in the same place, but kept by the different prætors. He first took
Lentulus[197] from the Palatine and led him through the Sacred Road and
the middle of the Forum, with the men of highest rank in a body around
him as his guards, the people the while shuddering at what was doing and
passing by in silence, and chiefly the youth, who felt as if they were
being initiated with fear and trembling in certain national rites of a
certain aristocratical power. When Cicero had passed through the Forum
and come to the prison, he delivered Lentulus to the executioner and
told him to put him to death; he then took down Cethegus and every one
of the rest in order and had them put to death. Seeing that there were
still many members of the conspiracy standing together in the Forum, who
did not know what had been done and were waiting for the night,
supposing that the men were still alive and might be rescued, Cicero
said to them in a loud voice, "They have lived." In these terms the
Romans are used to speak of death when they do not choose to use words
of bad omen. It was now evening, and Cicero went up from the Forum to
his house, the citizens no longer accompanying him in silence or in
order, but receiving him with shouts and clapping as he passed along and
calling him the saviour and founder of his country. And numerous lights
illuminated the streets, for people placed lamps and torches at their
doors. The women too showed lights from the roofs to honour the man and
in order to see him going home, honourably attended by the nobles; most
of whom, having brought to an end great wars and entered the city in
triumph, and added to the Roman possessions no small extent of land and
sea, walked along confessing to one another that the Roman people were
indebted for wealth and spoils and power to many living commanders and
generals, but for their security and safety to Cicero alone, who had
removed from them so great a danger. For it was not the preventing of
what was in preparation and the punishing of the doers which appeared
worthy of admiration, but that he had quenched the greatest of dangers
that ever threatened the State with the least evils, and without
disturbance and tumult. For most of those who had flocked to
Catilina[198] as soon as they heard of the fate of Lentulus and Cethegus
left him and went away: and Catilina, after fighting a battle with
those who remained with him against Antonius, perished and his army with
him.
XXIII. However there were some who were ready to abuse Cicero for this
and to do him harm, and they had for their leader among those who were
going to hold magistracies, Cæsar as prætor, and Metellus[199] and
Bestia as tribunes. Upon entering on office, while Cicero had still a
few days in authority, they would not let him address the people, and
placing their seats above the Rostra they would not permit him to come
forward to speak; they told him that he might, if he chose, take the
oath usual on giving up office and then go down. Upon this Cicero came
forward as if he were going to take the oath, and when he had procured
silence, he swore not the usual oath, but one of his own and a new oath,
to the effect that he had saved his country and preserved the supremacy
of Rome: and the whole people confirmed the truth of his oath. At this
Cæsar and the tribunes, being still more vexed, contrived other cavils
against Cicero, and a law was brought forward by them that Pompeius and
his army should be recalled on the pretext of putting down the power of
Cicero. But Cato, who was then tribune, was a great help to Cicero and
to the whole State, and he opposed himself to Cæsar's measures with
equal authority and greater good opinion. For he easily stopped other
measures, and he so extolled the consulship of Cicero in a speech to the
people, that they voted to him the greatest honours that had ever been
conferred and called him the father of his country; for it seems that
Cicero was the first on whom this title was conferred, upon Cato having
so entitled him before the people.
