THE approaching marriage of the Archduchess Maria Josepha with King
Ferdinand of Naples furnished Leopold Mozart with a pretext for
repairing to Vienna with his whole family; this he did in the beginning
of September,
1767, with every expectation that the public of that brilliant capital
would recognise the progress made by Wolfgang since their former
visit.[1]
They travelled quickly; were invited to dine with the Bishop at Lambach;
and at the Monastery of Mölk, where Wolfgang tried the organ, his
playing was at once recognised by the organist.
Misfortune awaited them at Vienna. The charming and universally beloved
Princess Josepha fell ill of the small-pox, which carried her off in
less than a month. This, of course, put a stop to any appearance at
court, or at the houses of the nobility.
Leopold Mozart had been advised when in Paris to follow the example of
the Duke of Orleans, who had set the fashion
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of inoculation with his own children in 1756, and to "graft the
small-pox" in his little boy. "But I prefer," he wrote (February 22,
1764), "to leave it all in God's hands; let Him, in His divine mercy,
dispose as He will of the life of this wonder of nature." Now, however,
he took instant flight to Olmütz with his children, but they did not
escape; first Wolfgang sickened, then Marianne. Count Leopold Anton von
Podstatzky, Dean of Olmütz and Canon of Salzburg (which would account
for his acquaintance with Mozart), out of compassion to the distracted
father, took the whole family into his house, making light of the risk
of infection. In the deanery, well cared for, and skilfully doctored,
the children passed through all stages of the disease, which, with
Wolfgang at least, was so severe, that he lay blind for nine days.
"Again is the saying proved true," writes L. Mozart: "In Te Domine
speravi, non confundar in æternum." "What extraordinary and unexpected
good fortune it was that Count P. should have been willing to receive
a child with the small-pox! I cannot tell you with what kindness and
goodness we were treated; who else would have received a family under
such circumstances, and that from an impulse of pure humanity? This good
deed shall redound to the honour of the Count in the biography of our
little one which I intend to publish some day, for I consider that it is
the commencement of a new epoch in his life."
He endeavoured also to bring about an expression "of gratitude, or at
all events of approbation" on the part of the Archbishop towards the
Count. For several weeks after his recovery, Wolfgang was obliged to
be very careful of his eyes, and his daily visitor, the Archbishop's
chaplain, Hay, afterwards Bishop of Konigsgràz (brother to Frau von
Sonnenfels),[2] strove to relieve the tedium of his enforced idleness by
teaching him card-games, in which the boy soon became as great an adept
as his instructor. He threw himself with the same zeal into the practice
of fencing,
{IMPERIAL CONDESCENSION--VIENNA, 1768.}
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having at all times a great love of exercises demanding bodily
activity.[3] When his recovery was complete, he composed an aria for the
little daughter of his physician, Wolf, of which her father reminded him
in later years (May 28, 1778).
On their return journey to Vienna they stayed for a fortnight at Brunn,
where they were received with great kindness by Count Franz Anton
Schrattenbach, brother to Archbishop Sigismund, of Salzburg: all the
nobility residing at Brünn treated them with the "highest distinction."
But at Vienna, which they re-entered at the beginning of January, 1768,
difficulties crowded thick upon them. At court, indeed, their reception
took place sooner than they had dared to hope. The Empress Maria Theresa
had scarcely recovered from the small-pox, when she remembered her
admiration of the children, and sent for the family.
The Emperor himself came into the ante-chamber, and conducted them
to his mother, no other person being present but Duke Albert of
Sachsen-Teschen, and the Archduchesses. They passed two hours in the
midst of this family circle. The Empress, a motherly woman, conversed
intimately with Frau Mozart, and questioned her on all details of
the children's illness, pressing her hands and stroking her cheeks
compassionately, while the Emperor discussed musical and other matters
with Wolfgang and his father, and "made Nannerl blush very often."
