THIRTY-SECOND LETTER.

_Rome, March 28, 1870._—The Bishops who have attacked the new order of

business, because it brought into view the possibility of a dogmatic

definition being carried without the _consensus moraliter unanimis_,

received the desired answer in no doubtful form at the sitting of Tuesday,

the 22d. The measures of the _Curia_ for a month past have been

unmistakably contributing more and more to produce a worthy and

loyal-hearted attitude among the minority. After long dallying, Rome has

brought the secrets of her policy a little too boldly and conspicuously

into view. Hardly was the domination of the majority in matters of faith

fixed by the stricter _regolamento_, when the Pope had the proclamation of

his own infallibility proposed in the most arrogant form. On this followed

the attempt to press it to an immediate decision, and then the

determination to admit no ambassadors of the Governments. If these

proceedings were not enough to lay bare the perilous nature of the whole

situation, the Pope and the zealots of his party supplied the remaining

proof,—the former, by his conduct about Falloux, about Montalembert on the

day the news of his death arrived, about the Munich theologians in secret

consistory, and about the so-called Liberal or “half-Catholics” on every

occasion; the latter by their growing impatience about the infallibility

definition, and their assurances that there is no real opposition to this

dogma, and that, if there was, it could not hold its ground after the

promulgation had taken place. And so the opponents of the decree must know

at last that they have to deal with a blind and unscrupulous zeal, not

with a theological system carefully thought out and placed on an

intellectual basis; that the contest has to be carried on against the

whole power and influence of the Pope, and not, as had been maintained

with transparent hypocrisy, only against the wishes of the noisy and

independent party of the _Civiltà_ and its allied journalists. They begin

to use more earnest and manlier language, the language of clear

apprehension and conscientious conviction. If the comments handed in last

week on the _Schema de Ecclesiâ_, and the protests against any hurrying of

the discussion on it, were known to the world, the Catholic Episcopate and

the strong reflux current here would appear in a very different light from

what might be gathered from the previous course of things. Not a few of

these opinions drawn up by the Bishops breathe a truly apostolic spirit,

and deal with the Roman proposals in the tone of genuine theology. An

influential theologian of a Religious Order has pronounced of one of them,

that it exceeds in force and weight the treatise which appeared in Germany

last year, _Reform of the Church in Her Head and Her Members_.(69) It has

been urged by English prelates that it concerns their honour to resist the

promulgation of a dogma, the explicit repudiation of which by the Irish

Bishops was an efficacious condition of Catholic Emancipation. The

American Protest contains a more threatening warning than the German, and

the German is stronger than the French.

After these declarations the attitude of the minority was clearly defined,

and invincible by any foe from without. Their contention is, that no right

exists in the Church to sanction a dogma against the will and belief of an

important portion of the Episcopate, and that only by abandoning any claim

to such a right can the Council be regarded as really Œcumenical. To be

quite consistent, the minority ought to take no further part in the

Council till this point, on the decision of which they rightly hold its

authority to depend, is settled; for their protest implied the doubt

whether they were taking part in a true or only a seeming Council, whether

they were acting in union with the Holy Ghost or co-operating to carry out

a gigantic and sacrilegious deception. Yet the words expressly stating

this doubt, and making the distinct withdrawal of the theory of voting

dogmas by majorities a condition of any further participation in the

proceedings, were not adopted into any of the Protests. This implied that

the signataries would appear in the next General Congregation, that they

refrained from a suspicious attitude, and were unwilling to interpret the

ambiguous order of business _in malam partem_, until facts compelled them

to do so. A conflict which might have such incalculable results was to be

avoided, till necessity made it a positive duty; and that was not the case

as long as a favourable interpretation of the _regolamento_ continued

possible.

