inciting everybody against Antonius he finally persuaded the Senate to
vote Antonius to be an enemy, and to send Cæsar lictors and the insignia
of a prætor, and to despatch Pansa and Hirtius[354] to drive Antonius
out of Italy. They were consuls for that year; and engaging with
Antonius near the city of Mutina, on which occasion Cæsar was present
and fought with them, they defeated the enemy, but fell themselves. Many
great difficulties befell Antonius in his flight; but the greatest was
famine. But it was the nature of Antonius to show his best qualities in
difficulties, and in his misfortune he was as like as may be to a good
man; for it is common to those who are hard pressed by straits to
perceive what virtue is, but all have not strength enough in reverses to
imitate what they admire and to avoid what they do not approve; but some
rather give way to their habits through weakness and let their judgment
be destroyed. Now Antonius in these circumstances was a powerful pattern
to the soldiers, for though he was fresh from the enjoyment of so much
luxury and expense, he drank foul water without complaining, and ate
wild fruits and roots. Bark too was eaten, as it was said, and in their
passage over the Alps they fed on animals that had never been eaten
before.
XVIII. His design was to fall in with the troops there which
Lepidus[355] commanded, who was considered to be a friend of Antonius
and to have derived through him much advantage from the friendship of
Cæsar. Having arrived there and encamped near, he found no friendly
signs, on which he resolved to try a bold stroke. Antonius had neglected
his hair and he had allowed his beard to grow long immediately after his
defeat; and putting on a dark garment he approached the lines of Lepidus
and began to speak. As many of the soldiers were moved at the sight and
affected by his words, Lepidus in alarm ordered the trumpets to sound
all at once and so to prevent Antonius from being heard. But the
soldiers pitied the more, and held communication with him by means of
Lælius and Clodius, whom they secretly sent to him in the dress of women
who followed the camp, and the messengers urged Antonius boldly to
attack the lines, for there were many, they said, would undertake even
to kill Lepidus, if he wished. Antonius would not consent to their
touching Lepidus, but on the next day he began to cross the river with
his army. Antonius entered the river first and advanced to the opposite
bank, for he saw already many of the soldiers of Lepidus stretching out
their hands to him and tearing down the ramparts. When he had entered
and made himself master of all, he approached Lepidus with the greatest
kindness, for he embraced him and called him father; and in fact he was
master of all, but he continued to preserve to Lepidus the name and
honour of an Imperator. This caused also Plancus Munatius to join him,
for Plancus was at no great distance with a large force. Being thus
raised anew to great power he crossed the Alps into Italy at the head of
seventeen legions of infantry and ten thousand cavalry; besides this he
left to guard Gaul six legions with Varius, one of his intimates and
boon companions, whom they called Cotylon.[356]
XIX. Now Cæsar no longer cared for Cicero when he saw that he clung to
liberty, but he invited Antonius through the mediation of his friends to
come to terms. The three met together in a small island[357] in the
middle of a river and sat together for three days. All the rest was
easily agreed on, and they distributed the empire[358] among them as if
it were a paternal inheritance, but the discussion about the men who
were destined to perish caused them most trouble, each claiming to get
rid of his enemies and to save his relations. But at length surrendering
to their passion against those whom they hated both the honour due to
their kinsmen and their goodwill to their friends, Cæsar surrendered
Cicero to Antonius, and Antonius surrendered to him Lucius Cæsar, who
was his uncle on the mother's side; Lepidus also was allowed to put to
death his brother Paulus; but others say that Lepidus gave up his
brother to Cæsar and Antonius, who required his death. I think nothing
could be more cruel or savage than this exchange; for by exchanging
murder for murder they equally destroyed those whom they surrendered and
those whom they put to death, but they acted more unjustly to their
friends, whom they caused to die even without bearing them any hatred.
XX. After this settlement, the soldiers, who were around them, required
that Cæsar should strengthen their friendship by marriage, and should
take to wife Clodia,[359] the daughter of Fulvia, the wife of Antonius.
