SYMPHONY NO. 7, IN A MAJOR, OP. 92

I. Poco sostenuto; vivace

II. Allegretto

III. Presto; assai meno presto; tempo primo

IV. Allegro con brio

The rhapsodists have had their say; the commentators have pried and

conjectured; the later symphonies are still sublime in their grandeur.

They well-nigh express the inexpressible.

Nor have the legends, fondly believed for years, done injury to the

music. It matters not whether the Seventh symphony be a description of

Germany exulting in its deliverance from the French yoke, or the

apotheosis of the dance; whether the allegretto picture a procession in

the catacombs or be the love dream of an odalisque. Whenever the music

is played, whenever it comes into the mind, it awakens new thoughts and

each one dreams his own dreams.

Each writer in turn publishes in print or by word of mouth his little

explanation, but Beethoven broods, mysterious, gigantic, above

commentators, above even conductors when they misunderstand him, or

plume themselves upon a new and striking interpretation, or in their

endeavor to grasp and convey to others the essential greatness of the

composer put their trust in din and speed.

* * *

The first sketches of this symphony were probably made before 1811 or

even 1810. The score of the symphony was dedicated to the Count Moritz

von Fries and published in 1816. The edition for the pianoforte was

dedicated to the Tsarina Elizabeth Alexievna of All the Russias.

The Seventh and Eighth symphonies were probably played over for the

first time at the Archduke Rudolph’s in Vienna on April 20, 1813.

Beethoven in the same month vainly endeavored to produce them at a

concert. The first performance of the Seventh was at Vienna in the large

hall of the university, on December 8, 1813.

Mälzel, the famous maker of automata, exhibited in Vienna during the

winter of 1812-13 his automatic trumpeter and panharmonicon. The former

played a French cavalry march with calls and tunes; the latter was

composed of the instruments used in the ordinary military band of the

period—trumpets, drums, flutes, clarinets, oboes, cymbals, triangle,

etc. The keys were moved by a cylinder. Overtures by Handel and

Cherubini and Haydn’s Military symphony were played with ease and

precision. Beethoven planned his _Wellington’s Victory_, or _Battle of

Vittoria_, for this machine. Mälzel made arrangements for a concert—a

concert “for the benefit of Austrian and Bavarian soldiers disabled at

the battle of Hanau.”

This Johann Nepomuk Mälzel (Mälzl) was born at Regensburg, August 15,

1772. He was the son of an organ builder. In 1792 he settled at Vienna

as a teacher of music, but he soon made a name for himself by inventing

mechanical music works. In 1816 he constructed a metronome, though

Winkel, of Amsterdam, claimed the idea as his. Mälzel also made ear

trumpets, and Beethoven tried them, as he did others. His life was a

singular one, and the accounts of it are contradictory. Two leading

French biographical dictionaries insist that Mälzel’s “brother Leonhard”

invented the mechanical toys attributed to Johann, but they are wholly

wrong. Fétis and one or two others state that he took the panharmonicon

with him to the United States in 1826 and sold it at Boston to a society

for four hundred thousand dollars—an incredible statement. No wonder

that the Count de Pontécoulant, in his _Organographie_, repeating the

statement, adds, “I think there is an extra cipher.” But Mälzel did

visit America, and he spent several years here. He landed at New York,

February 3, 1826, and the _Ship News_ announced the arrival of “Mr.

Maelzel, Professor of Music and Mechanics, inventor of the Panharmonicon

and the Musical Time Keeper.” He brought with him the famous

automata—the Chess Player, the Austrian Trumpeter, and the Rope

Dancers—and opened an exhibition of them at the National Hotel, 112

Broadway, April 13, 1826. The Chess Player was invented by Wolfgang von

Kempelen. Mälzel bought it at the sale of von Kempelen’s effects after

the death of the latter, at Vienna, and made unimportant improvements.

The Chess Player had strange adventures. It was owned for a time by

Eugène Beauharnais, when he was viceroy of the kingdom of Italy, and

Mälzel had much trouble in getting it away from him. Mälzel gave an

exhibition in Boston at Julien Hall, on a corner of Milk and Congress

streets. The exhibition opened September 13, 1826, and closed October 28

of that year. He visited Boston again in 1828 and 1833. On his second

visit he added _The Conflagration of Moscow_, a panorama, which he sold

to three Bostonians for six thousand dollars. Hence, probably, the

origin of the panharmonicon legend. He also exhibited an automatic

violoncellist. Mälzel died on the brig _Otis_ on his way from Havana to

Philadelphia on July 21, 1838, and was buried at sea, off Charleston.

