CHAPTER V. THE ITALIAN TOUR.

THE Archbishop could not but feel flattered at the accomplishments of

the young Salzburger, and he endeavoured, as far as lay in his power,

to complete the partial success of the visit to Vienna by ordering a

performance of Wolfgang's opera in Salzburg, notwithstanding that it was

"an opera buffa,

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requiring performers of a buffo character." The programme, recovered by

Köchel[1] gives the following [See Page Image] [2]cast:--

The performance must have taken place on the fête-day of the Archbishop

or some similar festive occasion, and upon a stage specially erected in

the archiepiscopal palace.

{SALZBURG--MASS IN D MINOR.}

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1748, "La Clemenza di Tito" was given by the Signori Paggi di Corte, who

played even the female parts, or of the chapel.

It was the custom on such occasions at the close of the performance to

address the person in whose honour it was given, generally in the form

of an air with recitative, concluding with a chorus; this peroration,

which had no connection with the body of the opera, was called

_licenza_) Two such, composed by Wolfgang for Archbishop Sigismund,

are still preserved; a tenor air (36 K.) and a soprano air (70 K.), both

with long recitatives, giving testimony to increasing dexterity in the

treatment of form.

The performance of the opera was followed on the side of the Archbishop

by the announcement of Wolfgang's appointment as Concertmeister, and he

was accordingly so entered in the Court Calendar of 1770.

The greater part of the year 1769 was spent quietly at Salzburg in

studies of which we know but little. The only compositions which can

certainly be ascribed to this year are seven minuets for two violins and

bass, composed January 26, 1769,[3] and two masses; they are all of the

nature of studies. The first of the masses, in D minor, dated January

14, 1769 (65 K.), noteworthy on account of the minor key, is a missa

brevis, and keeps strictly to that form, both in choruses and solos; in

the Credo the words "Genitum, non factum--consubstantialem Patri--per

quem omnia facta sunt," are distributed to three voices, and sung

together. The different phrases, though well formed, have a certain

abruptness, showing that the skill to continue and develop the

suggestions of the mind was still wanting. But the ordering of the

details and the counterpoint are both excellent, and bear many marks of

originality.

As an example the fugue--

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is unusual, but has a striking effect in this place. Mozart evidently

enters more into the spirit of his work as the mass proceeds, and

gives his impulses freer play. The Benedic-tus apparently gave him some

trouble. First, it was written for all four voices, then for soprano

solo, and lastly as a duet for soprano and alto, this last arrangement

being twice elaborated. The alterations in the details show how precise

he was in this work. [See Page Image]

The beginning of the Dona--

Do - na, do - na no - bis

{PATER DOMINICUS MASS.}

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promises well, but fails to maintain the same level to the end. [See

Page Image]

The second mass, in C major (66 K.), the "Pater Domini-cus Mass," was

composed in October, 1769, on the occasion of the first celebration of

mass by Hagenauer's son, whose entrance into a monastery had formerly

caused Wolfgang to shed tears (p. 50).[4] The young composer put forth

all his powers to produce a truly grand and brilliant festival mass.

Every part is well conceived and worked out, and considerable progress

is observable in the mechanical details of the whole. The subjects

are more important, and the passages for the violins, which are very

prominent, have more distinct character; the different parts, too, have

freer play. But it is at the same time to be noted that the substance of

the work is not yet on a level with its broader scheme. A succession of

independent solos, which evidently served as the special embellishment

of the mass, show a considerable effort to avoid a light operatic tone,

and to combine dignity with easy and attractive grace.

Mozart's unequalled talent for pure and noble melody is as discernible

here as elsewhere, though it is crippled by a certain amount of

confusion of ideas. Curiously enough the Benedictus, a solo quartet, is

accompanied only by the first violin, which plays round the voices with

a continuous running passage. There is a good effect in the Dona nobis,

where the chorus answers the short solo phrases--

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with changes of lead and harmony. [See Page Image]

This mass serves as a proof that L. Mozart did not confine himself to

educating his son as an operatic composer, but that he made him pass

through a course of severe study in every branch of his art, with the

just conviction that his genius, when fully trained and developed, would

mark out a line for itself.

L. Mozart's intention of taking Wolfgang to Italy remained firm as ever,

and he considered their stay in Vienna as the first step towards its

accomplishment. At that time, Italy was to musicians what she now is

to painters and sculptors; a residence there was necessary to give the

finishing touches to their education, and _éclat_ to their reputation.

Music in Italy was not only an art universally diffused and esteemed, it

was _the_ Art _par excellence_. All classes shared the insatiable desire

for music everywhere--in the churches, the theatres, the streets, and

their own homes; and the delicate appreciation and enthusiasm for what

was excellent were increased by practice and education. So in Italy

a national tradition for production as well as for taste had been

gradually formed, a sort of musical climate, in which artists found

it easy to breathe. They knew that they might rely confidently on the

appreciation of the public, whose attention and intelligence urged

them to fresh efforts, while rewarding each success with sympathetic

applause.

Opera and church music were almost in equal favour, and afforded mutual

support to each other. It was accordant with the brilliancy of royal

courts and rich cities to give operatic performances either at Carnival

time or on special festive occasions; no expense was spared to

engage the most famous singers, male and female, and for every season

(_stagione_) new operas were written, if possible by famous and

favourite composers. Again, the dignity of the Church required, at least

on great holy days, that the musical part of the worship should be grand

and imposing; and the more

{MUSIC IN ITALY.}

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richly endowed churches and monasteries were quite able to rival the

theatres. There was on every side a steady demand for musical production

and execution, which offered abundant opportunity for the exercise of

every kind of talent.

The musical education of youth was principally intrusted to the Church.

Monasteries and religious institutions were careful to train the musical

strength, which was later to be at their disposal; special

institutions were founded, which were in part the origin of the future

Conservatoires, whose mission it was to train their scholars as

singers, instrumentalists, or composers, and in every case as thoroughly

cultivated musicians. In Venice there were four such foundations in

which boys, and more especially girls, received musical instruction,

preparatory to devoting themselves to the service of the Church: the

Ospidale della Pietà, intended for foundlings; Ospedaletto, where

Sacchini was kapellmeister at this time; Gli Mendicanti, and Gli

Incurabili, then under Galuppi's direction.[5] In Naples were similar

establishments, De Poveridi Gesù-Christo; Della Pietà de' Turchini; S.

Onofrio; Loretto. Though all were originally intended as nurseries

for church music, yet they were of almost equal service to music of a

secular nature; indeed, the most highly gifted among the scholars were

likely to prefer the more brilliant and profitable career of the opera

stage. But the separation was never complete; operatic composers for

the most part worked also for the churches, where opera singers and

even professional instrumentalists were often heard. Ecclesiastics,

too, practised music in various branches, often with zeal and success.

Although this union of musical forces, through the overpowering

influence of the opera, worked in time prejudicially on the dignity and

purity of church music, yet there can be no doubt of its good effect on

the study of form and musical science. The result was all the greater,

since the almost instinctive steadfastness of the national taste

preserved musicians from aberrations which are only to be checked by

rigid limitations as to style and form. An art so formed,

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with so one-sided a cultivation, must of course die out in the end; but

the extraordinary accomplishments of numerous Italian masters cannot

fail to impress us with admiration of the share which Italian music,

in its fulness of life and activity, had in producing a true musical

atmosphere. It was indeed, this firm foundation of scientific knowledge

which made possible a liberation of music from its confined Italian

limits without abandoning the laws of artistic formation.

Under these circumstances Italy enjoyed undisputed and unlimited

sovereignty in all matters relating to music. Spain and England

acknowledged it almost without reserve; in France, where the impulse

proceeding originally from Italy, had been modified by national

characteristics, the influence of Italy was now beginning to reassert

itself. In Germany alone, the works of great masters (we need only

remind our readers of the Bach family as representatives of German

church music; of Keiser, the creator of German opera in Hamburg) bore

witness to an independent development of music. Even here it was not as

"German as the German oaks," and bore many traces of Italian or French

influences; but the comprehension and cultivation of form, the substance

and spirit of the music, are purely German. This German music, however,

was principally confined to Protestant North Germany; it was nourished

by no favour from the great, and the colder artistic mind of North

Germany hindered it from attaining the popularity which was enjoyed

by music in Italy. At all the German courts, Protestant as well as

Catholic, the opera was Italian; the Catholic church music was under the

exclusive sway of Italian composers; all singers, male and female, were

either born or educated in Italy, and so, for the most part, were the

instrumentalists, although it was in instrumental music that Germany

first challenged the supremacy of Italy.

The curious attraction of Germans to Italy, which has existed in all

ages under different manifestations, must have worked with peculiar

power on musicians.[6] The German

{LEOPOLD' MOZART'S HOPES.}

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composers of the last century (with the exception of the North German

Protestant church composers) all studied and laid the foundation of

their fame in Italy, even those who, like Handel and Gluck, possessed

original power enough to enable them later to strike out a path for

themselves.[7]

It may be said that, in this sense, Mozart's pilgrimage to Rome was the

last of its kind; to him it was accorded, not, only to attain to the

highest aim of Italian opera but to break the bonds of nationality, by

lending depth and substance to the Italian perfection of form, while,

with the wealth of knowledge acquired in Italy, he furnished artistic

form and expression to the national opera of Germany.

In taking his son to Italy, L. Mozart had a twofold end in view.

Wolfgang was not so much to continue his scholastic training (that he

could have done at home) as to emerge from a narrow provincial existence

into the great world of art, and by extended experiences to gain the

refined taste of a cultivated man of the world. He was also to gain

fresh laurels, and to prepare the way for a prosperous and glorious

future. L. Mozart expected from the excitable Italians special interest

and applause on account of Wolfgang's youth; and in this he was

not disappointed. But he soon found that no pecuniary gain was to be

expected from this journey, since all concerts (_accademie_) were given

by exclusive companies, or by a public institute without entrance money;

so that the artist could count on no receipts but a voluntary fee from

the _entrepreneur_, which was not usually large. Soon after his arrival

in Italy L. Mozart remarks to his wife, a remark often repeated, that

although not rich he has "always a little more than is absolutely

necessary"; and so bearing his main object in view, he is quite content.

{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}

(106)

Considering the constant fulfilment of duty as the most important factor

in education, he insisted on Wolfgang's continuing his regular studies

during their journey. A long list of compositions, partly suggested by

passing events, partly set studies, bear witness to this. Wolfgang,

who was very fond of arithmetic (p. 22), asks his sister to send his

arithmetic book after him, so that he may go on with his sums. In Rome

he had a present of an Italian translation of the "Arabian Nights,"

which amused him very much. Soon after we find him reading "Telemachus."