This also being agreed to, three hundred persons were by proscription
put to death by them.[360] When Cicero was murdered, Antonius ordered
the head to be cut off and the right hand, with which Cicero wrote the
speeches against him. When they were brought, Antonius looked on them
with delight and broke out a laughing several times through joy; then
being satiated with the sight he ordered them to be placed above the
Rostra in the Forum, as if he were insulting the dead, and not showing
his own arrogance in his good fortune and abusing his power. His uncle
Cæsar being sought and pursued fled for refuge to his sister, who, when
the assassins were standing by and trying to force their way into her
chamber, fixing herself at the door and spreading out her arms, called
out repeatedly, "You shall not kill Cæsar Lucius, unless you kill me
first, me the mother of the Imperator." By such her conduct she rescued
and saved her brother.
XXI. The dominion of the three was in most respects hateful to the
Romans; but Antonius had most of the blame, as he was older than Cæsar,
and had more influence than Lepidus, and threw himself without restraint
into his former luxurious and intemperate habits as soon as he had
shaken off all trouble about affairs. There was added to his general bad
repute the hatred against him on account of the house that he inhabited,
which had been the house of Pompeius Magnus, a man no less admired for
his temperance and his orderly and citizenlike mode of life than for his
three triumphs. For they were vexed to see his house generally closed to
commanders, magistrates and ambassadors, who were insolently thrust from
the doors, while it was filled with mimi and jugglers and drunken
flatterers, upon whom was expended most of the money which was got by
the most violent and harsh means. For the three not only sold the
substance of those who were murdered, bringing false charges against
their kinsmen and wives, and tried all kinds of imposts; but hearing
that there were deposits[361] with the Vestal Virgins made both by
strangers and citizens, they went and seized them. Now as nothing was
enough for Antonius, Cæsar claimed to share the money with him; and they
also distributed the army between them, and both went together into
Macedonia to oppose Brutus and Cassius; and they intrusted Rome to
Lepidus.
XXII. Crossing over the sea they commenced the campaign and encamped by
the enemy, Antonius being opposed to Cassius, and Cæsar to Brutus,[362]
wherein no great deed was performed on the part of Cæsar, but it was
Antonius who gained all the victory and had all the success. In the
first battle, Cæsar, being completely routed by Brutus, lost his camp
and narrowly escaped from his pursuers; but, as he says in his Memoirs,
he retired before the battle in consequence of one of his friends having
had a dream. But Antonius defeated Cassius; though some have written
that Antonius was not in the battle, but came up after the battle to
join in the pursuit. Pindarus, one of the faithful freedmen of Cassius,
killed him at his request and order, for Cassius did not know that
Brutus was victorious. After an interval of a few days they fought a
second battle, in which Brutus being defeated killed himself, and
Antonius carried off the chief credit of the victory, inasmuch as Cæsar
was sick. Standing over the corpse of Brutus he upbraided it gently for
the death of his brother Caius,[363] for Brutus had put Caius to death
in Macedonia to revenge Cicero; but declaring that he blamed Hortensius
more than Brutus for the murder of his brother, Antonius ordered him to
be massacred on his tomb; and he threw over the body of Brutus his own
purple cloak, which was of great value, and commanded one of his
freedmen to look after the interment. He afterwards found out that this
fellow did not burn the cloak with the corpse and that he had purloined
a large part of the expenditure destined for the interment, whereon he
put him to death.
XXIII. After this Cæsar went back to Rome, and it was supposed that he
would not live long on account of his illness. Antonius crossed over
into Greece with a large army, intending to levy money in all the
eastern provinces; for as they had promised to every soldier five
thousand drachmæ, they required more vigorous measures for raising money
and collecting contributions. Towards the Greeks his conduct was neither
unusual nor oppressive at first, but his love of amusement led him to
listen to the discourses of the learned and to the sight of games and
religious solemnities; and in his decisions he was equitable, and was
delighted at being called a Philhellen, but still more in being
addressed as Philathenæus; and he made rich gifts to the city. The
people of Megara also wishing to show him something fine, by way of
rivalry with Athens, and requesting him to see the Senate-house, he went
up and looked at it, and on their asking what he thought of it: "Small,
it is true," he said, "and yet all in decay." He also caused the temple
of the Pythian Apollo to be surveyed, as if he intended to repair it;
for he made this promise to the Senate.