This unusual condescension was gratifying to the patriotic feelings
of the Mozart family, but it was not directly profitable. The Empress
presented them with a pretty medal of small value; but as she had
visited neither the opera nor the theatre since the death of her
consort, and had discontinued all musical parties, a summons to play
at court could only come from the Emperor. But Joseph showed little
inclination to liberality in the cause of art, and others, besides L.
Mozart, complained of his parsimony.
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The nobility followed the example of the court, and avoided any
appearance of extravagance in order to ingratiate themselves with
the Emperor. Dancing was the only amusement during the carnival,
but, whereas, formerly the nobles vied with each other in costly
entertainments, at which distinguished artists were nearly always
present, they now gave their balls in public rooms and at small
expense. L. Mozart suspects that the court made its advantage by this,
contracting for all dances, masquerades, and balls, and sharing the
profits with the contractor. Under these circumstances, the good
recommendations Mozart had brought with him were of little use. He had
letters to the Master of the Horse, Count von Dietrichstein, who was
high in the Emperor's favour, to Fräulein Josepha Guttenberg, "the
Empress's right hand," and to the court physician, L'Augier,[4] a
travelled and accomplished man of considerable talent, and excellent
judgment in music; all that was refined and cultivated in Viennese
society flocked to his assemblies. Among Mozart's patrons was also Duke
Joh. Carl v. Braganza, a man of the first importance, who had proved his
spirit and courage at the earthquake of Lisbon, and as a volunteer in
the Austrian army;[5] frequent travels had increased his knowledge and
enlarged his views;[6] he was an excellent companion and a thorough
musical connoisseur.[7]
Gluck dedicated to him his "Paride ed Elena" (1770), and in the
well-known dedication explained that he sought in the Duke, not so much
a patron as a judge, of thorough knowledge, fine taste, and unprejudiced
opinions.
The Mozarts were further favourably noticed by Prince Kaunitz, an
elegant connoisseur, but a man of such exaggerated anxiety on the
subject of his health, that he would not admit Wolfgang into his
presence as long as the traces of the small-pox remained on his face.
{MUSIC IN VIENNA, 1768.}
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But the Viennese generally were not enthusiastic for art. Leopold Mozart
gives the following account of them:--
The Viennese public, as a whole, has no love of anything serious or
sensible; they cannot even understand it; and their theatres furnish
abundant proof that nothing but utter trash, such as dances, burlesques,
harlequinades, ghost tricks, and devil's antics will go down with them.
You may see a fine gentleman, even with an order on his breast, laughing
till the tears run down his face, and applauding with all his might some
piece of senseless buffoonery; whilst in a most affecting scene, where
the situation and action are alike irresistibly fine and pathetic, and
where the dialogue is of the highest order, he will chatter so loud with
a lady that his better-informed neighbours can scarcely hear a word of
the play.
Recollecting the efforts that were being made just at this time
by Sonnenfels and his colleagues to introduce a higher style
of entertainment in Vienna,[8] this description will not appear
exaggerated. Indeed, L. Mozart fails to animadvert on the main
entertainment of the Viennese, the barbarous baiting of wild animals.
Under these circumstances, it is conceivable that the same people who
raved about the performances of the little prodigy, felt little interest
in the development of an artist's genius. To this passive indifference
on the part of the public was added the active opposition of envious
musicians living by their profession, who had been ready to applaud the
precocity of a child, but who saw with quite other eyes the arrival in
their midst of an accomplished musician ready to meet them on their own
ground.
