DEAR LEWIS,

Lismahago is more paradoxical than ever.--The late gulp he had of his

native air, seems to have blown fresh spirit into all his polemical

faculties. I congratulated him the other day on the present flourishing

state of his country, observing that the Scots were now in a fair way

to wipe off the national reproach of poverty, and expressing my

satisfaction at the happy effects of the union, so conspicuous in

the improvement of their agriculture, commerce, manufactures, and

manners--The lieutenant, screwing up his features into a look of dissent

and disgust, commented on my remarks to this effect--‘Those who reproach

a nation for its poverty, when it is not owing to the profligacy or vice

of the people, deserve no answer. The Lacedaemonians were poorer than

the Scots, when they took the lead among all the free states of Greece,

and were esteemed above them all for their valour and their virtue. The

most respectable heroes of ancient Rome, such as Fabricius, Cincinnatus,

and Regulus, were poorer than the poorest freeholder in Scotland; and

there are at this day individuals in North-Britain, one of whom can

produce more gold and silver than the whole republic of Rome could raise

at those times when her public virtue shone with unrivalled lustre; and

poverty was so far from being a reproach, that it added fresh laurels

to her fame, because it indicated a noble contempt of wealth, which was

proof against all the arts of corruption--If poverty be a subject

for reproach, it follows that wealth is the object of esteem and

veneration--In that case, there are Jews and others in Amsterdam and

London, enriched by usury, peculation, and different species of fraud

and extortion, who are more estimable than the most virtuous and

illustrious members of the community. An absurdity which no man in his

senses will offer to maintain.--Riches are certainly no proof of merit:

nay they are often (if not most commonly) acquired by persons of sordid

minds and mean talents: nor do they give any intrinsic worth to the

possessor; but, on the contrary, tend to pervert his understanding, and

render his morals more depraved. But, granting that poverty were really

matter of reproach, it cannot be justly imputed to Scotland. No country

is poor that can supply its inhabitants with the necessaries of life,

and even afford articles for exportation. Scotland is rich in natural

advantages: it produces every species of provision in abundance, vast

herds of cattle and flocks of sheep, with a great number of horses;

prodigious quantities of wool and flax, with plenty of copse wood, and

in some parts large forests of timber. The earth is still more rich

below than above the surface. It yields inexhaustible stores of coal,

free-stone, marble, lead, iron, copper, and silver, with some gold. The

sea abounds with excellent fish, and salt to cure them for exportation;

and there are creeks and harbours round the whole kingdom, for the

convenience and security of navigation. The face of the country displays

a surprising number of cities, towns, villas, and villages, swarming

with people; and there seems to be no want of art, industry, government,

and police: such a kingdom can never be called poor, in any sense of the

word, though there may be many others more powerful and opulent. But the

proper use of those advantages, and the present prosperity of the Scots,

you seem to derive from the union of the two kingdoms!’

I said, I supposed he would not deny that the appearance of the country

was much mended; that the people lived better, had more trade, and a

greater quantity of money circulating since the union, than before.

‘I may safely admit these premises (answered the lieutenant), without

subscribing to your inference. The difference you mention, I should

take to be the natural progress of improvement--Since that period, other

nations, such as the Swedes, the Danes, and in particular the French,

have greatly increased in commerce, without any such cause assigned.

Before the union, there was a remarkable spirit of trade among the

Scots, as appeared in the case of their Darien company, in which they

had embarked no less than four hundred thousand pounds sterling; and in

the flourishing state of the maritime towns in Fife, and on the eastern

coast, enriched by their trade with France, which failed in consequence

of the union. The only solid commercial advantage reaped from that

measure, was the privilege of trading to the English plantations; yet,

excepting Glasgow and Dumfries, I don’t know any other Scotch towns

concerned in that traffick. In other respects, I conceive the Scots were

losers by the union.--They lost the independency of their state, the

greatest prop of national spirit; they lost their parliament, and their

courts of justice were subjected to the revision and supremacy of an

English tribunal.’

‘Softly, captain (cried I), you cannot be said to have lost your own

parliament, while you are represented in that of Great-Britain.’ ‘True

(said he, with a sarcastic grin), in debates of national competition,

the sixteen peers and forty-five commoners of Scotland, must make a

formidable figure in the scale, against the whole English legislature.’