L. Mozart was too well informed himself to look upon this journey as

instructive merely from a musical point of view. His letters show

that he took interest in politics and social life, in nature, art, and

antiquity; he sends home long descriptions of the journey, which are

to serve as preliminaries to future conversations over the books and

engravings he is collecting. Wolfgang evinced the same fresh interest in

everything he saw, and offered no opposition to the care his father

took of his health. "You know that he can be moderate," writes L. Mozart

(February 17,1770), and I can assure you that I have never seen him so

careful of his health as in this country. He leaves alone all that he

does not think good for him, and many days he eats but little; yet he

is always fat and well, and merry and happy the whole day long. And from

Rome he writes (April 14, 1770), that Wolfgang "takes as much care of

his health as if he were a grown man."

Neither the honours with which he was everywhere overwhelmed, nor

his performances as a musician, had any effect in spoiling the

unsophisticated nature of the boy; he was always bright and animated,

full of jokes and merry absurdities, and retaining a strong attachment

to home and the home circle amid all the distractions of the journey. In

his letters to his sister, he falls into a ludicrous jargon, composed of

any number of different languages, and of childish jokes and teasings,

after the manner of brothers and sisters who have grown up together and

are under no sort of restraint in their intercourse.

But whenever the subject is connected with music, through all the joking

tone can be traced a lively interest and a

{INSPRUCK--ROVEREDO, 1770.}

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decided and impartial judgment; and the whole tone of his letters

breathes hearty sympathy and amiability. Fortunate circumstances and a

sensible education had combined with the happiest result; and there can

be no doubt that the concentration of Mozart's early training on one

object had the indirect effect of keeping at a safe distance much that

might have been hurtful to his disposition.

The father and son left Salzburg at the beginning of December, 1769.[8]

Many threads of personal recommendation stretched thence into the Tyrol

and upper Italy, partly from mercantile connections, partly through the

noble families belonging to the Cathedral Chapter, and the travellers

had introductions which gained them admittance into widely different

circles. Their first stay was at Inspruck, where they were well received

by Count Spaur, brother to the Salzburg Capitular. On December 14, at

a concert given by the nobility at the house of Count Künigl, Wolfgang

played a concerto at sight, which had been put before him as a test of

his skill; at the close he was presented with it, and twelve ducats

in addition. The Inspruck newspaper testified (December 18) that "Herr

Wolfgang Mozart, whose extraordinary musical attainments have made him

famous alike in the imperial court, in England, France, Holland, and

throughout the Holy Roman Empire," had given in this performance the

most convincing proofs of his marvellous skill. "This youthful musician,

who is just thirteen years old, has added fresh brilliancy to his

fame, and has commanded the unanimous approbation of all musical

connoisseurs."

As soon as they entered Italy the marks of honour with which the young

artist was received became more animated and enthusiastic. At Roveredo

the nobles arranged a concert at the house of Baron Todeschi, who

had known Mozart at Vienna. "There is no need to say how Wolfgang is

received," writes his father. When he wanted to play the organ at the

principal church, the report of it spread through

{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}

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the town, and the church was so full that it took two strong men to

clear the way to the choir, and then it was a quarter of an hour before

they could get to the organ, they were so besieged by the audience.

The enthusiasm in Verona was still greater. As there was an opera every

evening, a week elapsed before a concert could be arranged; but in the

meantime invitations poured in from the Marchese Carlotti, Count Giusti

del Giardino, Locatelli, &c.

Wolfgang performed a symphony of his own composition before a select

assembly of connoisseurs, besides playing difficult pieces at sight, and

composing a song to some dictated words, which he afterwards sang. The

scene at Roveredo was repeated when he went to play the organ at St.

Thomas's Church. The press was so great that they were obliged to get

into the church through the monastery, and even then they could hardly

have reached the organ had not the monks formed a ring round them, and

so made a way through the crowd. "When it was over, the noise was still

greater, for every one wanted to see the little organist."

Newspapers and poets vied with each other in extolling the marvellous

apparition. The Receiver-General, Pietro Lugiati, chief among

intellectual dilettanti, caused a life-size portrait of Wolfgang at

the clavier to be painted in oils, and acquainted his mother with this

honour in a long letter which contained warm expressions of admiration

for the "raro e portentoso giovane."[9]

On January 10 they entered Mantua well and hearty in spite of the cold;

but Wolfgangerl looked, his father said, owing to the fresh air and

the heat of the stove, "as if he had gone through a campaign, a sort of

reddish brown, particularly round the eyes and mouth, something like

his Majesty the Emperor." Here too, they were warmly received by all the

distinguished dilettanti of the place; Signora Bettinelli in especial

lavished all a mother's care on

{PROGRAMME OF CONCERT AT MANTUA, 1770.}

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the boy, and wept at parting from him. A Signora Sartoretti invited

them to dine with her, and sent by her servants a vase with a beautiful

bouquet tied with red ribbon, and in the middle of the ribbon a piece of

four ducats folded in a poem addressed by the Signora to Wolfgang.

On January 16, the concert of the Philharmonic Society was given

in their capital hall, Wolfgang being the principal performer. The

programme, which we append, gives some idea of Wolfgang's performances

in Italy.

Serie delle composizione musicali da eseguirsi nell' accademia pubblica

filarmonica di Mantova la sera del di 16 del corrente Gennajo, 1770.

In occasione della venuta del espertissimo giovanetto

Sign. Amadeo Mozart.

1. Sinfonia di composizione del Sign. Amadeo.

2. Concerto di Gravecembalo esibitogli e da lui eseguito all im

prowiso.

3. Aria d'un Professore.

4. Sonata di Cembalo all improwiso eseguita dal giovine con variazioni

analoghe d'invenzione sua e replicata poi in tuono diverso da quello in

cui è scritta.

5. Concerto di Violino d'un Professore.

6. Aria composta e cantata nell' atto stesso dal Sign. Amadeo all'

improwiso, co' debiti accompagnamenti eseguiti sul Cembalo, sopra parole

fatte espressamente; ma da lui non vedute in prima.

7. Altra sonata di Cembalo, composta insieme ed eseguita dal medesimo

sopra un motivo musicale propostogli improwissamente dal primo Violino.

8. Aria d'un Professore.

9. Concerto d'Oboè d'un Professore.

10. Fuga musicale, composta ed eseguita dal. Sign. Amadeo gul Cembalo;

e condotta a compiuto termine secondo le leggi del contrappunto, sopra

un semplice tema per la medesima presentatogli all' im-prowiso.

11. Sinfonia dal medesimo, concertata con tutte le parte sul Cembalo

sopra una sola parte di Violino postagli dinanzi improwisamente.

12. Duetto di Professori.

13. Trio in cui il Sign. Amadeo ne suonerà col Violino una parte all

improwiso.

14. Sinfonia ultima di composizione del Suddetto.

{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}

(110)

The result was brilliant, the applause indescribable, and, according to

a newspaper account, the musicians in Mantua were unanimous in declaring

that this youth was born to surpass the most accomplished masters of the

art.

This notice and others dwell chiefly on the precocious performances of

the youthful prodigy. But wonderful as were Wolfgang's accomplishments

as a clavier-player, violinist, and vocalist, they were thrown into the

shade by his talents as a composer. Even in his public performances the

prominence given to improvisation is remarkable, and the readiness

with which he adapted the most varied subjects, always fulfilling the

conditions of musical art, presupposes not only great liveliness of

imagination, but a perfect mastery of mechanical form. In estimating

Mozart's early acquirements, the most impressive fact to be noticed is

the absence of any exaggeration of feeling or over-cultivation; all is

natural and unstrained. His talent was no forced exotic, which springs

up quickly and as quickly withers away; it was a plant of healthy

growth, coming gradually to maturity; and the mechanical skill acquired

in youth was the best foundation for the free creative power of manhood.

Father and son arrived at Milan before the end of January, and found a

safe and comfortable lodging in the Augustine monastery of San Marco. A

lay brother was appointed to wait on them, even to the warming of their

beds, which attention caused Wolfgang to be "delighted when bedtime

came." Their warm friend and patron was the Governor-General, Count Carl

Joseph von Firmian (b. 1716). He had been partly educated at Salzburg

(where his elder brother Joh. Bapt. Anton was Archbishop until 1740),

and had there founded a literary society, whose earnest endeavours after

a freer method of scientific inquiry had led to many hard struggles with

authority.[10] He afterwards studied at Leyden, and acquired cultivation

and taste by frequent travels in France and Italy. As Ambassador at

Naples, he won the heart of Winckelmann, who speaks of

{MILAN, 1770.}

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him as one of the greatest, wisest, most humane, and most learned men of

his time and country.[11] Count Firmian was appointed Govemor-General

of Lombardy in 1759, and spared no efforts to promote the material

well-being as well as the intellectual and artistic improvement of his

province.

Like Münchhausen,[12] he was not only a patron, but an accomplished

judge of science and of the arts, and his support and hospitality were

freely bestowed on artists and scholars. The Mozarts found a ready

sympathiser in him, and his introduction to families of rank obtained

for them all the pleasures of the Carnival; they were invited to balls

and masquerades, and were obliged to follow the fashion, and order

dominos and _bajuti_ (caps, which covered the face to the chin and fell

back over the shoulders).[13] L. Mozart thought they were exceedingly

becoming to Wolfgang, but shook his head over his own "playing the fool

in his old age," and consoled himself with the thought that the things

"could be used for linings afterwards."

At the opera, where they were often present, they made the acquaintance

of the Maestro Piccinni, who was producing his "Cesare in Egitto."

Wolfgang's performances at a public concert excited here as elsewhere

the wondering admiration of artists and amateurs. "It is the same

in this place as in others," writes L. Mozart, "I need not

particularise."[14] The friendship which Wolfgang struck up with two

clever young singers, of fourteen and fifteen years old, led to his

composing for them two Latin motetts.

But Count Firmian imposed a severer task on the young musician. He gave

a brilliant soirée at his Palace, graced by the presence of the Duke of

Modena and his daughter, and the Cardinal Archbishop of Milan. Wolfgang

was commissioned to prepare for this soirée three songs to Metastasio's

words as a proof of his power to produce serious dramatic music.

{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}

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The principal piece was a grand aria with an accompanied recitative from

"Demofoonte," the celebrated and often-composed "Misero pargoletto"

(77 K.). The recitative is very elaborate, in high tragic style; its

forcible character is rendered chiefly by the orchestra.

The air consists of an Adagio with a Poco allegro interposed in the

same tone throughout. The two other songs (78, 79 K.) from Metastasio's

"Artaserse," "Per pietà bel idol mio" and "Per quel paterne amplesso,"

have each only one movement; the last song has a short introductory

recitative. In the two latter songs the simple Cantabile is embellished

by bravura passages, which are wanting altogether in the first. They

are all written for a soprano voice,[15] and stood the test as

representative of the dramatic song of the time. Count Firmian presented

Wolfgang with a snuff-box and 20 gigliati,[16] together with a copy of

Metastasio's works. But the most important result of this soirée, and of

their stay in Milan, was that Wolfgang was commissioned to write the new

opera for the next season; the first singers--Gabrielli, with her sister

and Ettore--were to be engaged for it, and the remuneration was fixed at

100 gigliati and free quarters in Milan during their stay. The libretto

was to be sent after them, so that Wolfgang might make himself familiar

with it, the recitative was to be forwarded to Milan in October, and the

composer to be there himself at the beginning of November, to complete

the opera in the neighbourhood of the singers, and to rehearse it

for production at Christmas. These conditions were both agreeable and

convenient, as they did not interfere with the journey through Italy,

and allowed Wolfgang ample time to complete the opera quietly.

