he endeavoured to persuade Antonius to join the expedition. Antonius
said that he would not go out with him as a private individual, but on
being appointed commander of the cavalry, he did go with him. In the
first place he was sent against Aristobulus,[328] who was stirring the
Jews to revolt, and he was the first man to mount the largest of the
fortifications; and he drove Aristobulus from all of them. He next
joined battle with him and with the few men that he had put to flight
the forces of Aristobulus, which were much more numerous, and killed all
but a few; and Aristobulus was captured with his son. After this
Ptolemæus[329] attempted to persuade Gabinius for ten thousand talents
to join him in an invasion of Egypt and to recover the kingdom for him;
but most of the officers opposed the proposal, and Gabinius himself was
somewhat afraid of the war, though he was hugely taken with the ten
thousand talents; but Antonius, who was eager after great exploits and
wished to gratify the request of Ptolemæus, persuaded Gabinius and urged
him to the expedition. They feared more than the war the march to
Pelusium, which was through deep sand where there was no water along the
Ecregma[330] and the Serbonian marsh, which the Egyptians call the
blasts of Typhon[331], but which really appears to be left behind by the
Red Sea[332] and to be caused by the filtration of the waters at the
part where it is separated by the narrowest part of the isthmus from
the internal sea. Antonius being sent with the cavalry not only
occupied the straits, but taking Pelusium also, a large city, and the
soldiers in it, he at the same time made the road safe for the army and
gave the general sure hopes of victory. Even his enemies reaped
advantage from his love of distinction; for when Ptolemæus entered
Pelusium, and through his passion and hatred was moved to massacre the
Egyptians, Antonius stood in the way and stopped him. And in the battles
and the contests which were great and frequent, he displayed many deeds
of daring and prudent generalship, but most signally in encircling and
surrounding the enemy in the rear, whereby he secured the victory to
those in front, and received the rewards of courage and fitting honours.
Nor did the many fail to notice his humanity towards Archelaus[333]
after his death; for Antonius, who had been his intimate and friend,
fought against him during his lifetime of necessity, but when he found
the body of Archelaus, who had fallen, he interred it with all honours
and in kingly fashion. He thus left among the people of Alexandria the
highest reputation, and was judged by the Roman soldiers to be a most
illustrious man.
IV. With these advantages he possessed a noble dignity of person; and
his well-grown beard, his broad forehead and hooked nose[334] appeared
to express the manly character which is observed in the paintings and
sculptures of Hercules. And there was an old tradition that the Antonii
were Herakleidæ, being sprung from Anton, a son of Hercules. This
tradition Antonius thought that he strengthened by the character of his
person, as it has been observed, and by his dress. For on all occasions,
when he was going to appear before a number of persons, he had his tunic
girded up to his thigh, and a large sword hung by his side, and a thick
cloak thrown round him. Besides, that which appeared to others to be
offensive, his great boasting and jesting and display of his cups, and
his sitting by the soldiers when they were eating, and his eating
himself as he stood by the soldiers' table--it is wonderful how much
affection and attachment for him it bred in the soldiers. His amorous
propensities, too, had in them something that was not without a charm,
but even by these he won the favour of many, helping them in their love
affairs and submitting to be joked with good humour about his own
amours. His liberality and his habit of gratifying the soldiers and his
friends in nothing with a stinted or sparing hand, both gave him a
brilliant foundation for power, and, when he had become great, raised
his power still higher, though it was in danger of being subverted by
ten thousand other faults. I will relate one instance of his profusion.
He ordered five-and-twenty ten thousands to be given to one of his
friends; this sum the Romans express by Decies.[335] But as his steward
wondered thereat, and to show him how much it was, placed the money out,
he asked as he was passing by, What that was. The steward replying that
this was what he had ordered to be given, Antonius, who conjectured his
trickery, said, "I thought a Decies was more: this is a small matter;
and therefore add to it as much more."