‘Be that as it may (I observed) while I had the honour to sit in the

lower house, the Scotch members had always the majority on their side.’

‘I understand you, Sir (said he), they generally side with the majority;

so much the worse for their constituents. But even this evil is not the

worst they have sustained by the union. Their trade has been saddled

with grievous impositions, and every article of living severely taxed,

to pay the interest of enormous debts, contracted by the English, in

support of measures and connections in which the Scots had no interest

nor concern.’ I begged he would at least allow, that by the union the

Scots were admitted to all the privileges and immunities of English

subjects; by which means multitudes of them were provided for in the

army and navy, and got fortunes in different parts of England, and its

dominions. ‘All these (said he) become English subjects to all intents

and purposes, and are in a great measure lost to their mother-country.

The spirit of rambling and adventure has been always peculiar to the

natives of Scotland. If they had not met with encouragement in England,

they would have served and settled, as formerly, in other countries,

such as Muscovy, Sweden, Denmark, Poland, Germany, France, Piedmont, and

Italy, in all which nations their descendants continue to flourish even

at this day.’

By this time my patience began to fail and I exclaimed, ‘For God’s

sake, what has England got by this union which, you say, has been so

productive of misfortune to the Scots.’ ‘Great and manifold are the

advantages which England derives from the union (said Lismahago, in

a solemn tone). First and foremost, the settlement of the protestant

succession, a point which the English ministry drove with such

eagerness, that no stone was left unturned, to cajole and bribe a few

leading men, to cram the union down the throats of the Scottish nation,

who were surprisingly averse to the expedient. They gained by it a

considerable addition of territory, extending their dominion to the sea

on all sides of the island, thereby shutting up all back-doors against

the enterprizes of their enemies. They got an accession of above a

million of useful subjects, constituting a never-failing nursery of

seamen, soldiers, labourers, and mechanics; a most valuable acquisition

to a trading country, exposed to foreign wars, and obliged to maintain

a number of settlements in all the four quarters of the globe. In the

course of seven years, during the last war, Scotland furnished the

English army and navy with seventy thousand men, over and above those

who migrated to their colonies, or mingled with them at home in the

civil departments of life. This was a very considerable and seasonable

supply to a nation, whose people had been for many years decreasing in

number, and whose lands and manufactures were actually suffering for

want of hands. I need not remind you of the hackneyed maxim, that, to a

nation in such circumstances, a supply of industrious people is a

supply of wealth; nor repeat an observation, which is now received as

an eternal truth, even among the English themselves, that the Scots who

settle in South-Britain are remarkably sober, orderly, and industrious.’

I allowed the truth of this remark, adding, that by their industry,

oeconomy, and circumspection, many of them in England, as well as in her

colonies, amassed large fortunes, with which they returned to their own

country, and this was so much lost to South-Britain.--‘Give me leave,

sir (said he), to assure you, that in your fact you are mistaken, and

in your deduction erroneous. Not one in two hundred that leave Scotland

ever returns to settle in his own country; and the few that do

return, carry thither nothing that can possibly diminish the stock of

South-Britain; for none of their treasure stagnates in Scotland--There

is a continual circulation, like that of the blood in the human body,

and England is the heart, to which all the streams which it distributes

are refunded and returned: nay, in consequence of that luxury which our

connexion with England hath greatly encouraged, if not introduced,

all the produce of our lands, and all the profits of our trade, are

engrossed by the natives of South-Britain; for you will find that the

exchange between the two kingdoms is always against Scotland; and

that she retains neither gold nor silver sufficient for her own

circulation.--The Scots, not content with their own manufactures and

produce, which would very well answer all necessary occasions, seem to

vie with each other in purchasing superfluities from England; such as

broad-cloth, velvets, stuffs, silks, lace, furs, jewels, furniture of

all sorts, sugar, rum, tea, chocolate and coffee; in a word, not only

every mode of the most extravagant luxury, but even many articles of

convenience, which they might find as good, and much cheaper in their

own country. For all these particulars, I conceive, England may touch

about one million sterling a-year.--I don’t pretend to make an exact

calculation; perhaps, it may be something less, and perhaps, a great

deal more. The annual revenue arising from all the private estates of

Scotland cannot fall short of a million sterling; and, I should imagine,

their trade will amount to as much more.--I know the linen manufacture

alone returns near half a million, exclusive of the home-consumption

of that article.--If, therefore, North-Britain pays a ballance of a

million annually to England, I insist upon it, that country is

more valuable to her in the way of commerce, than any colony in her

possession, over and above the other advantages which I have specified:

therefore, they are no friends, either to England or to truth, who

affect to depreciate the northern part of the united kingdom.’