XXIV. Cicero, who had at that time the chief power in the State, made
himself generally odious, not by any ill acts, but by always praising
and glorifying himself to the great annoyance of many people. For there
was neither assembly of Senate nor people nor court of justice in which
a man had not to hear Catilina talked of and Lentulus. Finally, he
filled his books and writings with his own praises, and though his
oratory was most agreeable and had the greatest charm, he made it
wearisome and odious to the hearers by his unseemly habit, which stuck
to him like a fatality. However, though he had such unmingled ambition,
he was far removed from envying others, for he was most bountiful in his
praises of those before him and those of his own time, as we may see
from his writings. There are also many sayings of his recorded; for
instance, he said of Aristotle, that he was a river of flowing gold, and
of the dialogues of Plato, that Jupiter, if it were his nature to use
language, would speak like him. Theophrastus he was used to call his own
special luxury. Being asked about the speeches of Demosthenes,[200]
which he thought the best, he answered, the longest. Yet some of those
who pretend to be imitators of Demosthenes, dwell on an expression of
Cicero, which is used in a letter to one of his friends, that
Demosthenes sometimes nodded in his speeches; but the great and
admirable praise which he often bestows on the man, and that he entitled
his own orations on which he bestowed most labour, those against
Antonius, Philippics, they say nothing about. Of the men of his own time
who gained a reputation for eloquence and learning, there is not one
whose reputation he did not increase either by speaking or writing in
favourable terms of him. When Cæsar was in power he obtained from him
the Roman citizenship for Kratippus[201] the Peripatetic, and he
prevailed on the Areopagus to pass a vote and to request him to stay in
Athens and instruct the young, as being an ornament to the city. There
are letters from Cicero to Herodes,[202] and others to his son, in which
he exhorts to the study of philosophy under Kratippus. He charged
Gorgias[203] the rhetorician with leading the young man to pleasure and
drinking, and banished him from his society. This and a letter to Pelops
of Byzantium are almost the only Greek letters of his which are written
with any passion, in which he properly rebukes Gorgias, if he was
worthless and intemperate, as he was considered to be; but his letter to
Pelops is in a mean and complaining tone, and charges Pelops with having
neglected to procure for him certain honours and public testimonials
from the Byzantines.
XXV. All this proceeded from his ambition, and also the circumstance
that he was often carried away by the impetuosity of his oratory to
disregard propriety. He once spoke in favour of Munatius,[204] who after
being acquitted prosecuted Sabinus, a friend of Cicero, who is said to
have been so transported with passion as to say, "Do you suppose,
Munatius, that you were acquitted on your trial for your own merits, and
not because I spread much darkness over the court when there was light?"
He gained applause by a panegyric on Marcus Crassus from the Rostra, and
a few days after he abused him, on which Crassus observed, "Did you not
lately praise me in the same place?" to which Cicero replied, "Yes, for
practice sake, exercising my eloquence on a mean subject." Crassus
having remarked on one occasion that none of the Crassi had lived in
Rome to be more than sixty years of age, and afterwards denying that he
had said so, and observing, What could have led him to say this? Cicero
replied, "You know that the Romans would be glad to hear it and so you
wished to get their favour." When Crassus observed that he liked the
Stoics, because they proved that the good man was rich,[205] "Consider,"
said Cicero, "if they do not rather prove that the wise man possesses
everything." Now Crassus was charged with being fond of money. One of
the sons of Crassus who was considered to resemble a certain Axius, and
so to attach ill fame to his mother in respect to Axius, had made a
speech in the Senate with applause, and Cicero being asked what he
thought of him said, He is Axius Crassus.[206]
XXVI. When Crassus[207] was about to set out for Syria, he wished Cicero
to be his friend rather than his enemy, and he said in a friendly manner
that he wished to sup with him, and Cicero received him readily. A few
days after when some of his friends spoke with him about Vatinius, and
said that Vatinius sought a recollection and to be on good terms with
him, for he was then at enmity with Cicero. "Surely," said Cicero,
"Vatinius too does not want to sup with me." Such was his behaviour to
Crassus. As to Vatinius, who had tumours in his neck, and was on one
occasion pleading a cause, Cicero called him a tumid orator. Hearing
that Vatinius was dead, and being shortly after certainly informed that
he was still living, "Ill betide the man," said he, "who lied so ill."