L. Mozart says of them:--
I soon found that all the clavier-players and composers in Vienna were
in opposition to us, Wagenseil only excepted, who, being ill, could be
of little use to us. The plan adopted by these people was to avoid
all opportunities of seeing us or of learning the extent of Wolfgang's
attainments. Why was this? In order that when they were asked whether
they had heard the boy, and what they thought of him, they might reply
in the negative, and deny the possibility of what they were told; that
they might assert his performances to be impostures and
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mere buffoonery, got up beforehand, and all that he pretended to compose
to have been previously learnt. Now you see why they avoided us. They
knew very well that if they saw and heard they would not have a word to
say without the risk of losing their honour. But I set a trap for one
of these good folks. I persuaded some one to give me quiet notice of
his presence, and to induce him to bring an extraordinarily difficult
concerto, which was to be laid before Wolfgang. This all took place, and
he had the satisfaction of hearing his concerto played by Wolfgang as
if he knew it by heart. The astonishment of this composer and
clavier-player, the expressions of which he made use in his admiration,
let us all into the secret of what I have told you above. He ended
by saying: "I must honestly declare my opinion that this boy is the
greatest musician in the world; I could not have believed it."
But a solitary triumph of this sort could not do much against the secret
enmity of an envious cabal. The Emperor himself furnished a better
weapon by a proposal which was calculated to display Wolfgang's powers
in the most brilliant light. He ordered him to compose an opera, and
intimated a wish that the boy should himself conduct the work at the
clavier.
Both father and son eagerly seized on this proposal, the more so as
success would not only insure their position in Vienna, but would pave
the way for the young artist to Italy and the Italian stage.
The Emperor announced his wish to the theatrical manager, Affligio.
Leopold Mozart, knowing that the fate of an opera greatly depends on the
performers, strove to win the goodwill of the artists, male and female;
this was not difficult to accomplish, for it was felt that unusual
applause would be given to the work of so young an artist, and Affligio
was urged on all sides to undertake the production of the work. He was
ready enough to consent; and concluded a contract to produce the opera,
with an honorarium to the composer of 100 ducats.
The singers available for opera seria were not by any means of the first
rank.
On September 29, 1767, L. Mozart gives as his opinion that Hasse's
opera ("Partenope") is fine, but the singers, considering the occasion,
indifferent; Tibaldi was the tenor; Rauzzini, of Munich, the best male
soprano; the
{GLUCK'S "ALCESTE."}
(69)
prima donna was Elizabeth Deiberin (Teyber), daughter of a Viennese
court violinist, and pupil of Tesi and Hasse. Gluck had not been willing
to entrust his "Alceste" to these singers. "Alceste" was brought out
in Vienna on December 16, 1767; Bemasconi made a great sensation as
Alceste, but Tibaldi took Admetus. The Mozarts were then at Olmtitz, but
they had an opportunity on their return of hearing what L. Mozart calls
"Gluck's melancholy 'Alceste.'"
It is a remarkable coincidence, that in the act of writing his first
opera, Wolfgang should have witnessed in Gluck's "Alceste" the most
marked attempt yet made for the reform of dramatic music; and it is not
unlikely that early association may have been partly the cause that he
afterwards studied "Alceste" with unquestionable partiality.
L. Mozart's ideas were too firmly rooted in the tradition of Italian
music to enable him to appreciate Gluck's innovations. That the public
in general were of his opinion is evident from Sonnenfels' mimicry of
the gossip, not of the gallery, but of the boxes of the nobility:--
"This is edifying! Nine days without a play, and on the tenth we get a
De profundis--What? This is meant to be pathetic? Well, perhaps we shall
shed a few tears presently--from _ennui_."
"Come, this is throwing money away! It is too absurd, a fool of a woman
dying for her husband!"