XXIV.[364] Leaving Lucius Censorinus[365] over the affairs of Greece he
crossed to Asia; and when he had touched the wealth there, and kings
used to come to his door, and wives of kings vying with one another in
their presents and their beauty let themselves be corrupted in order to
win his favour, and while Cæsar at Rome was worn out with civil
commotions and war, he enjoying perfect leisure and tranquillity was
carried back by his passions to his usual habits of life, and
Anaxenor[366] a lute-player and Xuthus a piper and Metrodorus a dancer,
and other such rout of Asiatic theatrical folks who surpassed in
impudence and shamelessness the pests from Italy, had crept in and
managed his residence--it was past all bearing, for everything was wasted
on these extravagancies. For all Asia, like that city in Sophocles,[367]
at the same time was filled with incense burning,
"With pæans too 'twas filled and heavy groans."
Thus, when he was entering Ephesus, women clothed like Bacchæ, and men
and boys equipped like Satyrs and Pans led the way; and the city was
filled with ivy and thyrsi and psalteries and pipes and flutes, the
people calling him Dionysus, Giver of Joy and Beneficent. He was this,
it is true, to some; but to the many Omestes[368] and Agrionius. For he
took their property from well-born men and gave it to worthless men and
flatterers; and certain persons got the substance of many who were still
alive by asking for it as if they were dead. He gave the house of a
citizen of Magnesia to a cook, who, as it is said, had distinguished
himself by a single entertainment. Finally, when he was imposing a
second contribution on the citizens, Hybreas[369] was bold enough in
speaking on behalf of Asia to use these words, which were indeed such as
the common folks would have in their mouths, but were not ill adapted to
flatter[370] the vanity of Antonius, "If thou canst take contributions
twice in one year, thou canst also make for us summer twice and
harvest-time twice;" but he concluded with these practical and bold
words, that Asia had given twenty ten thousands of talents; and "if thou
hast not had them, demand them of those who have received the money; but
if thou hast received and hast them not, we are undone." By these words
he made a strong impression on Antonius, for he was ignorant of the
greater part of what was going on; and not so much because he was
indolent, as because in his simplicity he trusted those about him. For
there was in his character simplicity and slow perception; but when he
did perceive his errors, there was strong repentance, and acknowledgment
to those who had been wronged, and excess both in the restitution that
he made and the punishment that he inflicted. Yet he was considered to
surpass the bounds of moderation rather in conferring favours than in
punishing. His rudeness in mirth and bantering carried its own remedy
with it; for a man might return him as good as he gave; and he took as
much pleasure in being laughed at as in laughing at others. And this did
him mischief in most things; for he could not believe that those who
spoke so freely in jest, could flatter him in earnest, and as he was
easily caught by praise, not knowing that some persons by mingling
freedom of expression, like a sharpish sauce, with flattery, took away
from flattery its nauseating insipidity, by their boldness and babbling
over their cups striving to make their yielding in matters of business
and their assent appear, not the way of persons who keep about a man
merely to please him, but of those who are overpowered by superior
wisdom.
XXV. Such was the disposition of Antonius, upon which a crowning evil
the love for Cleopatra supervening, and stirring up and maddening many
of the passions that were still concealed in him and lying quiet, caused
to vanish and utterly destroyed whatever of goodness and of a saving
nature still made resistance in him. And he was captured in this
fashion. When he was preparing for the Parthian war, he sent her orders
to meet him in Cilicia to give an account of the charges made against
her of supplying Cassius with much money and contributions for the war.
Dellius,[371] who was sent, observing her person and marking her
cleverness in speaking and her versatility, soon perceived that Antonius
would never even think of doing such a woman any harm, but that she
would have the greatest influence with him; and he applied himself to
paying his court to her, and he encouraged the Egyptian, in the words of
Homer,[372] to go to Cilicia bedecked in her best fashion and not to be
afraid of Antonius, who was the most pleasant and kindest of generals.
Being persuaded by Dellius, and collecting from the proofs of her charms
upon Caius Cæsar and Cnæus the son of Pompeius, she had hopes that she
should more easily win over Antonius. For they knew her when she was yet
a girl and inexperienced in affairs, but she was going to visit Antonius
at an age in which women have the most brilliant beauty and their
understanding has attained its perfection. Accordingly she got together
many presents and money and ornaments, such as one might suppose that
she could bring from the greatness of her estate and the wealth of her
kingdom, but she went to Cilicia relying chiefly on herself and the
seductions and charms of her own person.