I must own, I was at first a little nettled to find myself schooled in

so many particulars.--Though I did not receive all his assertions

as gospel, I was not prepared to refute them; and I cannot help now

acquiescing in his remarks so far as to think, that the contempt for

Scotland, which prevails too much on this side the Tweed, is founded on

prejudice and error.--After some recollection, ‘Well, captain (said I),

you have argued stoutly for the importance of your own country: for my

part, I have such a regard for our fellow-subjects of North-Britain,

that I shall be glad to see the day, when your peasants can afford to

give all their oats to their cattle, hogs, and poultry, and indulge

themselves with good wheaten loaves, instead of such poor, unpalatable,

and inflammatory diet.’ Here again I brought my self into a premunire

with the disputative Caledonian. He said he hoped he should never see

the common people lifted out of that sphere for which they were intended

by nature and the course of things; that they might have some reason to

complain of their bread, if it were mixed, like that of Norway, with saw

dust and fish-bones; but that oatmeal was, he apprehended, as nourishing

and salutary as wheat-flour, and the Scots in general thought it at

least as savoury.--He affirmed, that a mouse, which, in the article of

self-preservation, might be supposed to act from infallible instinct,

would always prefer oats to wheat, as appeared from experience; for, in

a place where there was a parcel of each, that animal has never begun

to feed upon the latter till all the oats were consumed: for their

nutritive quality, he appealed to the hale, robust constitutions of

the people who lived chiefly upon oatmeal; and, instead of being

inflammatory, he asserted, that it was a cooling sub-acid, balsamic and

mucilaginous; insomuch, that in all inflammatory distempers, recourse

was had to water-gruel, and flummery made of oatmeal.

‘At least (said I), give me leave to wish them such a degree of commerce

as may enable them to follow their own inclinations.’--‘Heaven forbid!

(cried this philosopher). Woe be to that nation, where the multitude is

at liberty to follow their own inclinations! Commerce is undoubtedly

a blessing, while restrained within its proper channels; but a glut

of wealth brings along with it a glut of evils: it brings false taste,

false appetite, false wants, profusion, venality, contempt of order,

engendering a spirit of licentiousness, insolence, and faction, that

keeps the community in continual ferment, and in time destroys all the

distinctions of civil society; so that universal anarchy and uproar must

ensue. Will any sensible man affirm, that the national advantages of

opulence are to be sought on these terms?’ ‘No, sure; but I am one of

those who think, that, by proper regulations, commerce may produce every

national benefit, without the allay of such concomitant evils.’

So much for the dogmata of my friend Lismahago, whom I describe the

more circumstantially, as I firmly believe he will set up his rest in

Monmouthshire. Yesterday, while I was alone with him he asked, in some

confusion, if I should have any objection to the success of a gentleman

and a soldier, provided he should be so fortunate as to engage my

sister’s affection. I answered without hesitation, that my sister was

old enough to judge for herself; and that I should be very far from

disapproving any resolution she might take in his favour.--His eyes

sparkled at this declaration. He declared, he should think himself the

happiest man on earth to be connected with my family; and that he should

never be weary of giving me proofs of his gratitude and attachment. I

suppose Tabby and he are already agreed; in which case, we shall have

a wedding at Brambleton-hall, and you shall give away the bride.--It is

the least thing you can do, by way of atonement for your former cruelty

to that poor love-sick maiden, who has been so long a thorn in the side

of

Yours, MATT. BRAMBLE Sept. 20.

We have been at Buxton; but, as I did not much relish either the company

or the accommodations, and had no occasion for the water, we stayed but

two nights in the place.

To Sir WATKIN PHILLIPS, Bart. of Jesus college, Oxon.

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