The members of the Opera Buffa, on the contrary, were of first-rate
excellence;[9] the die was cast, therefore, for an opera buffa. The text
was furnished by Marco Coltellini, who had been "Theatrical Poet" in
Vienna since 1764, and in 1772 was made "Imperial Poet" at the court
of St. Petersburg. He wrote after the manner of Metastasio, who
complimented him highly;[10] his principal libretti were for Gassmaun
("Amore
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Psiche"), Hasse ("Piramo Tisbe"), Salieri ("Armida"),[11] and for
Mozart "La Finta Semplice," in three Acts (51 K). Wolfgang set to work
at once in order that the opera might be ready by Easter. As soon as
the first act was completed it was distributed among the singers, who
expressed their entire satisfaction and admiration. But delay was caused
by the poet, who proceeded so leisurely with the alterations in the text
required both by composer and performers, that he had not finished
them until after Easter. Mozart, nothing daunted, composed eagerly and
industriously, wrote new airs whenever they were demanded, and had soon
completed the score of 25 numbers and 558 pages, in three parts. In
the meantime intrigues were set on foot from all sides to hinder the
production of the opera. Advantage was taken of a natural feeling of
repugnance at seeing a boy of twelve years old conducting in the place
usually occupied by Gluck. Leopold suspected Gluck of being concerned
in these intrigues. It is true he wrote at first: "I have brought Gluck
over to our side, and even if he is not quite sincere, he has to keep it
to himself, for his patrons are also ours;" but later he says, in plain
language: "So far, all the composers, with Gluck as their leader,
have left no stone unturned to hinder the progress of this opera." The
decision with which Gluck proceeded on the path he had marked out for
himself may have caused him to take less interest in Mozart's youthful
genius than seemed to the father right, and the latter may have been
still further repelled by Gluck's unsociable manners;[12] but envy and
intrigue directed against struggling talent are inconsistent with the
composer's proud and upright character. Nevertheless, the music was
condemned beforehand as being "not worth a groat, suiting neither the
words nor the metre, in consequence of the boy's not understanding
Italian sufficiently well." Thereupon Leopold caused Hasse, a man
honoured for his reputation, beloved for his gentle disposition, and
justly called the "father of music,"[13] and Metastasio, as the
{PROFESSIONAL INTRIGUES.}
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highest authority, to pronounce their opinion in opposition to Gluck and
Calsabigi,[14] that of thirty operas produced in Vienna Wolfgang's was
incomparably the best, and worthy of the highest admiration.
Then the mode of attack was changed. The composition, it was said, was
not Wolfgang's at all, but his father's. This assertion also could be
disproved. At a large assembly, where there were present Prince
Kaunitz, Duke of Braganza, Bono, Kapellmeister to the Prince von
Hildburghausen,[15] Metastasio, and Hasse, a favourite volume of
Metastasio was opened, and a song taken at random was given to Mozart to
compose and write down with orchestral accompaniments--a proof which
at least left no doubt of the boy's technical skill and readiness.
Niemetschek confirms this through the testimony of "credible persons,"
who had been present at similar tests.
In spite of all L. Mozart's exertions the unceasing slanders issuing
from "the stirred-up hell of music" reached at last the artists who
were to represent the opera. The orchestra were encouraged to resent the
leadership of a boy; the singers, although they had one and all declared
themselves fully satisfied with the music, now that they saw the
strength of the opposition, began to fear the effect of the opera before
the public. It became their interest to postpone its production, and
to shrug their shoulders over the composition whenever they saw an
opportunity.
L. Mozart complains bitterly of the duplicity of the singers, some of
whom scarcely knew their notes, and had to learn everything by ear,
and assures Count Zeil, who thought that all the musicians were in
Wolfgang's favour, that he must not judge from the outside, but must
learn the "innate malice of the creatures."
Soon the impresario, who had undertaken the production of the opera
chiefly on account of the effect likely to be produced by the boyish age
of the composer, began to reflect on
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the risk he was running, and to draw back. Affügio was an adventurer and
a gambler, who had procured an officer's commission by swindling, and
had risen to be lieutenant-colonel; his utter want of sympathy with art
was illustrated by the anecdote that being present at a bull-baiting
where two dogs were pitted against a Hungarian ox, he remarked to a
friend, "Believe me, I prefer these dogs to Aufrene and Neuville" (two
excellent actors, then high in favour with him).[16] His name acquired
an unhappy immortality by the share which he took more than once in the
struggle of the legitimate drama against the buffoonery of the age.[17]
He was at last sent to the galleys for forgery, and there ended his
career.[18]
With such a man as this had Mozart to do. He postponed the opera on
every possible pretext from Easter to Whitsuntide, then to the Emperor's
return from Hungary, and so on continually, putting one opera after the
other into rehearsal, and as often as L. Mozart wrung from him the
order to copy and rehearse Wolfgang's opera, so often was it secretly
recalled. The Emperor's interest in the work remained unabated, and
he frequently inquired after its progress from Wolfgang; but even his
influence could not prevail against Affligio, who held his position
quite independent of the court. He had the theatre on a lease, and
bore all the expenses, the imperial family having the privilege of free
ingress.