Mozart's first quartet was composed on the way from Milan to Parma, and

dated Lodi, March 15, 7 o'clock in the evening (80 K.). At Parma the

celebrated singer Lucrezia Agujari, called "la Bastardella," invited

them to sup with her, and sang so as to justify the reports they had

heard of

{"LA BASTARDELLA"--BOLOGNA, 1770.}

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her execution and the fabulous compass of her voice. "I could not have

believed that she could sing to C in altissimo," writes L. Mozart, "had

I not heard it with my own ears. The passages which Wolfgang has written

were in her song, and she sang them somewhat softer than the deeper

notes, but as clearly as an octave pipe in an organ. In fact, the trills

and all were note for note just as Wolfgang has written them down.

Besides this she has good alto notes, as low as G. She is not handsome,

but certainly not ugly; has a wild look in her eyes at times, like

people who are subject to fits, and she limps with one leg. She has

always conducted herself well, and has therefore a good name and

reputation."

On March 24 they arrived at Bologna. Here they were received by Field

Marshal Count Pallavicini in a way that reminded them of Count Firmian.

"They are two noblemen," writes L. Mozart, "who possess identical tastes

and modes of thought, and are equally amiable, generous, and dignified."

The Count arranged a brilliant concert in his own house, attended by

150 persons of the high nobility, among them the Cardinal Legate Antonio

Colonna Branci-forte, and the chief of connoisseurs--Padre Martini.

The company assembled at 8 o'clock, and did not disperse until near

midnight.

L.. Mozart considered that Wolfgang made a greater effect in Bologna

than elsewhere, that city being the seat of so many artists and learned

men. Here they met the celebrated Spagnoletta (Gius. Useda), from Milan,

the kapellmeister, Vincenzo Manfredini, known also as an author, who had

visited them at Salzburg, on his journey from St. Petersburg in 1769,

and the famous alto, Gius. Aprile.[17] Bologna, the father thought, and

thought rightly, was the best centre whence Wolfgang's fame could spread

over Italy, since he had there to stand the severest tests from Padre

Martini, the idol of the Italians, and the acknowledged arbiter in all

matters of art. The Franciscan Giambattista Martini[18]

{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}

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(born 1760) was esteemed not only as the composer of short, concise,

artistically worked-out sacred pieces, but, from his thorough and

comprehensive researches, as unquestionably the most learned theoretical

musician of his day. Only one volume of his pedantic "Storia della

Musica" had as yet appeared, and his classical work on counterpoint was

only in preparation;[19] but he was already considered infallible on

all musical questions, both in Italy and abroad. His possession of

an unequalled musical library[20] placed him in correspondence with

numerous musicians, scholars, and princes. Disputed points were

submitted to his arbitration, and his advice was sought in the bestowal

of official places. A recommendation from Padre Martini was the

best possible key to success. His authority was the more readily

acknowledged, since he united to his rare attainments a singular degree

of modesty, and a ready alacrity to afford instruction, counsel,

or assistance whenever required. He preserved, even in his learned

disputes, invariable dignity and amiability,[21] with a certain amount

of cautious reserve. L. Mozart might well be anxious to win the favour

of such a man for his son. Whenever they visited him Padre Martini

gave Wolfgang a fugue to work out, which was always done to the great

contrapuntist's entire satisfaction.

The companion figure to this learned monk was a musical celebrity of

quite another kind, whose acquaintance Mozart also made in Bologna.

Farinelli (Carlo Broschi, b. 1705), a pupil of Porpora, first appeared

in 1722 in Metastasio's "Angelica," and an intimacy resulted between

the singer and the poet (who called him his _caro gemello_) which had an

important effect on the development of Italian opera. Farinelli's career

in Italy was an unbroken success, and he was enthusiastically received

in Vienna and London.[22] Arriving in Spain in 1736, his singing had

power to dispel the

{FARINELLI--FLORENCE, 1770.}

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melancholy of Philip V.; he was summoned daily to the king's presence, and

became his acknowledged favourite, a position which he retained under

Ferdinand VI. and Queen Barbara. On the accession of Charles III., in

1761, Farinelli was obliged to leave Spain, and living in wealthy ease

at Bologna, indulged his tastes for art and science. He practised the

amiable and refined hospitality of a cultivated man of the world in his

beautiful villa, and took peculiar interest in his fellow-artists, who

never failed even in his old age to be charmed with his singing.[23]

The reports that have come down to us concerning the compass and beauty

of his voice, concerning his way of taking breath, his _portamento_,

his declamation,[24] are as wonderful as was the success of this king

of artists both in public and at court. He appears almost as a

personification of the greatness and power of song in the last century,

of which we can scarcely form a true conception, and which cause the

history of music in that age to be mainly a history of song and singers.

The period of Mozart's musical education was still under this influence,

and, although the absolute sovereignty of song was soon to decline, the

impression made on him in his youth by Farinelli and other great singers

was not likely to be forgotten.[25]

On March 30 the travellers reached Florence. Their Austrian

introductions secured them a most favourable reception in this city.

The imperial ambassador, Count Rosenberg, immediately made known their

arrival at court, where they were very graciously received by the

Archduke Leopold, He recollected their former stay at Vienna, and

inquired after Nannerl. Wolfgang played at court on April 2, accompanied

by Nardini, the celebrated violinist; the Marquis de Ligniville,

director of music, laid the most difficult fugues before Wolfgang to

work out; he accomplished everything "with as much ease as eating a

piece of bread."

{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}

(116)

The Marquis de Ligniville, Duca di Conca, &c., was considered one of the

most thorough masters of counterpoint in Italy. As a proof of his skill

he had written a "Salve Regina"[26] and "Stabat Mater" for three parts,

in the form of different kinds of canon. To the latter work is prefixed

a long treatise (dated April 11, 1767) for the Philharmonic Society in

Bologna, of which he was a member; the object of the treatise was to

show that in accurate contrapuntal works the traditions of the old

Roman school were preserved. In accordance with this view Ligniville

apologises ironically to followers of the gusto moderno for the disuse

of drums and trumpets, and for the simple old modulations to which

he confines himself as being ignorant of the new lights. He allowed

Wolfgang to study his works; and the latter copied neatly nine movements

of the thirty canons of the "Stabat Mater." (Anh. 238 K.) Not satisfied

with this, Wolfgang aimed at himself becoming a master of counterpoint.

A "Kyrie a cinque con diversi canoni" in three five-part canons in

unison was evidently an imitation of Ligniville's compositions, and

was only one of many studies in the same difficult art.[27] A loose sheet

contains besides the first canon of the Kyrie, a design for a four-part

canon, and five close canons or riddle canons, the first part and the

number of parts only being given, [See Page Image] expressly noted di

Mozart:--

{STUDIES IN CANON-WRITING, 1770.}

(117)

2. Canon.--Ter temis canite vocibus. [See Page Image]

3. Canon.--Ad duodecimam: clama ne cesses.

Con - fi - te - bor ti bi Do - mi-ne in gen - ti -bus et no -mi - ni to

- o can - ta -. - - - - - bo.

{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}

(118)

4. Canon.--Tertia pars si placet.

Con - fi - te.. bor ti-biDo - - - - - mi-ne in gen- ti-bu« et no -mi-ne

tu - o can - ta bo.

5. Canon.--Ter voce ciemus.

[See Page Image] Nos. 1, 3, 4 of these are copied from the vignettes

with which Padre Martini's "Storia Universale" is adorned. [28] He had

made Wolfgang a present of his book, and the latter probably set to work

at once to find out the knack of writing canons. We can see the ease

with which he mastered his task.

At Florence, they fell in with their old London acquaintance Manzuoli,

and Wolfgang was rejoiced to hear that there was a probability of his

being engaged to sing in his opera at Milan.

In order to incite Manzuoli's ardour, Wolfgang gave him all his songs to

sing, including those he had composed in Milan.

At Florence, too, Wolfgang formed a tender friendship with Thomas

Linley, a boy of fourteen, the son of an English composer; he was a

pupil of the celebrated violin-player Nardini, and played so exquisitely

as almost to surpass his teacher. The two boys met at the house of

Signora Maddalena Morelli, who was famous as an improvisatrice, under

the name of Corilla,[29] and had been crowned as a poetess on the

capitol in 1776;[30] during the

{ROME, 1770--ALLEGRI'S MISERERE.}

(119)

few days that the Mozarts stayed in Florence the boys were inseparable,

and performed together or by turns, "more like men than boys." They

parted with many tears, and Tommasino, as Linley was called in Italy,

brought to Wolfgang, as a parting gift, a poem which Corilla had written

for him.

According to Burney,[31] Tommasino and little Mozart were talked of

throughout Italy as two geniuses of the greatest promise, and in later

life at Vienna, Mozart spoke with warmth of Linley,[32] and the hopes

which had been frustrated by his early death.[33]

It was with regret that they left Florence; Leopold Mozart wrote to his

wife: "I wish that you could see Florence, its neighbourhood, and the

situation of the city; I am sure you would say that it is a place to

live and die in." But time pressed, if they were to be in Rome for the

carnival.

They had a fatiguing journey, in dreadful weather, that reminded them

of Salzburg rather than of Rome, and passed through uncultivated country

with wretched inns containing plenty of filth but little to eat, except

perhaps a couple of eggs and some cabbage. They arrived in Rome

about midday on Wednesday in Holy Week, amidst a storm of thunder and

lightning, "received like grand people with a discharge of artillery."

There was just time to hurry to the Sistine Chapel and hear Allegri's

Miserere. It was here that Wolfgang accomplished his celebrated feat of

musical ear and memory.[34]

It was the custom on Wednesday and Friday in Holy Week for the choir

of the Pope's household to sing the Miserere (Ps. 50), composed by Dom.

Allegri, which was arranged alternately for a four and five-part chorus,

having a final

{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}

(120)

chorus in nine parts.[35] This performance was universally considered

as one of the most wonderful in Rome; the impression made by it in

conjunction with the solemn rites it accompanied was always described

as overpowering.[36] "You know," writes L. Mozart, "that this celebrated

Miserere is so jealously guarded, that members of the chapel are

forbidden, under pain of excommunication, to take their parts out of

the chapel, or to copy or allow it to be copied.[37] We have got it,

notwithstanding. Wolfgang has written it down, and I should have sent

it to Salzburg in this letter, were not our presence necessary for

its production. More depends on the performance than even on the

composition.[38] Besides, we must not let our secret fall into other

hands, _ut non incurramus mediate vel immediate in censuram ecclesiæ_."