Thus the minority committed the strategical blunder of postponing a

conflict which they saw to be inevitable, and when they could not know

whether any more favourable opportunity for entering on it for the benefit

of the Church would occur in the future. There is hardly anything doubtful

or open to double interpretation in the order of business, when more

closely examined. Every Bishop sees quite clearly that it is specially

arranged for overcoming the opposition of the minority, and will be used

without scruple for that end.(70) And who knows how many members of the

present Opposition, if once the _Curia_ applies its last lever, will have

strength to resist to extremities? how many are ready, by humble

submission or by resigning their Sees, to quiet their consciences and

sacrifice their flocks to error? There are men among them better fitted

for the contest against the principle formally enounced in the revised

order of business, than for the contest against infallibility. The Bishop

of Mayence, _e.g._, passes for one of the strongest and most decided

opponents of the _regolamento_, which I mention as a point of great

importance at this moment. The resolve of the protesting Bishops, to avoid

the threatened conflict at present, can only be justified if another and

better opportunity for defending the cause of the Church occurs in the

future course of the Council and before any decision is arrived at. Had

they been willing, after handing in their protests, to go on quietly

joining in the proceedings, without doing anything to give emphasis to the

step they had taken, they would in fact have bent under the yoke of the

majority. They only needed to keep silent: that implied everything. For it

would necessarily be assumed that they had withdrawn or forgotten their

protests, and to continue to act upon and submit to the new order of

business themselves would imply that they had renounced their resistance

to any of its particular details. It was therefore all the more essential

for them to let it be clearly known how far their concessions would

extend, and what was their final limit. Unless they did this, they would

either seem not quite sincere, or would have really accepted the

_regolamento_ with its obvious consequences. The Council, the Presidents,

the Pope, the expectant Catholic world without, had a right to know their

real intentions, and whether they meant to adhere to their declarations.

The first voting on the propositions of the _Schema de Fide_ could not

fail to decide this point. Thus it became a necessity to put this question

of principle in the front at the reopening of the deliberations of the

Council.

Meanwhile the concessions of the Presidents and the majority on some

points had elicited a more friendly feeling in the Opposition. The

discussion on infallibility was postponed, and the first _Schema_ was

returned from the Commission with important modifications. Even the

shameful treatment of Montalembert could not altogether destroy this

conciliatory state of feeling. Ginoulhiac, the learned Bishop of Grenoble,

who was to be preconised as Archbishop of Lyons on Monday the 21st,

undertook on the 22d to meet the discreet concessions of the

infallibilists in a kindred spirit. He was indeed obliged to make his

speech on the Tuesday, though he had not been preconised on the day

before. The French, who have no Cardinal—for Mathieu’s custom is to go

away at any critical moment, and he was not then returned—had gladly left

to one of the Austrian Cardinals the less pleasing duty of declaring their

attitude towards the _regolamento_. Schwarzenberg did but slightly glance

at it in his speech and yet was called to order. Archbishop Kenrick of St.

Louis, one of the most imposing figures in the Council, touched on the

theme more closely, and dwelt on the office of Bishops as witnesses and

judges of faith, in the sense which forms the basis of the opposition of

the minority. Lastly, Strossmayer ascended the tribune, and then followed

a scene which, for dramatic force and theological significance, almost

exceeded anything in the past history of Councils. He began by referring

to that passage at the opening of the _Schema_, where Protestantism is

made responsible for modern unbelief—“systematum monstra, mythismi,

rationalismi, indifferentismi nomine designata.” He blamed the perversity

and injustice of these words, referring to the religious indifference

among Catholics which preceded the Reformation, and the horrors of the

Revolution, which were caused by godlessness among Catholics, not among

Protestants. He added that the able champions of Christian doctrine among

the Protestants ought not to be forgotten, to many of whom St. Augustine’s

words applied, “errant, sed bonâ fide errant;” Catholics had produced no

better refutations of the errors enumerated in the _Schema_ than had been

written by Protestants, and all Christians were indebted to such men as

Leibnitz and Guizot.

Each one of these statements, and the two names, were received with loud

murmurs, which at last broke out into a storm of indignation. The

President, De Angelis, cried out, “Hicce non est locus laudandi

Protestantes.” And he was right, for the Palace of the Inquisition is

hardly a hundred paces from the place where he was speaking. Strossmayer

exclaimed, in the midst of a great uproar, “That alone can be imposed on

the faithful as a dogma, which has a moral unanimity of the Bishops of the

Church in its favour.” At these words a frightful tumult arose. Several

Bishops sprang from their seats, rushed to the tribune, and shook their

fists in the speaker’s face. Place, Bishop of Marseilles, one of the

boldest of the minority and the first to give in his public adhesion to

Dupanloup’s Pastoral, cried out, “Ego illum non damno.” Thereupon a shout

resounded from all sides, “Omnes, omnes illum damnamus.” The President

called Strossmayer to order, but he did not leave the tribune till he had

solemnly protested against the violence to which he had been subjected.

There was hardly less excitement in the church outside than in the Council

Hall. Some thought the Garibaldians had broken in: others, with more

presence of mind, thought infallibility had been proclaimed, and these

last began shouting “Long live the infallible Pope!” A Bishop of the

United States said afterwards, not without a sense of patriotic pride,

that he knew now of one assembly still rougher than the Congress of his

own country.