V. Now these things belong to a later period. But when matters at Rome
came to a split, the aristocratical party joining Pompeius who was
present, and the popular party inviting Cæsar from Gaul, who was in
arms, Curio, the friend of Antonius,[336] changing sides in favour of
Cæsar, brought Antonius over; and as he had great influence among the
many by his eloquence, and spent money lavishly, which was supplied by
Cæsar, he got Antonius appointed tribune, and then one of the priests
over the birds, whom the Romans call Augurs. As soon as Antonius entered
on his office, he was of no small assistance to those who were directing
public affairs on Cæsar's behalf. In the first place, when Marcellus the
consul attempted to give to Pompeius the troops that were already
levied, and to empower him to raise others, Antonius opposed him by
proposing an order, that the collected force should sail to Syria and
assist Bibulus, who was warring with the Parthians, and that the troops
which Pompeius was levying should not pay any regard to him: and, in the
second place, when the Senate would not receive Cæsar's letters, nor
allow them to be read, Antonius, whose office gave him power, did read
them, and he changed the disposition of many, who judged from Cæsar's
letters that he only asked what was just and reasonable. Finally, when
two questions were proposed in the Senate, of which one was, whether
Pompeius should disband his troops, and the other, whether Cæsar should
do it, and there were a few in favour of Pompeius laying down his arms,
and all but a few were for Cæsar doing so, Antonius arose and put the
question, Whether the Senate was of opinion that Pompeius and Cæsar at
the same time should lay down their arms and disband their forces. All
eagerly accepted this proposal, and with shouts praising Antonius, they
urged to put the question to the vote. But as the consuls would not
consent, the friends of Cæsar again made other proposals, which were
considered reasonable, which Cato resisted, and Lentulus, who was
consul, ejected Antonius from the Senate. Antonius went out uttering
many imprecations against them, and assuming the dress of a slave, and
in conjunction with Cassius Quintus[337] hiring a chariot he hurried to
Cæsar; and as soon as they were in sight, they called out that affairs
at Rome were no longer in any order, since even tribunes had no liberty
of speech, but every one was driven away and in danger who spoke on the
side of justice.
VI. Upon this Cæsar with his army entered Italy. Accordingly Cicero, in
his Philippica, said that Helen[338] was the beginning of the Trojan
war, and Antonius of the civil war, wherein he is manifestly stating a
falsehood. For Caius Cæsar was not such a light person, or so easy to be
moved from his sound judgment by passion, if he had not long ago
determined to do this, as to have made war on his country all of a
sudden, because he saw Antonius in a mean dress and Cassius making their
escape to him in a hired chariot; but this gave a ground and specious
reason for the war to a man who had long been wanting a pretext. He was
led to war against the whole world, as Alexander before him and Cyrus of
old had been, by an insatiable love of power and a frantic passion to be
first and greatest: and this he could not obtain, if Pompeius was not
put down. He came then and got possession of Rome, and drove Pompeius
out of Italy; and determining to turn first against the forces of
Pompeius in Iberia, and then, when he had got ready a fleet, to cross
over to attack Pompeius, he entrusted Rome to Lepidus, who was prætor,
and the forces and Italy to Antonius, who was tribune. Antonius
forthwith gained the favour of the soldiers by taking his exercises with
them, and by generally living with them, and making them presents out of
his means; but to everybody else he was odious. For owing to his
carelessness he paid no attention to those who were wronged, and
listened with ill-temper to those who addressed him, and had a bad
repute about other men's wives. In fine, Cæsar's friends brought odium
on Cæsar's power, which, so far as concerned Cæsar's acts, appeared to
be anything rather than a tyranny: and of those friends Antonius, who
had the chief power and committed the greatest excesses, had most of the
blame.
VII. However, upon his return from Iberia, Cæsar[339] overlooked the
charges against him, and employing him in war because of his energy, his
courage, and his military skill, he was never disappointed in him. Now
Cæsar, after crossing the Ionian Gulf from Brundusium with a few men,
sent his ships back, with orders to Gabinius[340] and Antonius to put
the troops on board and carry them over quickly to Macedonia. Gabinius
was afraid of the voyage, which was hazardous in the winter season, and
led his army by land a long way about; but Antonius being alarmed for
Cæsar, who was hemmed in by many enemies, repulsed Libo,[341] who was
blockading the mouth of the harbour, by surrounding his gallies with
many light boats, and embarking in his vessels eight thousand legionary
soldiers he set sail. Being discovered by the enemy and pursued, he
escaped all danger from them in consequence of a strong south wind
bringing a great swell and tempestuous sea upon his gallies; but as he
was carried in his ships towards precipices and cliffs with deep water
under them, he had no hope of safety. But all at once there blew from
the bay a violent south-west wind and the swell ran from the land to the
sea, and Antonius getting off the land and sailing in gallant style saw
the shore full of wrecks. For thither the wind had cast up the gallies
that were in pursuit of him and no small number of them was destroyed;
and Antonius made many prisoners and much booty, and he took Lissus, and
he gave Cæsar great confidence by coming at a critical time with so
great a force.