Affligio had promised the nobles, and especially Prince Kaunitz, to
revive the French drama, discarded in 1766. He accomplished this in
1768, but, according to L. Mozart, at a cost of 70,000 gulden and a
great loss to himself; Prince Kaunitz strove to make the loss good by an
appeal to the Emperor to share in the expenses; but this attempt failed
signally. Under these circumstances, no influence from this quarter
could be brought to bear on Affligio, and nothing remained for L. Mozart
but to overcome his evasions step by step. When at last Affligio was
driven to bay he declared
{TREACHERY OF AFFLIGIO--FAILURE.}
(73)
that he would give the opera if L. Mozart insisted on it, but that it
should not benefit him much, for he would take care that it was hissed
off the stage. After this threat, which would certainly have been
fulfilled, nothing remained but to give up the production of the opera.
On September 21, L. Mozart justified himself to the Emperor by a formal
complaint against Affligio, which was intrusted for delivery to the
Court Director of Music (Hof und Kammer-Musik-director), Count Joh.
Wenzel Spork, a zealous musical friend; but, as might have been
foreseen, it was without result.
For nine months the affair had thus dragged on, during which time L.
Mozart had been living with his family at Vienna almost entirely on the
proceeds of their previous tour. His receipts at Vienna could not but be
insignificant, and the salary which he drew at Salzburg as professor
of the violin in the Royal Chapel, and leader of the orchestra, was
withdrawn in March of this year with the observation that he might
remain away as long as he chose, but that he would not be paid during
his absence.
He was too proud to use the influence of his patron, Count
Schrattenbach, brother to the Archbishop, in soliciting the continuance
of a salary which, "in the firm opinion of most of the court officials,"
he did not deserve.
But he could no longer count with certainty on the future security of
his position at Salzburg, and a rumour even reached him that this
was imperilled by the gossip which represented his gains in Vienna as
enormous, and fixed on 2,000 gulden as the sum which had been paid for
Wolfgang's opera.
L. Mozart sought to justify himself with the Archbishop by a reference
to Affligio's want of faith, which it had been impossible to foresee;
and by declaring that had the work been an opera seria instead of an
opera buffa, requiring all the strength of the Viennese company, he
would not have hesitated to shake the dust of Vienna from his feet, and
lay his son's first important composition at the feet of his rightful
and gracious lord. The honour of the Archbishop himself Mozart
considered to be concerned, that artists employed
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and recommended by him should not be treated as "charlatans, liars, and
impostors, who go abroad with his permission to throw dust in people's
eyes like common conjurors"; and the Archbishop was implored to
undertake Wolfgang's cause as identical with his own against people,
who "because they sniff the air of the town where the Emperor happens to
reside, look with disdain on those who serve foreign princes, and speak
disrespectfully of the foreign princes themselves."
Nay, he calls upon him as a Christian to convince the unbelievers
that the Almighty has worked a miracle in the birth of this prodigy at
Salzburg:--
If ever I considered it my duty to convince the world of this miracle
I do so now, at a time when every effort is made to bring miracles into
disrepute and ridicule. What greater joy and triumph could I enjoy than
to hear the astonished exclamation of a follower of Voltaire (Grimm):
_Now for once in my life I have seen a miracle; it is the first._ But
because this marvel is too patent and too open to be denied, every
effort is made to suppress it, and to deprive the Lord of the glory due
to Him. There is an idea that in a few years the wonder will cease and
will fall back into the natural. So it is to be hidden away from the
eyes of the world; for what could manifest it more openly than a public
performance in a large and populous city?