When the performance was repeated on Good Friday, Wolfgang took

his manuscript with him into the chapel, and holding it in his hat,

corrected some passages where his memory had not been quite true. The

affair became known, and naturally made a great sensation; Wolfgang

was called upon to execute the Miserere in presence of the Papal singer

Christofori, who was amazed at its correctness. L. Mozart's news excited

consternation in Salzburg, mother and daughter believing that Wolfgang

had sinned in transcribing the Miserere, and fearing unpleasant

consequences if it should become known. "When we read your ideas about

the

{MOZART'S RECEPTION IN ROME.}

(121)

Miserere," answered the father, "we both laughed loud and long. You need

not be in the least afraid. It is taken in quite another way. All Rome,

and the Pope himself, know that Wolfgang has written the Miserere, and

instead of punishment it has brought him honour. You must not fail to

show my letter everywhere, and let his Grace the Archbishop know of it."

The Mozarts prepared at once to take part in all the festivities of Holy

and Easter weeks. "Our handsome dress," writes L. Mozart, "our German

speech, and the want of ceremony with which I call to our servant to

order the Swiss guard to make way for us, help us through everywhere."

He appears to have been flattered that Wolfgang was sometimes taken for

a German nobleman or prince, and he for his tutor. At the cardinals'

table Wolfgang stood near the seat of Cardinal Pallavicini, who asked

him his name. On hearing it he inquired in surprise, "What! are you the

famous boy of whom I have heard so much?" talked to him kindly, praised

his Italian, and spoke broken German to him.

At the conclusion of the Easter festivities they set to work to present

their numerous letters of introduction, and were warmly received by the

noble families of Chigi, Barberini, Bracciano, Altemps, and others: one

assembly followed another, all in Wolfgang's honour. The astonishment

at his performances increased, according to L. Mozart, the farther

they proceeded into Italy; "but Wolfgang," he adds, "does not remain

stationary; his acquirements increase day by day, so that the greatest

masters and connoisseurs cannot find words for their astonishment." For

the Academies he appears to have written a Symphony (81, K.) and two

soprano songs (82, 83, K.)from Metastasio's "Demo-foonte,"[39] "Se ardire

e speranfca" and "Se tutti i mali miei." In the midst of more serious

study he found time to send his sister a new country dance, in return

for which she was to send him some new minuets by Haydn. About this time

they fell in with Meissner, who was on his way from Naples to Salzburg;

Wolfgang appeared with him at the German Jesuit College, where Herr v.

Mölk, of Salzburg, was studying.

{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}

(122)

On May 8, they quitted Rome, where their stay had been in every way

agreeable; they had been comfortably lodged in the house of the Papal

courier Uslinghi, on the Piazza del Clementino; their hostess and her

daughter treated them with every attention and kindness, making them

feel quite at home in the house, and refusing to hear of payment when

they left. The journey to Naples was one not to be undertaken without

some apprehension. The roads were unsafe, a merchant had lately been

assassinated, and "sbirri and bloodthirsty Papal soldiers" were in

pursuit of the murderer; L. Mozart hoped that similar measures would

be taken in Naples. He thought it well, therefore, to travel with four

Augustine monks, which was further an advantage, as it assured them a

friendly welcome and hospitality in all the monasteries which lay on

their way. In Capua, they were allowed to be present as guests at the

taking of the veil by a nun of high rank.

Naples, where they remained from the middle of May to the middle of

June, impressed our travellers with the irresistible charm of beautiful

nature.

At first they suffered from cold, but this soon turned to excessive

heat, and Wolfgang, who had always longed to look brown, saw his wish

in a fair way to be accomplished. They had good recommendations to the

court from Vienna. Queen Caroline, whom Wolfgang had lately seen in

Vienna, received them graciously, accosting them whenever they met;

but Wolfgang was not summoned to play at court. The King, although not

unmusical, cared for nothing that required any cultivation; "what

he is," writes L. Mozart, "can be better told than written." The

all-powerful minister Tanucci, placed his major-domo at their service,

to show them all that was worth seeing. Other nobles followed this

example; and every evening a magnificent equipage was placed at their

service, in which they joined the brilliant _passeggio_ of the nobility

on the Strada Nuova or on the quay, clad in elegant summer costumes. L.

Mozart had ordered for himself a coat of maroon-coloured watered silk

with sky blue velvet facings, and Wolfgang rejoiced in an apple-green

coat with rose-coloured facings and silver

{NAPLES, 1770--LADY HAMILTON.}

(123)

buttons. Among Wolfgang's patrons was the old Princess Belmonte, the

friend of Metastasio, and interesting to musicians as having been roused

from deep melancholy by the singing of the tenor Raff.

The rendezvous of artists and scholars was the house of the British

ambassador, Sir Wm. Hamilton, whose acquaintance the Mozarts had made in

London. He himself was a violin-player, and pupil of Giardini; and his

charming first wife was not only a cultivated judge of music, but was

considered the best pianoforte-player in Naples; her "brilliant shakes

and turns" were not less admired than the touching expression of her

playing, which was in accord with her gentle nature.[40] It was not

without triumph that L. Mozart narrated her having trembled at playing

before Wolfgang.

They found other old friends in the Swiss Tschudi, from Salzburg, and in

a Dutchman named Doncker, who had been kind to them in Amsterdam; every

one pressed forward to offer hospitality and assistance. Under these

favourable circumstances, a public concert was given on May 28, with

the most brilliant success; a success the more welcome, as they were

not likely to find their tour a profitable one for some time to come.

L. Mozart was delighted with the situation, fertility, animation, and

curiosity of Naples; but he was shocked by the wretchedness of the

population, and above all by the superstition which prevailed not

only among the lazaroni, but also in the higher ranks of society. He

witnessed an example of it when Wolfgang played at the Conservatorio

della Pietà; the skill with which he used his left hand suggested to the

audience that there was magic in a ring he wore; when he drew it off and

played without it the wonder and applause were redoubled.

The time of their stay in Naples was favourable to musical interests.

Simultaneously with the excellent representations of comic opera in the

Teatro Nuovo, there was opened on May 30, the King's fête-day, the Grand

Opera in San Carlo,

{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}

(124)

for which Jomelli, Caffaro, and Ciccio di Majo were engaged; Anna de

Amicis was prima donna, Aprile principal male singer. By a curious

coincidence, Wolfgang was a witness of the first attempt made by

Jomelli, who had left Stuttgart for Naples in 1768, to regain the favour

of his countrymen. De Rogatis' opera "Armida Abbandonata," in which

he made his reappearance, was designed to satisfy the higher claims

of dramatic music, and to bring the results of his studies in Germany

before the Italians, who were, however, slow to appreciate them.

Wolfgang thought the opera fine, but too pedantic and old-fashioned for

the theatre. This seems to have been the universal opinion; and later

the increasing distaste to Jomelli's operas obliged the withdrawal

of his "Iphigenia in Aulide," and the substitution of "Demofoonte"

(November 4, 1770).[41]

The Mozarts found Jomelli polite and friendly. Through him they

became acquainted with the impresario Amadori, who offered Wolfgang a

_libretto_ for San Carlo; but this, owing to his previous engagement in

Milan, he was obliged to refuse, together with similar offers which had

been made to him in Bologna and Rome.

On June 25, they travelled with post-horses back to Rome. Through the

fault of a clumsy postilion their carriage was upset; Leopold saved

his son by springing out before the danger came; he himself sustained

considerable injury to his leg. Wolfgang was so tired by the journey

(they had driven twenty-seven hours without a stop), that after he had

eaten a little he fell asleep in his chair and was undressed and put to

bed by his father, without waking.

This stay in Rome, during which they were present at the illumination

of St. Peter's, at the delivery of Neapolitan tribute, and other

ceremonies, brought Wolfgang a new distinction; he was invested by the

Pope, in an

{"RITTER MOZART"--BOLOGNA, 1770.}

(125)

audience of July 8, with the order of the Golden Spur, which the father

announces, not without pride, as "a piece of good luck."[42] "You

may imagine how I laugh," he writes, "to hear him called _Signor

Cavaliere_."

The honour apparently made little impression on Wolfgang. For some years

his father insisted on his signing his compositions "Del Sign. Cavaliere

W. A. Mozart," and advised him to wear his order in Paris; but later he

let it drop, and one never hears of _Ritter Mozart_, whereas Gluck,

who like Klopstock, wished to be outwardly recognised as the prophet of

higher culture, was very tenacious of his dignity as a _Ritter_. Mozart

was too simple-natured, and too essentially a musician, to set any store

by outward distinctions.

On July 10, they left Rome, where Pomp. Battoni had painted a

fine portrait of the young maestro, and travelled by way of Cività

Castellana, Loretto, and Sini-gaglia to Bologna. They arrived on July

20, intending to remain here quietly until the completion and rehearsal

of his opera should render Wolfgang's presence in Milan indispensable.

L. Mozart's injured leg was still troublesome, and he was otherwise

unwell, so that the friendly invitation of Count Pallavicini, to pass

the hot season at his country-house in the neighbourhood of Bologna, was

joyfully accepted. They found the coolest, best-appointed rooms prepared

for them; couriers and servants were placed at their disposal, and their

intercourse with the noble family was pleasant and unrestrained.

The father was most carefully tended, and Wolfgang struck up a firm

friendship with the young Count, who was just his own age, played

the piano, spoke three languages, had six tutors, and was already a

chamberlain.

{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}

(126)

Wolfgang composed industriously, and writes to his sister about four

Italian symphonies, five or six songs, and a motett, which he had

written. His only distress was that he had lost his singing voice; he

had not five clear notes left, either high or low, and could no longer

sing his own compositions. At Bologna they made the acquaintance of the

operatic composer, Joh. Misliweczeck (1737-1781), who was finishing an

oratorio for Padua, and was to write the opera in Milan for 1772. "He

is an honest man," writes L. Mozart, "and we have become great friends."

But their principal intercourse was with Padre Martini, with whom they

became very intimate, visiting him daily, and holding long musical

discussions. The discourse and instruction of the great contrapuntist

could not be without influence on Wolfgang's work. A list of sketches in

difficult contrapuntal forms, which according to the handwriting belong

to this time, must have been studies suggested by Padre Martini. Of

peculiar interest is a three-part Miserere for alto, tenor, and bass,

with figured Continuo, superscribed _Del Sigr. Caval. W. A. Mozart, in

Bologna_, 1770 (85 K.). It is evidently written under the influence of

Allegri's Roman Miserere, generally harmonic, with some few imitative

introductory passages, simple and very beautiful. The three last

movements, Quoniam, Benigne, Tunc acceptabis, are written by another

hand, and evidently not composed by Mozart; the subjects are severer and

more simple. Probably Padre Martini wound up the youth's exercises by

these movements of his own composition.[43]

The Philharmonic Society of Naples, whose festival performance Mozart

had attended in company with Burney,[44]

{ELECTION TO THE ÀCCÀDEMIA FILARMONICA.}

(127)

honoured him with a signal proof of admiration and esteem. This famous

society, founded in 1666, upon the presentation by Wolfgang of a

memorial, and his accomplishment of a prescribed task, elected him a

member of their body as _Com-positore_. This honour was eagerly sought

after by the most distinguished composers. For composers of church music

it was important, since Benedict XIV., in a bull of 1749, had given a

kind of overseership to the Philharmonic Society; only its members could

become kapellmeisters to churches in Bologna, and by a Papal decree this

membership was allowed to take the place of any examination.[45] The

distinction was the greater since members were required[46] to be twenty

years old, to have been admitted into the first class of compositore,

and to have been a year in the second class of cantori and sonatori.