VIII. There were many and continuous fights, in all of which Antonius
was distinguished: and twice he met and turned back the soldiers of
Cæsar, who were flying in disorder, and by compelling them to stand and
to fight again with their pursuers he gained the victory. There was
accordingly more talk of him in the camp than of any one else after
Cæsar. And Cæsar showed what opinion he had of him; for when he was
going to fight the last battle and that which decided everything at
Pharsalus,[342] he had the right wing himself, but he gave the command
of the left to Antonius as being the most skilful and bravest officer
that he had. After the battle Cæsar was proclaimed dictator, and he set
out in pursuit of Pompeius, but he appointed Antonius master of the
horse and sent him to Rome: this is the second office in rank when the
dictator is present; but if he is not, it is the first and almost the
only one. For the tribuneship continues, but they put down all the other
functionaries when a dictator is chosen.
IX. However Dolabella,[343] who was then a tribune, a young man who
aimed at change, introduced a measure for the annulling of debts, and
he persuaded Antonius,[344] who was a friend of his and always wished to
please the many, to work with him and to take a part in this political
measure. But Asinius and Trebellius gave him the contrary advice, and it
happened that a strong suspicion came on Antonius, that he was wronged
in the matter of his wife by Dolabella. And as he was much annoyed
thereat, he not only drove his wife from his house, who was his cousin,
for she was the daughter of Caius Antonius who was consul with Cicero,
but he joined Asinius and resisted Dolabella. Dolabella occupied the
Forum with the design of carrying the law by force, but Antonius, after
the Senate had declared by a vote that it was needful to oppose
Dolabella with arms, came upon him and joining battle killed some of the
men of Dolabella and lost some of his own. This brought on Antonius the
hatred of the many, and he was not liked by the honest and sober on
account of his habits of life, as Cicero says, but was detested; for
people were disgusted at his drunkenness at unseasonable hours, and his
heavy expenditure, and his intercourse with women, and his sleeping by
day, and walking about with head confused and loaded with drink, and by
night his revellings and theatres and his presence at the nuptials of
mimi and jesters. It is said indeed that after being present at the
entertainment on the marriage of Hippias the mime, and drinking all
night, when the people summoned him early in the morning to the Forum,
he came there still full of food and vomited, and one of his friends
placed his vest under to serve him. Sergius the mime was one of those
who had the greatest influence over him, and Cytheris[345] from the same
school, a woman whom he loved, and whom when he visited the cities he
took round with him in a litter; and there were as many attendants to
follow the litter as that of his mother. People were also vexed at the
sight of golden cups carried about in his excursions as in processions,
and fixing of tents in the ways, and the laying out of costly feasts
near groves and rivers, and lions yoked to chariots, and houses of
orderly men and women used as quarters for prostitutes and lute-players.
For it was considered past all endurance that, while Cæsar was lodging
in the open field out of Italy, clearing up the remnant of war with
great labour and danger, others, through means of Cæsar's power, were
indulging in luxury and insulting the citizens.
X. These things appear also to have increased the disorder and to have
given the soldiers licence to commit shameful violence and robbery.