XXVI. Though Cleopatra[373] received many letters of summons both from
Antonius[374] and his friends, she so despised and mocked the man, that
she sailed up the Cydnus in a vessel with a gilded stern, with purple
sails spread, and rowers working with silver oars to the sound of the
flute in harmony with pipes and lutes. Cleopatra reclined under an
awning spangled with gold, dressed as Venus is painted, and youths
representing the Cupids in pictures stood on each side fanning her. In
like manner the handsomest of her female slaves in the dress of Nereids
and Graces, were stationed some at the rudders and others at the ropes.
And odours of wondrous kind from much incense filled the banks. Some of
the people accompanied her immediately from the entrance of the river on
both sides, and others went down from the city to see the sight. As the
crowd from the Agora also poured forth, Antonius was finally left on the
tribunal sitting alone. A rumour went abroad that Venus was coming to
revel with Bacchus for the good of Asia. Now Antonius sent to invite
Cleopatra to supper, but she on her part said that he should rather come
to her. Antonius accordingly, wishing to display some good nature and
kindness, obeyed and came. He found a preparation greater than he
expected, but he was most surprised at the number of the lights: for it
is said that so many lights were hung down and shewn on all sides at
once and arranged and put together in such inclinations and positions
with respect to one another in the form of squares and circles, that of
the few things that are beautiful and worthy of being seen this sight
was one.
XXVII. On the following day when Antonius feasted her in turn he was
ambitious to surpass her splendour and taste, but he was left behind and
inferior in both, and in these very things he was the first to scoff at
the coarseness and rusticity of his own entertainment. Cleopatra,
observing in the jests of Antonius much of the soldier and the
unpolished man, adopted the same manner towards him freely and boldly.
Now her beauty, as they say, was not in itself altogether incomparable
nor such as to strike those who saw her; but familiarity with her had an
irresistible charm, and her form, combined with her persuasive speech
and with the peculiar character which in a manner was diffused about her
behaviour, produced a certain piquancy. There was a sweetness also in
the sound of her voice when she spoke; and as she could easily turn her
tongue, like a many-stringed instrument, to any language that she
pleased, she had very seldom need of an interpreter for her
communication with barbarians, but she answered most by herself, as
Ethiopians,[375] Troglodytes, Hebrews, Arabs, Syrians, Medes, Parthians.
She is said also to have learned the language of many other peoples,
though the kings her predecessors had not even taken the pains to learn
the Egyptian language, and some of them had even given up the Macedonian
dialect.
XXVIII. Now she so captivated Antonius, that though his wife Fulvia was
carrying on war at Rome against Cæsar on behalf of the interests of
Antonius, and a Parthian army was hovering about Mesopotamia, of which
the king's generals had named Labienus[376] Parthian governor, and they
were about to enter Syria, he allowed himself to be carried off by her
to Alexandria; and there staying and amusing himself like a young man
who had leisure, he consumed and expended upon pleasure the most costly
of all things, as Antiphon said, Time. They had a kind of company called
Inimitable Livers; and they daily feasted one another, making an
incredible profusion in their expenditure. Now Philotas of
Amphissa,[377] a physician, used to relate to my grandfather Lamprias,
that he was then in Alexandria learning his profession, and having got
acquainted with one of the royal cooks, he was persuaded by him, as was
natural in a young man, to view the costliness and the preparation for
the table. Accordingly he was introduced into the kitchen, where he saw
everything in great abundance, and eight wild boars roasting, which made
him wonder at the number of the guests. Hereupon the cook laughed and
said, the party at supper was not large, only about twelve; but it was
necessary that everything which was served up should be in perfection,
which a moment of time would spoil. He said it might happen that
Antonius should wish to sup immediately, and if it so happened, he might
defer it by asking for a cup or by falling into some conversation; and
accordingly, he continued, not one supper is prepared, but many, for the
exact time is difficult to conjecture. This is what Philotas used to
tell; and in the course of time, as he related, he was among those who
attended on the eldest son of Antonius, whom he had by Fulvia, and he
supped with him with the rest of his companions, as a general rule, when
he did not sup with his father. On one occasion there was a physician
present who was bragging greatly and much annoying the company at
supper, but Philotas stopped him by a sophism of this kind: "If a man
has fever in some degree, we must give him cold water; but every man who
has fever has fever in some degree; we must therefore give cold water to
every man who has fever." The man was confounded and put to silence,
whereat the youth being pleased, laughed and said, "All this, Philotas,
I give you," pointing to a table full of many large cups. Philotas
acknowledged his intended kindness, though he was far from thinking that
a boy of his age had authority to make such a present; but after awhile
one of the young slaves took hold of the cups and bringing them in a
vessel bade him put a seal on it. As Philotas made objections and was
afraid to take the things. "Why, you fool," said the man, "do you
hesitate? Don't you know that the giver is the son of Antonius, and that
he has permission to give so many things of gold? If however you take my
advice, you will exchange the whole with us for a sum of money; for
perchance the youth's father might call for some of the vessels, which
are old and valued for their workmanship." Such anecdotes as these my
grandfather used to say that Philotas would occasionally tell.