Many of the senators were dissatisfied with Cæsar's carrying a measure
for the distribution of the land in Campania among the soldiers, and
Lucius Gellius,[208] who was also one of the oldest of them, said, that
it should never take place while he lived. "Let us wait," said Cicero,
"for Gellius asks for no long delay." There was a certain Octavius[209]
who had the ill-repute of being a native of Libya, and on the occasion
of a certain trial he said that he could not hear Cicero. "And yet,"
said Cicero, "your ear is not without a hole in it." Metellus Nepos
observing that Cicero by giving testimony against persons had caused
more to be condemned than he had caused to be acquitted by undertaking
their cause, "Well," said he, "I admit that I have more credit than
eloquence." A certain youth who was charged with giving poison to his
father in a cake, spoke with great confidence, and said that he would
abuse Cicero; "I would rather have this from you," said Cicero, "than a
cake." Publius Sextius[210] had Cicero with others as his advocate in a
cause, but he chose to say everything himself and would let nobody else
speak, and when it was plain that he would be acquitted and the judices
were giving their votes, Cicero said, "Make the most of your opportunity
to-day, for to-morrow you will be a mere nobody." One Publius
Consta,[211] who set up for a lawyer, but was an ignorant and stupid
fellow, was called as a witness by Cicero on a trial. On Consta saying
that he knew nothing, "Perhaps," said Cicero, "you suppose that you are
asked about legal matters." Metellus Nepos during a dispute with Cicero
often repeated, "Who is your father?" on which Cicero said, "As for
yourself, your mother has made this answer rather difficult for you."
Now the mother of Nepos was considered to be an unchaste woman, and
himself a fickle kind of man. On one occasion he suddenly deserted his
office of tribune and sailed off to join Pompeius[212] in Syria, whence
he returned with just as little reason. Nepos had buried his teacher
Philagrus with more than usual respect, and set upon his tomb a raven of
stone: "In this," said Cicero, "you have acted wiser than your wont, for
he taught you to fly rather than to speak." Marcus Appius in a certain
trial prefaced his speech with saying that his friend had prayed him to
exhibit vigilance and judgment and fidelity: "Are you then," said
Cicero, "so iron-hearted as to exhibit not one of such great qualities
as your friend prayed you to do?"
XXVII. Now the use of bitterish taunts against enemies or opposing
advocates may be considered as belonging to the orator's business; but
the attacking of any persons whom he fell in with, for the purpose of
making them ridiculous, brought great odium upon him. I will record a
few instances of this also. He called Marcus Aquinius,[213]
Adrastus,[214] because he had two sons-in-law who were in exile. Lucius
Cotta,[215] who held the office of censor, was very fond of wine, and it
happened that Cicero during his canvass for the consulship was athirst,
and as his friends stood around him while he was drinking, "You have
good reason to be afraid," said he, "lest the censor should deal harshly
with me for drinking water." Meeting Voconius,[216] who was conducting
three very ugly daughters, he said aloud:
"'Gainst Phoebus' will his children he begat."
Marcus Gellius,[217] who was supposed not to be the son of free parents,
was once reading some letters to the Senate with a clear and loud voice,
when Cicero said, "Don't be surprised; he too is one of those who have
practised their voices." When Faustus,[218] the son of Sulla who had
been dictator in Rome and proscribed many to the death, having got into
debt and squandered most of his substance, advertised his household
stuff for sale, Cicero said that he liked this proscription better than
his father's.
XXVIII.[219] He thus became odious to many, and the partizans of Clodius
combined against him on the following occasion. Clodius was a man of
noble birth, young in years, but bold and impudent in his designs. Being
in love with Pompeia, Cæsar's wife, he got into his house secretly by
assuming the dress and the guise of a lute-player; for the women were
celebrating in Cæsar's house those mysterious rites which the men were
not allowed to see; and as there was no man there, Clodius being still a
youth and not yet bearded hoped to slip through to Pompeia with the
women. But as it was night when he got into a large house, he was
perplexed by the passages; and as he was rambling about a female slave
of Aurelia, Cæsar's mother, saw him and asked him his name. Being
compelled to speak, he said that he was looking for a servant of
Pompeia, named Abra, but the woman perceiving that it was not a female
voice cried out and called the women together. They shut the doors and
searching every place found Clodius, who had hid himself in the chamber
of the girl with whom he came into the house. The affair being noised
abroad Cæsar put away Pompeia, and a prosecution[220] for an offence
against religion was instituted against Clodius.