Wherefore, when Cæsar returned, he pardoned Dolabella; and being elected
consul for the third time he chose not Antonius, but Lepidus for his
colleague. Antonius bought the house of Pompeius when it was sold, but
he was vexed when he was asked for the money; and he says himself that
this was the reason why he did not join Cæsar in his Libyan expedition,
having had no reward for his former successes. However Cæsar is
considered to have cured him of the chief part of his folly and
extravagance by not allowing his excesses to pass unnoticed. For he gave
up that course of life and turned his thoughts to wedlock, taking for
his wife Fulvia, who had been the wife of the demagogue Clodius, a woman
who troubled herself not about domestic industry or housekeeping, nor
one who aspired to rule a private man, but her wish was to rule a ruler
and command a general: so that Cleopatra was indebted to Fulvia[346] for
training Antonius to woman-rule, inasmuch as Cleopatra received him
quite tamed and disciplined from the commencement to obey women. However
Antonius attempted by sportive ways and youthful sallies to make Fulvia
somewhat merrier; as for example, on the occasion when many went to meet
Cæsar after his victory in Iberia, Antonius also went; but as a report
suddenly reached Italy that Cæsar was dead and the enemy were advancing,
he returned to Rome, and taking a slave's dress he came to the house by
night, and saying that he brought a letter from Antonius to Fulvia, he
was introduced to her wrapped up in his dress. Fulvia, who was in a
state of anxiety, asked, before she took the letter, whether Antonius
was alive; but without speaking a word he held out the letter to her,
and when she was beginning to open and read it, he embraced and kissed
her. These few out of many things I have produced by way of instance.
XI. When Cæsar was returning from Iberia[347] all the first people went
several days' journey to meet him; but Antonius was specially honoured
by Cæsar. For in his passage through Italy he had Antonius in the
chariot with him, and behind him Brutus Albinus and Octavianus the son
of his niece, who was afterwards named Cæsar and ruled the Romans for a
very long time. When Cæsar was appointed consul for the fifth time, he
immediately chose Antonius for his colleague, and it was his design to
abdicate the consulship and give it to Dolabella; and this he proposed
to the Senate. But as Antonius violently opposed this, and vented much
abuse of Dolabella and received as much in return, Cæsar, being ashamed
of these unseemly proceedings, went away. Afterwards when he came to
proclaim Dolabella, upon Antonius calling out that the birds were
opposed to it, Cæsar yielded and gave up Dolabella, who was much
annoyed. But it appeared that Cæsar abominated Dolabella as much as he
did Antonius; for it is said, that when some person was endeavouring to
excite his suspicions against both, Cæsar said that he was not afraid of
those fat and long-haired fellows, but those pale and thin ones, meaning
Brutus and Cassius, who afterwards conspired against him and slew him.
XII. And Antonius without designing it gave them a most specious
pretext. It was the feast of the Lykæa among the Romans, which they
call Lupercalia,[348] and Cæsar dressed in a triumphal robe and sitting
on the Rostra in the Forum viewed the runners. Now many youths of noble
birth run the race, and many of the magistrates, anointed with oil, and
with strips of hide they strike by way of sport those whom they meet.
Antonius running among them paid no regard to the ancient usage, but
wrapping a crown of bay round a diadem he ran to the Rostra, and being
raised up by his companions in the race he placed it on Cæsar's head,
intimating that he ought to be King. But as Cæsar affected to refuse it
and put his head aside, the people were pleased and clapped their hands;
then Antonius again offered the crown, and Cæsar again rejected it. This
contest went on for some time, only a few of the friends of Antonius
encouraging him in his pressing the offer, but all the people shouted
and clapped when Cæsar refused; which indeed was surprising, that while
in reality they submitted to be ruled over with kingly power they
eschewed the name of King as if it were the destruction of their
freedom. Accordingly Cæsar rose from the Rostra much annoyed, and taking
the robe from his neck called out that he offered his throat to any one
who would have it. The crown which was placed on one of his statues
certain tribunes tore off, and the people followed them with loud
expressions of goodwill and clapping of hands; but Cæsar deprived them
of their office.
XIII. This confirmed Brutus and Cassius, and when they were enumerating
the friends whom they could trust in the undertaking, they deliberated
about Antonius. The rest were for adding Antonius to their number, but
Trebonius opposed it; for he said that at the time when they went to
meet Cæsar on his return from Iberia, and Antonius was in the same tent
with him and journeyed with him, he tried his disposition in a quiet way
and with caution, and he said that Antonius understood him, though he
did not respond to the proposal, nor yet did he report it to Cæsar, but
faithfully kept the words secret. Upon this they again deliberated
whether they should kill Antonius after they had killed Cæsar; but
Brutus opposed this, urging that the act which was adventured in
defence of the laws and of justice must be pure and free from injustice.