Leopold describes the election as follows:--

At 4 o'clock in the afternoon of October 9 Wolfgang was required to

appear at the hall of the society. There the Princeps Academiæ and the

two censors (who are old kapellmeisters) gave him an antiphon from

the Antiphonary; he was then conducted by the verger to a neighbouring

apartment and locked in, there to set it in three parts. When it was

ready it was examined by the censor, and all the kapellmeistem and

composers, who voted on it by means of black and white balls. All the

balls being white he was called in, and amid clapping of hands and

congratulations the Princeps Academiæ in the name of the society

announced his election. He returned thanks, and the thing was over.

I was all the time on the other side of the hall cooped up in the

Academical Library. Every one was astonished that he was ready so

soon, for many have spent three hours over an antiphon of three lines.

N.B.--You must know that it was not an easy task, for this kind of

composition excludes many things of which he had been told beforehand.

He finished it in exactly half an hour.

The task was, according to the old statute, a Cantus firmus from the

Gregorian Antiphonary, to be elaborated contrapuntally for four, five,

or eight voices _a capella_ (in duple time); it was to be executed

strictly according to rule, adhering to the singular treatment of the

harmonies belonging to the old

{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}

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style of church music. After 1773, the examination became more

severe,[47] and an Italian who stood the test at the beginning of this

century, speaks of it as consisting of three separate compositions.

First, the given subject was to be arranged for four voices in

_falsobordone_, i.e., in plain harmonics, after the fashion of our

congregational chorales. The second test consisted of a _disposizione di

parte_. One voice retained the Cantus firmus, the others were to be set

to it in canonic or imitative mode. The motifs were often taken from the

Cantus firmus itself, in a rhythmical, diminished form. Strict imitation

was not enjoined; it sufficed that the voices should follow each other

with similar passages. The third task was a _fuga reale_, a perfect

fugue, according to the rules of the church mode of the Cantus firmus,

in which one phrase is carried through as a theme, the other parts

serving as intermediate phrases.

Wolfgang did not go through this examination without preparation. An

elaboration in his boyish handwriting of the Cantus firmus "Cibavit eos

in adipe" (44 K.) is probably an exercise made under Padre Martini's

directions. His trial work was a Cantus firmus from the Roman

Antiphonary, a freely imitative contrapuntal arrangement of the

accompanying parts overlying the Cantus firmus of the bass, which is

only to be adhered to in its melodic progressions, and may be modified

in its rhythmical divisions. The original from Mozart's hand is in the

archives of the Philharmonic Society, where it was found by Gaspari in a

volume of various test works chiefly by Martini's pupils.[48] Next to it

among the documents was a second elaboration written by Padre Martini,

and copied by Wolfgang. Of this a second copy is in the Mozarteum, from

Wolfgang's hand, with his father's subscription: _Dal Sigr. Cavaliere

Amadeo Wolfgango Mozart di Salisburgo, Scritto nella sala dell'

accademia filarmonica in Bologna li 10 d' Ottobre, 1770_. This was

published as Wolfgang's own test work (86 K.).[49] Probably Padre

Martini went

{MILAN--"MITRIDATE."}

(129)

through the boy's work, which was not free from faults, and was entered

in the protocol as "satisfying the conditions," and showed him how

the task might have been executed; he took the copy of the corrected

exercise to Salzburg when he returned there.

On October 18 they arrived at Milan, and set vigorously to work on

the completion of the opera. The subject chosen was "Mitridate, Re

di Ponto," opera seria in three acts, versified by Vittorio Amadeo

Cigna-Santi of Turin, where it had already been produced in 1767 with

the music of the kapellmeister Quirico Gasparini. It was first necessary

to finish the recitatives begun in Bologna, and Wolfgang worked so hard

at them that he excused himself to his mother for not writing: "His

fingers ached so from writing recitatives." Every air in the opera was

written after consultation with the singers, male and female, as to what

was best suited to their voice and style. By studying the taste of

the vocalists and so engaging their zeal, the composer found the best

security for the favourable reception of his work. If he were not

fortunate enough to please his singers, either the whole must be

rewritten to suit them, or he must be prepared to hear his music fall

flat before the audience, if indeed something quite different were not

substituted by the performer. When the composer possessed true talent

and judgment, this co-operation was less detrimental to the work than

if it had been left altogether to the discretion of the performers;

nevertheless, the danger of undignified subjection to their caprices was

considerable.

Wolfgang strove to extricate himself, as best he might, from the

difficulties and intrigues which hindered his work. These were the more

vexatious, as the singers arrived in Milan so late as to give him little

time for composition. His father was careful not to allow him to overtax

his strength, and especially insisted on his not working immediately

after eating, unless under the pressure of great necessity; they usually

went for a walk first. The mental strain of so important a task had

a sobering effect on the boy's spirits, and he repeatedly enjoins his

mother and sister to pray for the success of the opera, "so that we may

all live happily

{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}

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together again." Leopold begs his friends in Salzburg to be charitable

enough to write them cheerful, jocular letters, to distract Wolfgang's

mind, There was, of course, the usual petty spite of the "Virtuosen

canaille" to combat; they were not likely to leave unmolested a

kapellmeister at once "a youth and a foreigner"; but the father shrank

from no difficulties which could be overcome by "presence of mind and

good sense," and declared they would gnaw through them all, "as the

Hanswurst did through the Dreckberg."

The prima donna was not Gabrielli, but Antonia Bernasconi, daughter of

a valet of the Duke of Wurtemberg, who had been educated as a singer

by her stepfather, Andrea Bernasconi (kapellmeister at Munich since

1754).[50] With her was "the first battle to fight," for it was through

her that the envious cabal sought to overthrow the young composer. An

unknown opponent of Wolfgang tried to persuade her to reject the songs

and duets which he had composed for her, and to substitute those

of Gasparini. But Bernasconi withstood this infamous proposal. She

declared, on the contrary, that she was "beside herself with joy" at the

songs which Wolfgang had written "according to her will and desire"; and

the experienced old maestro Lampugnani, who rehearsed her part with

her, was never tired of praising the compositions. Another cloud in the

theatrical heavens appeared in the person of the tenor, the Cavalier

Guglielmo d' Ettore, who had performed with great success at Munich and

Padua.[51] This storm, too, was happily allayed, but it must have been a

threatening one, for L. Mozart reminds his son of it later, to encourage

him, in Paris. The last arrival was the primo uomo--not Manzuoli, but

Santorini, who had lately been singing at Turin, and had known them in

Bologna. He was not at Milan till December 1, and the representation was

to take place on the 26th.

The rehearsals began under favourable circumstances; even the copyist

had performed his task so well that he

{"MITRIDATE"--HOPES AND FEARS.}

(131)

had made only one mistake in the recitatives, and the singers proved

excellent. "As far as I can judge, without fatherly partiality," wrote

L. Mozart on December 8, "I believe that Wolfgang has written the opera

well and with spirit." On December 17 the first rehearsal with full

orchestra[52] took place in the Redoutensaal, and the second two days

later in the theatre; the verdict was altogether in favour of the new

opera:--

Before the first rehearsal with the small orchestra, there were not

wanting people who condemned the music beforehand as youthful and poor;

they prophesied, as it were, declaring it impossible that so young

a boy, and a German to boot, could write an Italian opera;[53] they

acknowledged him to be a great performer, but denied that he could by

any means understand the _chiaro ed oscuro_ needed in the drama. But

since the first rehearsal these people are all dumbfoundered, and have

not another word to say. The copyist is delighted, which is a good sign

in Italy, for when the music pleases, the copyist often gains more by

distributing and selling the songs than the kapellmeister by composing

them;[54] the singers, male and female, are highly satisfied, and the

duet between the primo uomo and prima donna is especially praised."

The _professori_ (instrumentalists) in the orchestra were pleased, and

declared that the music was clear, distinct, and easy to play. Mozart's

friends were as cheerful as his detractors were gloomy, and the most

noted musicians, such as Fioroni, Sammartini, Lampugnani, and Piazza

Colombo were decidedly in favour of the opera. Under these circumstances

(although the first opera of the season was usually

{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}

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the least esteemed) they could look forward with calmness to the

representation. This took place on December 26, under Wolfgang's

conductorship, and the result surpassed all expectation. Every song,

except those of the subordinate personages, was received with deafening

applause, and with the cry "Evviva il maestro! evviva il maestrino!"

Contrary to all custom at a first representation a song of the prima

donna's was encored. At the second performance the applause was still

greater, two songs and a duet being encored; but as it was Thursday, and

the audience wished to go home to supper before midnight, so as not to

encroach on Friday (fast day) the performance was cut short; it lasted,

however, including the ballets at the end of each act, six good hours.

On January 5, 1771, L. Mozart wrote home to his wife:--

Our son's opera is received with general approbation, and may be

considered, as the Italians say, _dalle stelle_. Since the third

performance we are alternately in the pit and the boxes, hearing or

seeing, and every one is curious to talk with or look closely at the

Signor Maestro, for the maestro is only bound to conduct the opera three

evenings; Lampugnani accompanied at the second pianoforte, and now that

Wolfgang does not play, he takes the first, and Melchior Chiesa the

second. If any one had told me fifteen or eighteen years ago, when

I heard so much of the opera songs and symphonies of Lampugnani in

England, and Melchior Chiesa in Italy, that these two men would perform

your son's music, and take his place at the piano to accompany his

opera, I should probably have directed such a person to the madhouse as

an idiot. We see by this how the power of God works in us men when we do

not bury the talents that He has graciously bestowed on us.

The opera was repeated twenty times, and always with growing applause

and a full house. The "Milan News," (January 2, 1771) assures its

readers, that the youthful composer "studia il bello della natura e ce

lo rappressenta adomo delle più rare grazie musicali." Wolfgang received

from the public the appellation of the "Cavaliere Filarmonico," which

was confirmed by the Accademia Filarmonica at Verona, who elected him as

their kapellmeister on January 5, 1771.

Professional cares [55]did not engross all Mozart's time and attention. They

became on intimate terms with the young

{VENICE--PADUA--SALZBURG, 1771.}

(133)

difficult concerto at sight. They had a trip to Turin, saw a splendid

opera, and were back in Milan on January 31,[56] leaving again shortly

for Venice, where they arrived on the Monday in Carnival week. They

were hospitably received by a merchant, Wider, a business friend of

Hagenauer's.