XXIX. Now Cicero was a friend of Clodius, and in the affair of Catilina
found him a most zealous assistant and guardian of his person; but as
Clodius in answer to the charge relied on not having been in Rome at the
time, and maintained that he was staying in places at a very great
distance, Cicero bore testimony that Clodius had come to his house[221]
and spoken with him on certain matters; which was true. However people
did not suppose that Cicero gave his testimony from regard to truth, but
by way of justifying himself to his wife Terentia.[222] For Terentia had
a grudge against Clodius on account of his sister Clodia, who was
supposed to wish to marry Cicero, and to be contriving this by the aid
of one Tullus, who was one of the nearest companions and intimates of
Cicero, and as Tullus was going to Clodia, who lived near, and paying
attention to her, he excited suspicion in Terentia. Now as Terentia was
of a sour temper and governed Cicero, she urged him to join in the
attack on Clodius and to give testimony against him. Many men also of
the highest character charged Clodius by their testimony with perjury,
disorderly conduct, bribing of the masses, and debauching of women.
Lucullus also produced female slaves to testify that Clodius had sexual
commerce with his youngest sister when she was the wife of Lucullus.
There was also a general opinion that Clodius debauched his other two
sisters, of whom Marcius Rex had Terentia and Metellus Celer had Clodia
to wife, who was called Quadrantaria, because one of her lovers put
copper coins for her in a purse pretending they were silver and sent
them to her; now the smallest copper coin the Romans called Quadrans. It
was with regard to this sister that Clodius was most suspected. However
as the people on that occasion set themselves against those who bore
testimony and combined against Clodius, the judices being afraid
procured a guard for their protection, and most of them gave in their
tablets with the writing on them confused.[223] It turned out that those
who were for acquitting him were the majority, and some bribery was also
said to have been used. This led Catulus to say when he met the judices,
"Indeed you did ask for a guard to protect you, for you were afraid that
some one should take your money from you." Upon Clodius saying to Cicero
that his evidence had no credit with the judices, Cicero replied,
"However, five-and-twenty[224] of the judices gave me credit, for so
many of them voted against you; but thirty of them gave you no credit,
for they did not vote for your acquittal till they had received their
money." Cæsar, however, when called, gave no evidence against Clodius,
and he denied that he had convicted his wife of adultery, but that he
had put her away, because Cæsar's wife ought not only to be free from a
shameful act, but even the report of it.
XXX. Clodius,[225] having escaped the danger, as soon as he was elected
tribune commenced his attack on Cicero, drawing together and agitating
against him every thing and all persons. For he gained the favour of the
people by popular laws, and caused great provinces to be assigned to
each of the consuls, Macedonia to Piso and Syria to Gabinius, and he
contrived to associate many of the poor citizens in his designs and kept
armed slaves about him. Of the three men who then had the chief power,
Crassus was openly at enmity with Cicero, and Pompeius was playing an
affected part towards both; and as Cæsar was about to march into
Gaul[226] with his army, Cicero paying court to him, though he was not
his friend, but an object of suspicion owing to the affair of Catilina,
asked to accompany him as a legatus. Cæsar accepted the proposal, but
Clodius, seeing that Cicero was escaping from his tribunitian power,
pretended to be disposed to come to terms with him, and by laying most
blame on Terentia, and always speaking of Cicero in moderate terms and
using words which imported a favourable disposition, as a man who had no
hatred or ill feeling towards him, but had certain reasonable grounds of
complaint to be urged in a friendly way, he completely stopped Cicero's
fears, so that he declined a legation under Cæsar and again applied
himself to public affairs. At which Cæsar, being irritated, encouraged
Clodius against Cicero, and completely alienated Pompeius from him, and
he himself declared before the people that he did not consider it right
or lawful for men to be put to death without trial, like Lentulus and
Cethegus. For this was the charge, and to this Cicero was called to
answer. Being therefore in danger and under prosecution he changed his
dress and with his hair unshorn went about supplicating the people. But
Clodius met him everywhere in the streets with violent and audacious
men about him, who, with many insolent jeers at Cicero's reverse and
attire, and after pelting him with mud and stones, hindered his
suppliant applications.