XXIX. But Cleopatra, by distributing flattery not, as Plato[378] says,
in four ways, but in many ways, and by always adding some new pleasure
and charm to whatever was either serious or mirthful, completely ruled
Antonius, never leaving him by night nor by day. For she played at dice
with him, and drank with him, and hunted with him, and was a spectator
when he was exercising in arms, and by night when he was standing at the
doors and windows of the common people and jesting with those within,
she accompanied him in his rambles and freaks, in the dress of a female
slave; for Antonius also used to dress himself in this style.
Accordingly he would return home always well loaded with coarse abuse
and sometimes with blows. With the greater part he was in no good
credit; however the Alexandrines took delight in his extravagances, and
joined in his follies without any lack of cleverness or humour, being
pleased therewith and saying that Antonius put on the tragic mask to the
Romans, but the comic mask to them. Now to relate the greater part of
his follies would be mere trifling. However on one occasion when he was
fishing and was vexed at his bad sport, Cleopatra also being present, he
ordered the fisherman to dive under the water and secretly to fasten to
the hook some fishes that had been already caught; and he pulled up two
or three times, but not without being detected by the Egyptian.
Pretending to admire, she spoke to her friends and invited them to come
as spectators on the following day. A number of them got into the
fishing boats, and when Antonius had let down his line, she ordered one
of her own men to anticipate him by diving to the hook and to fasten to
it a Pontic salted fish.[379] Antonius thinking that he had caught
something pulled up, on which there was, as was natural, great laughter,
whereat Cleopatra said, "Give up the fishing-rod, Imperator, to us the
kings of Pharos and Canopus; your sport is cities and kings and
continents."
XXX.[380] While Antonius was spending his time in such trifles and
extravagances, he was surprised by intelligence from two different
quarters; from Rome, that Lucius his brother and Fulvia his wife, having
first been at variance with one another and then having warred with
Cæsar, were completely defeated and flying from Italy; the other
intelligence was in no wise more favourable, which was that Labienus at
the head of the Parthians had subdued Asia from the Euphrates and Syria
as far as Lydia and Ionia. With difficulty then, like a man roused from
sleep and a drunken debauch, he set out to oppose the Parthians, and
advanced as far as Phoenice, but as Fulvia sent him letters full of
lamentations he turned towards Italy, with two hundred ships. On this
voyage he took up his friends who had fled from Italy, and learned from
them that Fulvia had been the cause of the war, for she was naturally a
busy and bold woman; but her hope was to draw away Antonius from
Cleopatra, if their should be any disturbance in Italy. It happened that
Fulvia, who was sailing to meet him, died at Sikyon of some disease,
which rendered a reconciliation with Cæsar more easy. For when Antonius
approached Italy, and Cæsar was evidently not intending to make any
charge against him, and Antonius was ready to fix on Fulvia the blame of
what he was charged with, their friends would not let them come to any
explanation of these grounds, but brought them both to terms and
distributed the empire, making the Ionian gulf the boundary, and giving
the eastern parts to Antonius and the western to Cæsar; Lepidus was
allowed to keep Libya; and it was settled that the friends of each in
turns should be consuls, when it did not please themselves to be.