussia. Throughout her last years she kept alive

the League against Frederick and spurred her generals in the struggle.

Frederick sought peace, and she refused it. France and Austria became

faint under their efforts and sacrifices, and she lashed them to the

task. All through the year 1761 her strength ebbed, and she saw

Frederick sinking from defeat to defeat. Would death spare her to see

Prussia crushed? Would that unhappy nephew take over her power before

her work was completed, and spare his idol? Her own ministers drooped,

and her resources wore thin, but she cried for decisive and utter

victory. In December a fit of coughing brought on hemorrhage, and she

entered the last stage. She died on January 11th, 1762, in the

fifty-third year of her age, not the least picturesque figure of the

Romanoff gallery of monarchs.

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