But as they were afraid of the strength of Antonius and the credit that
his office gave him, they appointed some of the conspirators to look
after him in order that when Cæsar entered the Senate house and the deed
was going to be done, they might detain him on the outside in
conversation about some matter and on the pretence of urgent business.
XIV. This being accomplished according as it was planned and Cæsar
having fallen in the Senate house, Antonius immediately put on a slave's
attire and hid himself. But when he learned that the men were not
attacking any one, but were assembled in the Capitol, he persuaded them
to come down after giving them his son as a hostage; and he entertained
Cassius at supper, and Brutus entertained Lepidus. Antonius having
summoned the Senate spoke about an amnesty and a distribution of
provinces among Brutus and Cassius and their partizans, and the Senate
ratified these proposals, and decreed not to alter anything that had
been done by Cæsar.[349] Antonius went out of the Senate the most
distinguished of men, being considered to have prevented a civil war and
to have managed most prudently and in a most statesmanlike manner
circumstances which involved difficulties and no ordinary causes of
confusion. But from such considerations as these he was soon disturbed
by the opinion that he derived from the multitude, that he would
certainly be the first man in Rome, if Brutus were put down. Now it
happened that when Cæsar's corpse was carried forth, as the custom was,
he pronounced an oration over it in the Forum;[350] and seeing that the
people were powerfully led and affected, he mingled with the praises of
Cæsar commiseration and mighty passion over the sad event, and at the
close of his speech, shaking the garments of the dead, which were
blood-stained and hacked with the swords, and calling those who had done
these things villains and murderers, he inspired so much indignation in
the men that they burnt the body of Cæsar in the Forum, heaping together
the benches and the tables; and snatching burning faggots from the pile
they ran to the houses of the assassins and assaulted them.
XV. For this reason Brutus and his party left the city, and the friends
of Cæsar joined Antonius; and Cæsar's wife Calpurnia trusting to him had
the chief part of the treasures transferred to Antonius from her house,
to the amount in all of four thousand talents. He received also the
writings of Cæsar, in which there were entries made of what he had
determined and decreed; and Antonius inserting entries in them, named
many to offices just as he pleased, and many he named senators, and he
restored some who were in exile and released others who were in prison,
as if Cæsar had determined all this. Wherefore the Romans by way of
mockery named all these persons Charonitæ,[351] because when they were
put to the proof they had to take refuge in the memoranda of the
deceased. And Antonius managed everything else as if he had full power,
being consul himself, and having his brothers also in office, Gaius as
prætor and Lucius as tribune.
XVI. While affairs were in this state, young Cæsar[352] arrived at Rome,
being the son of the niece of the deceased, as it has been told, and
left the heir of his substance; and he was staying in Apollonia at the
time of Cæsar's assassination. He went forthwith to pay his respects to
Antonius, as being his father's friend, and reminded him of the money
deposited with him; for he had to pay to every Roman seventy-five
drachmæ, which Cæsar had given by his will. Antonius, at first despising
his youth, said that he was not in his senses, and that being destitute
of all sound reason and friends he was taking up the succession of
Cæsar, which was a burden too great for him to bear; but as Cæsar did
not yield to these arguments and demanded the money, Antonius went on
saying and doing many things to insult him. For he opposed him in
seeking a tribuneship, and when he was preparing to set up a golden
chair of his father, as it had been voted by the Senate, he threatened
to carry him off to prison, if he did not stop his attempts to win the
popular favour. But when the youth, by giving himself up to Cicero and
the rest who hated Antonius, by means of them made the Senate his
friends, and he himself got the favour of the people and mustered the
soldiers from the colonies,[353] Antonius being alarmed came to a
conference with him in the Capitol, and they were reconciled. Antonius
in his sleep that night had a strange dream; he thought that his right
hand was struck by lightning; and a few days after a report reached him
that Cæsar was plotting against him. Cæsar indeed made an explanation,
but he did not convince Antonius; and their enmity was again in full
activity, and both of them roaming about Italy endeavoured to stir up by
large pay the soldiers who were planted in the colonies, and to
anticipate one another in gaining over those who were still under arms.