The _United States Gazette_ published his eulogy and said, with due

caution: “He has gone, we hope, where the music of his harmonicons will

be exceeded.” The Chess Player was destroyed by fire in the burning of

the Chinese Museum at Philadelphia, July 5, 1854. An interesting and

minute account of Mälzel’s life in America, written by George Allen, is

published in the _Book of the First American Chess Congress_, pp. 420-84

(New York, 1859); see also _Métronome de Maelzel_ (Paris, 1833); the

_History of the Automatic Chess Player_, published by George S.

Hilliard, Boston, 1826; Mendel’s _Musikalisches Conversations-Lexicon_;

and an article, _Beethoven and Chess_, by Charles Willing, published in

_The Good Companion Chess Problem Club_ of May 11, 1917 (Philadelphia),

which contains facsimiles of Mälzel’s programmes in Philadelphia (1845)

and Montreal (1847). In Poe’s fantastical “Von Kempelen and His

Discovery” the description of his Kempelen, of Utica, N. Y., is said by

some to fit Mälzel, but Poe’s story was probably not written before

1848. His article, “Maelzel’s Chess Player,” a remarkable analysis, was

first published in the _Southern Literary Messenger_ of April, 1836.

Portions of this article other than those pertaining to the analysis

were taken by Poe from Sir David Brewster’s _Lectures on Natural Magic_.

The programme of the Vienna concert was announced: “A brand-new

symphony,” the Seventh, in A major, by Beethoven; and also _Wellington’s

Sieg, oder die Schlacht bei Vittoria_. _Wellington’s Sieg_ was completed

in October, 1813, to celebrate the victory of Wellington over the French

troops in Spain on June 21 of that year. Mälzel had persuaded Beethoven

to compose the piece for his panharmonicon. He furnished material for it

and gave him the idea of using “God Save the King” as the subject of a

lively fugue. He purposed to produce the work at concerts, so as to

raise money enough for him and Beethoven to visit London. A shrewd

fellow, he said that if the “_Battle_” symphony were scored for

orchestra and played in Vienna with success, an arrangement for his

panharmonicon would then be of more value to him. Beethoven dedicated

the work to the Prince Regent, afterwards George IV, and forwarded a

copy to him, but the “First Gentleman in Europe” never acknowledged the

compliment. _Wellington’s Sieg_ was not performed in London until

February 10, 1815, when it had a great run. The news of this success

pleased Beethoven very much. He made a memorandum of it in the notebook

which he carried with him to taverns.

The benefit concert was brilliantly successful, and there was a

repetition of it December 12 with the same prices of admission, ten and

five florins. The net profit of the two performances was four thousand

six gulden. Spohr tells us that the new pieces gave “extraordinary

pleasure, especially the symphony; the wondrous second movement was

repeated at each concert; it made a deep, enduring impression on me. The

performance was a masterly one, in spite of the uncertain and often

ridiculous conducting by Beethoven.” Glöggl was present at a rehearsal

when violinists refused to play a passage in the symphony and declared

that it could not be played. “Beethoven told them to take their parts

home and practise them; then the passage would surely go.” It was at

these rehearsals that Spohr saw the deaf composer crouch lower and lower

to indicate a long _diminuendo_, and rise again and spring into the air

when he demanded a climax. And he tells of a pathetic yet ludicrous

blunder of Beethoven, who could not hear the soft passages.

Beethoven was delighted with his success, so much so that he wrote a

public letter of thanks to all that took part in the two performances.

“It is Mälzel especially who merits all our thanks. He was the first to

conceive the idea of the concert, and it was he who busied himself

actively with the organization and the ensemble in all the details. I

owe him special thanks for having given me the opportunity of offering

my compositions to the public use and thus fulfilling the ardent vow

made by me long ago of putting the fruits of my labor on the altar of

the country.”

The first movement opens with an introduction, _poco sostenuto_, A

major, 4-4. The main body is _vivace_, 6-8. The _allegretto_ is in A

minor, 2-4; the third movement, _presto_, F major, 3-4. The _finale_,

_allegro con brio_, A major, 2-4, is a wild rondo on two themes. Here,

according to Mr. Prod’homme and others, as Beethoven achieved in the

_scherzo_ the highest and fullest expression of exuberant

joy—“unbuttoned joy,” as the composer himself would have said—so in the

_finale_ the joy becomes orgiastic. The furious bacchantic first theme

is repeated after the exposition, and there is a sort of coda to it, “as

a chorus might follow upon the stanzas of a song.”[10]

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