They enjoyed in all comfort the pleasures of a Venetian carnival,

and, having introductions to all the nobility, splendidly appointed

gondoliers were always at their service; one invitation followed

another, and almost every evening was passed at the opera, or at some

other place of amusement. A concert was given by Mozart with brilliant

success.

On the return journey, undertaken on March 13, they stayed one day

in Padua, visiting the musical celebrities Franc. Ant. Ballotti

(1697-1780), one of the first organ-players in Italy, and almost as

good a theorist and contrapuntist as Padre Martini himself,[57] and the

composer and Munich kapellmeister, Giov. Ferrandini[58]--Tartini had

died the year before. Wolfgang played on the excellent organ in Santa

Giustina. At Padua, too, he received a commission to write an oratorio

to be completed at home as opportunity offered. At Vicenza they remained

some days at the request of the Bishop, a Cornero, who had made their

acquaintance at Venice; and at Verona they stayed with their old friend

Luggiati, who gave a brilliant reception in Wolfgang's honour.

On March 28, 1771, Wolfgang was in Salzburg again, enriched with many

experiences and loaded with honours, his talents matured and his tastes

improved; but his nature as simple, modest, and childlike as when he had

set out. The most direct result of the great success of his opera was

a commission from the impresario in Milan for the first opera of the

Carnival of 1773, with an increased remuneration of 130 gigliati.

{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}

(134)

At Verona, L. Mozart had already heard rumours of a document on its way

from Vienna to Salzburg, which was to bring his son "immortal honour."

They had scarcely arrived in Salzburg, when Count Firmian commissioned

Wolfgang, in the name of the Empress Maria Theresa, to compose a

theatrical serenade or cantata in celebration of the marriage of the

Archduke Ferdinand with the Princess Maria Ricciarda Beatrice, daughter

of the hereditary Prince Ercole Rainaldo, of Modena. As the marriage was

to take place in October of the year 1771, it follows that the stay in

Salzburg was not of long duration. During this interval he composed,

principally no doubt to satisfy the demands of his official position, a

"Litany" (109 K.), and a "Regina Coeli" (108 K.) in May, and a Symphony

(110 K.) in July. Leopold Mozart had little hope that even Wolfgang's

success in Milan would serve to advance his cause with the Archbishop in

case of any more lucrative post becoming vacant. Such considerations did

not trouble Wolfgang himself so much as his father; he took advantage

of this interval to fall in love for the first time. His letters to his

sister are full of hints of a nameless beauty, of unspeakable emotions;

and the fact that the young lady married about the same time makes the

picture complete of the first love of a boy of sixteen, which had, as

might be expected, no lasting effect on his natural good spirits.

On August 13 they left Salzburg, and after a short stay in Verona

arrived at Milan on August 21. The marriage was fixed for October 15,

but the libretto had not yet been returned from Vienna, where it had

been sent on approbation; in those days it was considered that a maestro

should be so sure of his art that it should stand him in stead at all

times and seasons.[59] Wolfgang was under no apprehension on this score;

he was delighted with his gracious reception by the royal bride, and

enjoyed the delicious fruit, eating a double share of it, as he says,

out of brotherly love to his

{MILAN, 1771--GABRIELLI.}

(135)

sister. When at last the book arrived at the end of August it was

detained some days longer by the poet to make the numerous alterations

required, and not until the beginning of September was it finally

delivered over to Wolfgang. Then he set to work, composing so vigorously

that on September 13 the recitatives and choruses were finished, and

his father was of opinion that the whole opera with the ballet would be

ready in twelve days, which indeed it was; and no wonder that Wolfgang

complained that his fingers ached. In the room above that where he wrote

was a violinist, in the room below another; a singing master lived

next door, and an oboist opposite. "It is capital for composing," says

Wolfgang; "it gives one new ideas."

During this visit to Milan they made the acquaintance of the great

soprano, Catarina Gabrielli, famed for her intrigues no less than

for her musical genius. The impression made by her on Wolfgang may

be gathered from a letter to his father written later from Mannheim

(February 19, 1778):--

Those who have heard Gabrielli must and will acknowledge that she is a

mere executant; her peculiar style of delivery excites admiration, but

only for the first three or four times of hearing her. In the long

run she is not pleasing; one gets tired of passages, and she has the

misfortune of not being able to sing. She cannot sustain a note in

tune; she has no _messa di voce_; in a word, she sings with art, but no

understanding.

The intercourse of the Mozarts with their fellow-artists, "really good

and famous singers, and sensible people," was cordial, and undisturbed

either by intrigues or cabals. Wolfgang's assured position with regard

to the public, as well as the favour in which he was held at the

imperial court, doubtless contributed to preserve harmony. The tenor

Tibaldi and Manzuoli, who was really engaged this time, came almost

daily at 11 o'clock, and remained sitting at the table till one;

Wolfgang composing all the time.

But the most satisfactory connection was that with Hasse, who was

composing an opera on Metastasio's "Ruggiero," for the same festive

occasion.[60] It was of no small significance

{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}

(136)

that men like Hasse and Metastasio, who had brought Italian opera to its

highest point, and a famous poet, such as Gius. Parini, in Milan,[61]

should have been content to place themselves on a level with young

Mozart. It was momentous in the history of music, this handing over of

the sceptre by the man who had ruled the Italian stage throughout his

long career to the youth, who was not indeed destined to acquire equal

fame living, but to whom posterity was to allot a far more glorious

place. Hasse himself is said to have exclaimed: "This boy will throw us

all into the shade."[62] It was like him to recognise without envy the

artistic greatness of Mozart; all young artists[63] found him ready to

appreciate and help forward their efforts,[64] and Mozart himself had

been grateful for his support when fighting with the musical cabal in

Vienna.[65]

The festivities[66] which had attracted a crowd of strangers to Milan

began with the triumphant entry of the Duke, followed by the marriage

ceremony in the cathedral; then came a concert and reception at court.

On the 16th a public banquet was given to more than four hundred bridal

couples, to whom the Empress had given dowries, and in the evening

Hasse's opera "Ruggiero" was performed in the newly decorated theatre,

with two gorgeous ballets in the _entr'actes_, "La Corona della gloria,"

by Pick, and "Pico e Canente," by Favier.

On the 17th, after a splendid procession on the Corso, Wolfgang's

serenata "Ascanio in Alba" (111 K.), an allegorical pastoral play in

two acts, with choruses and dances, (by Favier) was produced. After the

first rehearsal, L. Mozart had been able to predict to his wife that the

success of the work was assured. "Because, to begin with,

{"ASCANIO IN ALBA."}

(137)

not only are Signor Manzuoli and the other vocalists in the highest

degree pleased with their songs, but they are as anxious as ourselves to

hear the serenata with the full orchestra; secondly, because I know what

he has written, and the effect it will have, and am quite convinced that

it is excellent, both for the singers and the orchestra." He had not

deceived himself, the applause was extraordinary; the serenata was

repeated the next day, and until the close of the festivities was more

frequently given than "Ruggiero." "I am sorry," writes L. Mozart, "that

Wolfgang's serenata should have so entirely eclipsed Hasse's opera."

He refers his home circle to the judgment of a young Salzburg merchant,

Kerschbaumer, "who, on the 24th, was a witness how the Archduke

and Archduchess not only applauded two of the songs until they were

repeated, but leaning from their box, both during and after the

performance, they bowed towards Wolfgang, and testified their approval

by cries of

'Bravissimo! maestro,' and clapping of hands, an example followed by all

present." This time, too, Wolfgang received more substantial marks of

favour; besides the stipulated fee, the Empress presented him with a

gold watch set with diamonds, having on its back an admirably executed

miniature of herself in enamel.[67]

Among the festivities, which lasted until the end of the month, were a

splendidly appointed masked procession of _facchini_, in the costume of

the surrounding peasantry, on the 19th; races for horses (barberi) on

che 27th, for chariots (calessetti) on the 28th, and the _cuccagna_

on the 24th, when masses of viands were given up to the plunder of the

people, and fountains of wine were opened.[68] On this occasion the

Mozarts narrowly escaped a great danger. One of the great scaffoldings

erected for spectators fell, and more than fifty persons were killed or

injured. It was only an accidental delay which had prevented Wolfgang

and his father from taking the seats which had been allotted them on

this

{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}

(138)

erection, and had caused them to seat themselves in the court gallery.

After the close of the opera, Mozart wrote a symphony (112 K.) and a

divertimento (113 K.), probably for a concert, but at all events to

order. During this stay in Milan a contract was entered into with the

theatre of S. Benedetto in Venice, by which Wolfgang was commissioned to

write the second opera of the Carnival of 1773. How this was possible,

since the contract stipulates for residence in Venice at the same time

as it had been already promised in Milan, it is not easy to see, unless

some indulgence on the part of the Venetian impresario was looked for,

perhaps even promised.[69] The contract, however, was never fulfilled;

Nau-mann became Mozart's substitute, arriving in Vienna just in time

to undertake the opera. He produced his "Soliman" with very remarkable

success.[70]

The return of the Mozarts to Salzburg was delayed until the middle of

December, on the 30th of which month Wolfgang composed a symphony (114

K,), and was soon after seized with severe illness.[71]

Their arrival at home coincided with the death of Archbishop Sigismund,

which took place after a lingering illness on December 16,1771. His

successor was elected on March 14, 1772, in the person of Hieronymus

Joseph Franz v. Paula, Count of Colloredo, Bishop of Gurk; to the

universal surprise and grief of the populace, who had little prosperity

to hope for under his rule.[72] An opera was required to form

{"IL SOGNO DI SCIPIONE"--SALZBURG, 1772.}

(139)

part of the festivities accompanying his installation, and this Wolfgang

was commissioned to compose.[73] The subject chosen was "Il Sogno di

Scipione" (126 K.), an allegorical _azione teatrale_, by Metastasio,

which had been performed with music by Predieri on the birthday of the

Empress Elizabeth, October 1, 1735. It was written with reference to the

unfortunate military events in Italy, and stress was laid on the bravery

and steadfastness of a great general, even in defeat. How far this

subject was applicable to the circumstances of Bishop Hieronymus does

not seem to have been inquired; even the words of the Licenza were left

unaltered, except that the name of Girolamo was substituted for Carlo.

It is amusing to note that Mozart composing from his Metastasio, writes

the words under his score: "Ma Scipio esalta il labbro e _Carlo_ il

cuore," then effaces the name and writes _Girolamo_.