XXXI. However at first nearly all the body of equites changed their
dress when Cicero did, and not less than twenty thousand young men
accompanied him with their hair uncut and joined in his suppliant
entreaties. When the Senate had met in order to pass a vote that the
people should change their dress as a public calamity,[227] and the
consuls opposed it, and Clodius was in arms about the Senate-house, no
small number of the senators ran out tearing their clothes and calling
aloud. But as this sight neither procured respect nor pity, and Cicero
must either go into exile or try force and the sword against Clodius, he
entreated Pompeius to aid him, who had purposely gone out of the way and
was staying on his estate at the Alban hills. And first he sent his
son-in-law Piso[228] to entreat for him, and then he went himself.
Pompeius hearing of his coming did not wait to see him, for he had a
strong feeling of shame towards a man who had made great efforts on his
behalf, and had carried many public measures to please him, but as he
was Cæsar's son-in-law, he gave up old obligations at his request, and
slipping out by a different door evaded meeting with Cicero. Cicero
being thus betrayed by him and left deserted, fled for refuge to the
consuls. Gabinius still maintained his hostility, but Piso spoke[229]
more kindly, and advised him to go out of the way and to yield to the
impetuosity of Clodius and to submit to the change in circumstances, and
again to be the saviour of his country, which was involved in civil
commotion and misfortune through Clodius. Having got this answer Cicero
consulted with his friends, of whom Lucullus advised him to stay and
said that he would gain the superiority; but others advised him to fly,
inasmuch as the people would soon long for him when they were satiated
with the madness and desperation of Clodius. This was Cicero's own
judgment; and he carried to the Capitol the statue of Athene,[230] which
for a long time had stood in his house, and to which he paid especial
honour, and dedicated it with the inscription, "To Athene the guardian
of Rome;" and receiving from his friends persons to conduct him safely,
he left the city about midnight and went by land through Lucania,
designing to stay in Sicily.
XXXII. When it was known that he had fled, Clodius put to the vote the
question of his banishment, and issued an edict to exclude him from fire
and water, and that no one should furnish him with a shelter within five
hundred miles[231] of Italy. Now others paid not the slightest regard to
the edict, for they respected Cicero, and showed him all manner of
kindness and set him on his way: but in Hipponium, a city of Lucania,
which the Romans call Vibo,[232] Vibius, a Sicilian, who had derived
many advantages from Cicero's friendship and had been præfect of the
Fabri during his consulship, would not receive Cicero in his house, but
sent him word that he would assign him a spot of ground; and Caius
Vergilius,[233] the prætor of Sicily, who had been most intimate with
Cicero, wrote to tell him to keep away from Sicily. Whereat desponding
he set out for Brundusium, and thence attempted to pass over to
Dyrrachium[234] with a fair wind; but as it began to blow against him
when he was out at sea, he came back the day after, and again set sail.
It is said that when he had reached Dyrrachium and was going to land,
there was a shaking of the earth and a violent motion in the sea at the
same time; from which the diviners prognosticated that his flight would
not be lasting, for these were signs of change. And though many men
visited him from good will and the Greek cities vied in sending
deputations to him, yet he passed his time in despondency[235] and
exceeding grief, for the most part looking to Italy, like those who are
desperately in love, and in his bearing became very mean and humbled by
reason of his calamity, and so downcast as no one would have expected
from a man who had spent his life in such philosophical pursuits. And
yet he often asked his friends to call him not an orator, but a
philosopher,[236] for he said that he had chosen philosophy as his
occupation, but that he employed oratory as an instrument for his
purposes in his public life. But opinion is powerful to wash out reason
from the mind as if it were dye, and to imprint the affects of the
many[237] by the force of intercourse and familiarity on those who
engage in public life, unless a man be strictly on his guard and come in
contact with things external in such wise as to have communion with the
things themselves, not with the affects towards the things.