This memorable day has already become the subject of myths, and so it is

no longer possible to define with certainty how many prelates were hurried

into these passionate outbreaks. Some speak of 400, some of 200; others

again say that the majority disapproved of the interruption. The

excitement was followed next day by a profound stillness, which was not

broken even when Haynald and the North American Bishop Whelan said very

strong things. It seemed as if a sense of what they owed to the dignity of

the Council and a feeling of shame had got the better of those turbulent

spirits. But enough has occurred to show the world what spirit prevails

here, and what sort of men they are who support infallibilism. That up to

this time this Council does not deserve the respect of the Catholic world,

is the least point; it is of more importance, that an internal split in

the Church is more and more revealing itself. Henceforth it will no longer

be possible to throw in the teeth of genuine Catholics their compromising

or dishonourable solidarity with error and lies, for this has given place

to an open and avowed opposition. On one side stands the small but morally

powerful band of those who accept Strossmayer’s noble words with head and

heart, on the other a crowd of “abject”(71) fanatics and sycophants. This

division is of supreme significance for the future course of the Council,

because it strengthens and consolidates the minority in their harmony and

determination, and obliges them to take a further step, as soon as the

majority have made it unmistakably clear that they will not acknowledge

and respect their claim to prevent a dogmatic definition.

The Presidents, by denouncing Strossmayer’s speech but not the

interruption of it, as it was their duty to do, gave evidence of an

undisguised partiality, and justly incurred the suspicion of sympathizing

with the shouters and not with the speaker, and thinking the proclamation

of infallibility allowable without the moral unanimity of the Council.

Accordingly a categorical demand was sent in to them to declare themselves

on this point, and, in case of their giving no answer, another last step

is reserved, which will have the nature of an ultimatum and will bring the

Œcumenicity of the Vatican Council to a decisive test. And so it may be

said that the Bishops of the minority have delayed but not wavered. The

moment for a decisive move, which may test the existence of the Council,

must come when a dogmatic decree has to be voted on. This crisis seemed to

have arrived on Saturday, March 26, when the preamble of the _Schema de

Fide_ was to have been voted on. Various amendments had been proposed, one

very important one by Bishop Meignan of Chalons, in which the Fathers were

designated as definers of the decrees, and another equally important,

implicitly containing infallibility, by Dreux-Brézé, Bishop of Moulins.

Moreover this preamble contained the obnoxious passages immortalized by

the glowing eloquence of Strossmayer. The antagonistic principles seemed

to have reached their ultimate point. Votes were to be taken on dogmatic

decrees before any agreement had been come to on the necessary conditions

of such voting. At the last moment the Presidents resolved to evade the

crisis. The very day before the sitting, Friday, March 25, Cardinal Bilio

went to the authors of the amendments and persuaded them to withdraw them,

and so on Saturday the text of the preamble was brought forward without

any amendment. Nor was there any voting on that either, but they passed at

once to the discussion on the first chapter of the _Schema_, in which the

Primate of Hungary (Simor) made an adroit and conciliatory speech as

advocate of the Commission on Faith. The debate then proceeded. By the

eleventh article of the new order of business, every separate part of a

_Schema_ must be voted on before the next can come on for discussion.

It was a breach of this rule to pass on straight to the first chapter of

the _Schema_, without having voted on the preamble. The Bishops asked

themselves what this meant. Was it intended, by the withdrawal of the

amendments and the abandonment of the discussion, to declare the preamble

tacitly accepted? Was it intended to correct that objectionable passage?

But the wording of the _regolamento_ was too strict to allow of that being

done except in the General Congregation. It seemed at any rate as if more

prudent counsels had prevailed and it was intended to avert the dreaded

contest on the main principle by concessions, so as to pass such decrees

as were possible, that they may be unanimously promulgated in the Easter

session. Thus time would be gained for loosening the compact phalanx of

the Opposition, and at the same time getting it more deeply implicated in

a compromising actual acceptance of the new order of business, in its form

as well as its spirit. This double danger is always imminent, but in fact

the Opposition as yet has suffered no loss.

We are at the end of the fourth month of the Council, and yet they have

not dared to put one decree to the vote. The amendments, which were so

obnoxious, have disappeared. The passage about unbelief being the

offspring of Protestantism, which Strossmayer assailed, will perhaps be

corrected, though in an irregular manner. The simple and sanguine spirits

among the Opposition Bishops exult over a victory obtained. One of the

most famous of them exclaimed, “It is clear the Holy Ghost is guiding the

Council.”

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