We do not know how far indifference towards the person of the new

Archbishop is responsible for the fact that this opera betrays more of

the character of an occasional piece written to order than any other

composition by Mozart. It was probably produced in the beginning of May,

1772.[74]

The remaining compositions which fall authentically within this period

are a symphony (124 K.), composed on February 21, and a litany, "De

Venerabile" a very important work (125 K.), in March. January was lost

by illness, and in April, Mozart was busy with his opera; but in May, a

"Regina Coeli" (127 K.) and no fewer than three symphonies (128-130 K.)

were ready; in June, a great divertimento (131 K); in July and August

three more symphonies (132-135 K.); three quartets, or divertimenti

(136-138 K.), fall also within the year 1772. These clearly identified

compositions can scarcely be all that belong to this period. If the fact

surprises us that Mozart, instead of

{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}

(140)

making studies for the new opera which he was to produce in the autumn,

employed this interval almost entirely on church and instrumental music,

we must look for an explanation of it in his position at Salzburg, from

which we cannot doubt that he felt an intense longing to free himself.

A correspondent of Burney who was at Salzburg in the summer of 1772

informs him that he has visited Mozart the father, and heard Wolfgang

and his sister play duets together; Wolfgang, he says, is undoubtedly

a master of his instrument, but he appears to have reached his climax,

and, judging from his orchestral music, he affords another proof

that premature fruits are more rare than excellent.[75] It would be

unreasonable to take this false prophecy amiss, for it no doubt reflects

something of the state of opinion in Salzburg at the time.

On October 24 they set forth once more on the journey to Milan, in order

to be there in good time for the new opera. On the way, "to make time

pass," Wolfgang composed a pianoforte duet; his fête-day was merrily

kept with the brothers Piccini, in Ala (October 31); and after the usual

stay with Luggiati in Verona, they arrived at Milan on November 4. L.

Mozart, who had lately been very well, appeared to profit by the change

and irregularity of a travelling life, but at Milan the old complaint

reappeared. Giddiness and numbness in the head, attributable to a bad

fall, seized him more especially when he had been composing, and he

could not free himself from "Salzburg thoughts," in which he would be

unconsciously plunged for some time, and only with an effort banish them

from his mind "like the wicked thoughts with which the devil used to

tempt him in his youth." They were no doubt the reflection of his almost

unendurable relations with the new Archbishop. He foresaw a troubled

future, unless he could succeed in extricating Wolfgang from his

undefined position in Salzburg, and placing him on a secure footing; and

to this end he bent all his endeavours.

The opera which Wolfgang was to compose was "Lucio

{"LUCIO SILLA"--MILAN, 1772.}

(141)

Silla," the words by Giovanni da Camera, a poet of Milan. This time

Wolfgang brought part of the recitative with him, but he did not gain

by so doing; for the poet had in the meantime submitted his text to

Metastasio, who made many alterations, and added a new scene.

He had plenty of time, however, to rewrite the recitatives and to

compose the choruses and the overtures, for of the singers only Signora

Félicita Suarti (who sang in Parma in 1769, and now took the part of

secondo uomo), and the ultimo tenore had appeared. They found Milan very

empty, every one still in the country; only the D'Aste family received

them into the same intimacy as before.

Next arrived the primo uomo Venanzio Rauzzini (b. 1752), an excellent

singer, an accomplished pianist, and a not inconsiderable composer. He

had been in Munich since 1776, when Burney made his acquaintance, and

learned that he was to sing in Mozart's opera.[76] His first song

was soon ready; L. Mozart thought it incomparably beautiful, and that

Rauzzini sang it "like an angel."[77] At last the prima donna De Amicis

arrived, after a tedious journey from Venice. It was time, for the

representation was fixed for the 26th December, and there were still

fourteen pieces to be composed, among them the terzet and the duet,

"which might be reckoned as four."

"I cannot possibly write you a long letter," wrote Wolfgang on the 5th

December, "for I have nothing to say, and do not know what I am writing;

my thoughts are always in my opera, and I am in danger of writing you a

whole song instead of words."

Maria Anna de Amicis (born about 1740), a pupil of Tesi, had been

brought from the opera buffa as prima donna to the opera seria by Chr.

Bach in London (1762). She had been married five years to Buonsolazzi,

an official in Naples,

{THE ITALIAN TOUR.}

(142)

and she brought her little daughter Sepperl with her to Milan.[78]

Although the Mozarts had made her acquaintance during their Parisian

tour, she was at first a little inclined to create difficulties; but the

most friendly relations were soon established between them.

When she had mastered her three songs she was "in high delight, because

Wolfgang had suited her so wonderfully well." He had furnished the

principal song with some new and marvellously difficult passages.[79] L.

Mozart wrote after the rehearsals, that she both sang and acted like an

angel, and all Salzburg would be amazed to hear her.

There was still wanting the tenor Cardoni, and news at length arrived

that he was so seriously ill he could not appear. Suitable messengers

were at once despatched to Turin and Bologna, to seek for another good

tenor, who was to be not only a good singer, "but especially a good

actor, and a person of presence, to represent Lucio Silla with proper

dignity." But such an one was not to be procured, and there was nothing

for it at last but to take a church singer from Lodi, Bassano Morgnoni,

who had occasionally sung in the theatre there, but never on a larger

stage. He arrived on December 17, when the rehearsals were going on, and

the following day Wolfgang wrote two of the four songs allotted to him.

On December 21, 22, and 23 there were large parties of the nobility at

Count Firmian's, at which vocal and instrumental music was performed

from five o'clock in the evening until eleven. Wolfgang played each

time, and was favourably noticed by all the great people.

The grand rehearsal passed off well; and the first representation on

December 26, in spite of some drawbacks, was a great success. The opera

began, according to custom, an hour after Ave Maria, and at half-past

five the theatre was

{PERFORMANCE OF "LUCIO SILLA."}

(143)

quite full. Just before Ave Maria the Archduke had risen from table, and

retired to despatch five autograph congratulations on the New Year to

Vienna; as might be expected, this took some time. The performers, male

and female, in all the agitation of a first performance, and the hot

impatient public were obliged to wait the arrival of the court until

past eight o'clock. Unhappily the Lodi tenor had to express his anger by

gestures during the prima donna's first song; in his efforts to surpass

himself he gesticulated so wildly, "that he appeared to wish to box her

ears, or hit her in the face with his clenched fist." Thereupon a laugh

broke out; this confused De Amicis, who did not know for whom it was

intended, and she sang ill the whole evening, especially after Rauzzini

had been received on his first entry with applause from the Archduchess.

Rauzzini had contrived to inform the Archduchess that he should be

nervous at singing before her, and so had assured himself of the

applause of the court. De Amicis was consoled by an invitation to court

the next day, and then the opera went altogether well.

It was given more than twenty times to houses so full "that one

could scarcely squeeze in." Each time some of the songs were encored,

generally the prima donna's, which had "the upper hand."[80]

Wolfgang wrote a motett, "Exultate," for Rauzzini, (165 K.), which was

performed before the actors on January, 1773. It is on the plan of a

great dramatic scene, and maintains that style throughout. To a long and

elaborate allegro succeeds a short recitative leading to a long, simple

slow movement. The finale is an animated "Alleluia," cheerful and

brilliant. Later (February 6) his father says he is busy with a quartet.

L. Mozart continually postponed their departure, at first with the

expectation of seeing the second opera, which was much later than usual,

owing to the many representations of "Lucio Silla," and afterwards under

the pretext of an attack

{WORKS IN GERMANY.}

(144)

of rheumatism, which confined him to bed. In point of fact he had, with

the powerful support of Count Firmian, proferred a request to the Grand

Duke Leopold at Florence that the latter would attach Wolfgang to his

court. The Grand Duke at first showed gracious dispositions, and L.

Mozart must have wished to continue the negotiations from Milan. Even

after their ultimate failure he thought he might count on powerful

recommendations from Florence, and his thoughts turned again on a great

professional tour. "Only be economical," he wrote, "for we must have

money if we are to undertake a tour; I grudge every penny spent in

Salzburg."

Towards the close of their stay a colleague from the Salzburg chapel,

the horn-player Leutgeb, came to Milan, and was well received there.

At the beginning of March they really set out; for they might not be

absent from their places on the anniversary of the Archbishop's election

(March 14).

The remarkable success of the opera, and the lively interest excited by

Wolfgang's person, leaves scarcely any doubt that further overtures were

made to him in Italy; their non-acceptance must have been owing to the

Archbishop's refusal of an extended leave of absence.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: A. M. Z., 1864, p. 495. "La Finta Semplice," dramma giocoso per

musica, da rappresentarsi in corte per ordine di S. A. Rev. Monsigr.

Sigismondo Conte di Schrattenbach,Arcivescovo di Salisburgo, &c.

Salisb., 1769.]

[Footnote 2: Metastasio speaks of the different ways of delivering these. (Opp.

post, I., p. 300.)]

[Footnote 3: Communicated to me by Köchel, from the autograph in the possession

of R. v. Pfuesterschmied, at Vienna.]

[Footnote 4: Dominicus Hagenauer became "Prälat des St. Peterstifts," in 1786.

[Footnote Koch-Sternfeld.] Die letzten dreiss. Jahre., pp. 78, 299, 326.]

[Footnote 5: Burney, Reise, I., p. 101. Cf. the extracts from Th. Fr. Maier's

description of Venice. I., 1787, in the Musik. Realzeitung, 1788, p.

108.]

[Footnote 6: Zelter Briefw. mit Goethe, II., p. 177.]

[Footnote 7: A remarkable exception, and a fortunate one for the development of

German music, was Joseph Haydn, although even he was initiated into the

Italian school through his lessons from Porpora, and his intercourse

with Metastasio. But his numerous Italian operas, which he himself

considered as equal to the works of any of his contemporaries, brought

him no renown. His fame always rested on his instrumental compositions,

which were thoroughly German; and his two great oratorios were composed

at a time when Italian music was on the decline.]

[Footnote 8: L. Mozart's letters during the tour, of which Nissen gives extracts,

are almost all in the Mozarteum. at Salzburg.]

[Footnote 9: The portrait has been recovered by Sonnleithner's exertions, and in

now in his possession.]

[Footnote 10: S. Mayr, Die ehem. Univ. Salzburg, p. 12.]

[Footnote 11: Winckelmann, Briefe, pp. 271,279, 324; II., p. 48.]

[Footnote 12: Schlozer's Life, I., pp. 96, 276, 313. Cf. Duten's Mém., I., p.

327. Teutsch. Mercur, 1789, III., p. 301.]

[Footnote 13: Teutsch. Mercur, 1775, III., p. 247.]

[Footnote 14: Griesinger, Biogr. Not., p. 15. Carpani, Haydine, p. 56.]

[Footnote 15: The song "Misero tu non sei" (Anh. 2 K.), which Wolfgang composed

in Milan, is from Metastasio's "Demetrio" (Act i, sc. 4), which he had

heard shortly before in Mantua; it has not been preserved.]

[Footnote 16: A gigliato, Florentine goldgulden, was about equal to a ducat.]

[Footnote 17: Cf. Kelly's Remin., I., p. 74.]

[Footnote 18: G. Gaspari, La Musica in Bologna, p. 19.]

[Footnote 19: Esemplare osia saggio fondamentale pratico di contrappunto. Bol.,

1774-75.]

[Footnote 20: Burney, Reise, I., p. 144.]

[Footnote 21: This was shown in his conduct to Grétry (Mém., I., p. 91), Naumann

(Meissner, Biogr., I., p. 150), and Burney (Reise, I., p. 142).]

[Footnote 22: Chrysander, Handel, II., p. 378.]

[Footnote 23: Burney, Reise, I., p. 150.]

[Footnote 24: Mancini, Rifless. sul Canto Figurato, p. 152.]

[Footnote 25: Dittersdorfs account in his Autobiography of his stay at Bologna in

1762, and his intercourse with P. Martini and Farinelli, will be found

interesting (p. 110).]

[Footnote 26: Burney, Reise, I., p. 149.]

[Footnote 27: A short Osanna in four parts, with accompaniment for strings, in

complicated canon form (223 K.) shows the same tendency.]

[Footnote 28: Cf. for the mottoes of these, Padre Martini, Esemplare, II., p.

xxv.]

[Footnote 29: Cf. Barthold, Die geschichtl. Persdnl., in Casanova's Memoiren,

II., p. 177.]

[Footnote 30: Cf. Schubart, Deutsche Chron., 1776, pp. 499, 554, 613.]

[Footnote 31: Barney, Reise, I., p. 185.]

[Footnote 32: Kelly, Remin., I., p. 225.]

[Footnote 33: He was drowned at a water party (Parke, Mus. Mem., I., p. 204).

Holmes says that his brother Ozias Linley preserved an Italian letter

from Mozart to Thomas Linley.]

[Footnote 34: Rochlitz (Für Freunde d. Tonk., II., p. 284), highly coloured as

usual.]

[Footnote 35: On Holy Thursday, the Misereres of Anerio, Naldini, and Scarlatti

were performed in turns, until in 1714 Bai's Miserere displaced them.

Since 1821 Allegri's Miserere has only been sung once. Baini, Mem. Stor.

Crit., II., p. 195. Kandler, G. Pierluigi da Palestrina, p. 96.]

[Footnote 36: Cf. Burney's more critical account (Reise, I., p. 203) and

Mendelssohn's (Reise-briefe, pp. 122, 163).]

[Footnote 37: So at least it was said; but Burney says that the Pope had copies

made for the Emperor Leopold, the King of Portugal, and Padre Martini,

and that the Papal kapellmeister, Santarelli, gave him a copy, which he

had printed in London, 1771 (Reise, I., pp. 202, 208): he heard it

again in Florence, and was offered a copy. In face of these statements,

Baini's assurance (Cäcilia, II., p. 69) that no copy or score of the

Miserere had ever been made, must be held to be exaggerated.]

[Footnote 38: Metastasio declares (Lett., I., p. 99) that the Miserere, which had

thrown him into ecstasies in Rome, made no impression at all in

Vienna, performed by singers who were _secondo il corrente stilo

eccellentissimi._]

[Footnote 39: Metastasio, Opp. post., III., p. 258.]

[Footnote 40: Burney, Reise, I., p. 241. Cramer, Magaz. d. Mus., I., p. 341.

Kelly, Remin., I., p. 29.]

[Footnote 41: Burney, Reise, I., p. 252. L. Mozart writes (December 22, 1770)

from Milan, "Jomelli's opera has so completely fallen to the ground,

that it is to be withdrawn. This is the celebrated maestro about whom

the Italians make such an astounding fuss. But he was a little foolish

to undertake to write two operas in the year for the same theatre,

particularly as he might have seen that the first was no great success."]

[Footnote 42: Dittersdorf, Selbstbiographie, p. 84: "The order is bestowed in

Rome, and the members bear the title of 'Comités Palatina Romani.' They

receive a diploma written on parchment, and authenticated by a great

seal. They enjoy all the rights of the nobility in Rome and the Papal

States, have free entry into the Papal palace, and hold the same

position there as the kammerherren of other reigning courts. Their

insignia is a yellow enamelled gold Maltese cross. They wear it round

the neck with a purple ribbon, and sometimes a smaller one of plain

gold, with a red ribbon on the breast."]

[Footnote 43: Three short movements in counterpoint for four voices, with a

figured bass. "Adoramus" (327 K.), "Justum deduxit Dominus," and

"0 sancte fac nos captare" (326 K.), are preserved among Wolfgang's

sketches in L. Mozart's handwriting. They may be examples, perhaps

by Padre Martini, copied for study. Not even a conjecture can be made

concerning two four-part movements, "Salus infirmorum," and "Sancta

Maria" (324, 325, K.), of which only the commencing bars are preserved

by André.]

[Footnote 44: Burney, Reise, I., p. 166: "I must not neglect to inform my musical

readers that I recognise in the son of Mozart the musician, that little

German, whose precocious and supernatural talent amazed us all in London

some years ago, when he was a mere child. He has been much admired, both

in Rome and Naples."]

[Footnote 45: Grétry, Mém., I., p. 91. Kandler, G. A. Hasse, p. 21.]

[Footnote 46: Statuti ovyero costituzioni de' Signori Accademici Filarmonici di

Bologna. Bologna, 1721.]

[Footnote 47: Gaspari, La Musica in Bologna, p. 27.]

[Footnote 48: Gaspari, p. 28. Fétis, Biogr. Univ., VI., p. 226. Köchel, A.M.Z.,

1864, P- 495.]

[Footnote 49: Nissen, p. 226. A. M. Z.. XXII., Beil. I.]

[Footnote 50: Rudhart, Gesch. d. Oper zu München, I., p. 138.]

[Footnote 51: Burney, Reise, I., p. 96.]

[Footnote 52: It consisted, according to L. Mozart, of 14 first and as many

second violins, 2 claviers, 2 double-basses, 6 violoncelli, 2 bassoons,

6 viols, 2 oboes, and 2 "flautraversen," "which always play with 4 oboes

when there are no flutes," 4 corni di caccia, and 2 clarini, in all, 60

performers.]

[Footnote 53: A Bolognese exclaimed of Dittersdorf's playing, "Come è mai

possibile, che una tartaruga tedesca possa arrivare a tale perfezione!"

(Selbstbiogr., p. III.)]

[Footnote 54: The score remained in Milan after their departure, for the copyist

had orders for five complete copies, besides single songs.]

[Footnote 55: L. Mozart here relates a musical event that seemed to him hardly

credible in the Italy of that day: "We heard two beggars, man and wife,

singing in the street, and they sang in fifths without missing one note.

I never heard the like in Germany. In the distance I thought it was two

persons, each singing a song; but as we came nearer we found it was a

duet in exact fifths."]

[Footnote 56: L. Mozart here relates a musical event that seemed to him hardly

credible in the Italy of that day: "We heard two beggars, man and wife,

singing in the street, and they sang in fifths without missing one note.

I never heard the like in Germany. In the distance I thought it was two

persons, each singing a song; but as we came nearer we found it was a

duet in exact fifths."]

[Footnote 57: Burney, Reise, I., p. 94.]

[Footnote 58: Meissner, Biographie Naumanns, I., p. in.]

[Footnote 59: Hasse declared that six months were necessary for a good opera

(Man-fredini reg. armon., p. 134), that was plenty of time; Naumann

writes, that in Venice an opera had to be written, learnt, and produced

within a month.]

[Footnote 60: Metastasio, Opp. post., III., pp. 116, 164.]

[Footnote 61: Orelli, Beitr. z. Gesch. der Ital. Poesie, II., p. 3.]

[Footnote 62: Carpani, Le Haydine, p. 83. Kandler, Cenni int. alia vita del G. A.

Hasse, p. 27: "Questo ragazzo ci farà dimenticar tutti"]

[Footnote 63: Marpurg, Krit. Beitr., I., p. 227.]

[Footnote 64: Meissner, Biogr. Naumanns, I., pp. 120, 227, 283.]

[Footnote 65: Cf. Betrachtungen d. Mannh. Tonsch, I., p. 307.]

[Footnote 66: Parini's Descrizione delle feste celebrate in Milano per le nozze

delle L.L.A.A.R.R. l'arcid. Ferdinando e l'arcid. Maria Beatrice. Milan,

1825.]

[Footnote 67: Mozart bequeathed this watch to Joseph Strebl, a Vienna merchant,

with whom he used to play bowls.]

[Footnote 68: Teutsch. Mercur, 1775, III., p. 240.]

[Footnote 69: L. Mozart writes to Breitkopf (February 7, 1772): "We arrived at

home from Milan on the 15th of December, and my son, having gained

great credit by the composition of his dramatic serenata, has been

commissioned to write the first Carnival Opera for Milan next year, and

the second opera for the same Carnival at the Theatre of S. Benedetto,

in Venice. We shall, therefore, remain in Salzburg until the end of next

September, and then for the third time repair to Italy."]

[Footnote 70: Meissner, Biographie Naumanns, I., p. 279.]

[Footnote 71: This is inferred from a statement made by his sister to

Regierungsrath Sonnleithner (Salzburg, July 2, 1819) about a portrait of

Mozart, that "it was painted when he returned from the Italian tour, at

sixteen years of age; but as he was just recovering from severe illness,

the picture is sickly and yellow."]

[Footnote 72: [Koch-Sternfeldj Die letzten dreissig Jahre des Hochstifts und

Erzbisthums Salzburg (1816), p. 36.]

[Footnote 73: Leopold Mozart had ordered new oboes and bassoons from Dresden in a

great hurry, when the election of an archbishop was imminent.]

[Footnote 74: It would almost appear that it was performed a second time later

on, at least the songs of the "Licenza" occur in a second composition,

which may be referred to a later period, and is far superior to the

first; but it might be that they were used for an altogether different

composition.]

[Footnote 75: Burney, Reise, III., p. 263.]

[Footnote 76: Burney, Reise, II., pp. 93, no.]

[Footnote 77: Naumann, also, in whose "Armida" he appeared in Padua, says of him,

"he has every good quality, sings like an angel, and is an excellent

actor." From the year 1778 he lived in England as a singer, and then as

a teacher till 1810. Kelly, Remin., I., p. 10. Parke, Mus. Mem., II., p.

51. Rudhart, Gesch. d. Oper. zu München, I., p. 149.]

[Footnote 78: Afterwards she sang only in private society. Berl. Musik.

Wochenblatt, p. 4.]

[Footnote 79: The Abbé Cardanelli, a contemporary of Mozart, relates that de

Amicis required Wolfgang to submit the sketches of his songs for her

approval, but that he brought her a finished song, which she found

excellent; and he then composed the same words again twice over, and

placed them at her disposal (Folchino, Elogio Stor. di W. A. Mozart.

Cremona, 1817, p. 26). A. M. Z., XX., p. 93. Not very likely!]

[Footnote 80: The result of the opera appears to have been the subject of great

anxiety. Naomann notes in his Diary for January 2, 1773: "I went to

Colloredo, to hear the news of the Milan opera."]

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MOZART

By David Widger