This tone was undoubtedly adopted as an appeal to the Archbishop's
bigoted piety.
In spite of all discouragements, L. Mozart never swerved from his main
object. He had an immovable faith in the Providence which had "so often
and so evidently urged him on or held him back, and always led him in
the right way." Just as firm was his confidence in the artistic gifts
of his son, for whose glorious future he considered it his mission to
prepare the way. His conviction that the opera in Vienna would be the
pioneer on the road to Italy made him ready to sacrifice to it even his
official position in Salzburg:--
I reckon upon this as a means of extorting permission for the journey to
Italy, a journey which, all things considered, cannot be long delayed,
and for which the Emperor himself has given me every possible assistance
in the imperial towns, and in Florence and Naples. Failing
{FORTITUDE OF L. MOZART.}
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this, we must pine at Salzburg in the vain hope of better fortune,
until I shall have grown too old to make the journey at all, and until
Wolfgang has grown up, and his performances are deprived of everything
marvellous. Can it be that the first step of this opera in Vienna shall
have been made in vain, and that my son is not to advance with rapid
strides along the path so plainly marked out for him?
However bitterly he felt that ill-will and disappointment pursued him
in Vienna as they had never done abroad, and that his opponents were
Germans seeking to oppress a German, whom foreigners had treated with
justice and liberality, yet intrigues and slanders never deprived him of
patience and self-command:--
It is just the way of the world; if a man has no talent he is unhappy
enough, but if he has talent, then envy follows him in proportion to his
ability. All we can do is by patience and perseverance to convince the
world that our adversaries are malicious liars, slanderers, and covetous
wretches, who would laugh in their sleeve if we allowed them to frighten
or weary us.
It is impossible to withhold our sympathy from L. Mozart's shrewd and
patient endeavours to bring to light his son's work, in the full
belief of its worth; but we must ascertain also how far this belief
is justified by the work itself. The opera is preserved in Mozart's
handwriting, and a detailed examination of it serves to confirm the
judgment of contemporary critics, that it is not only on a level with
the numerous comic operas of the time, but far superior to the majority
of them.[19]
The text goes far to justify Coltellini's want of success as a
librettist. The poverty of the plot, the unreality of the characters,
and the stupidity of the jokes, all prove the truth of Nicolai's severe
criticism of the "outlandish musical zany in Vienna, whose pieces are as
poor as those of any mountebank."[20]
The plot is somewhat as follows:--
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Fracasso, a Hungarian officer, is quartered with his servant Simone
in the house of two rich bachelors, Cassandro and Polidoro, who have a
beautiful sister Giacinta. Fracasso and Simone are of course carrying
on a love intrigue with Giacinta and her maid, Ninetta, of which the
brothers know nothing. The latter are broad caricatures. Polidoro, the
younger of the two, is simple and timid, but amorous by nature, which
he does not dare to betray to Cassandro, who, by virtue of his wealth,
talent, and good looks, of which he is inordinately vain, tyrannises
over his household, and though not less amorous than his brother, feigns
a contempt for women. In order to outwit the brothers and force them
into a consent to their union, the two pair of lovers plot that Rosine,
Fracasso's sister, who is expected on a visit, shall, under Ninetta's
instruction, make both brothers in love with her. Rosine enters with
'feigned simplicity,' and with a marvellous show of _naïveté_ throws
herself at the head of the two brothers. Each of them, delighted at her
demonstration of love, wishes to marry her at once. The tricks which she
plays on them, the Complications which ensue when each brother in turn
surprises her with the other, their attempts to ingratiate themselves
with her, and their awkward manners form the main subject of the opera,
which is devoid of dramatic action, and consists of detached burlesque
scenes. We will note a few characteristic traits. At their first
meeting, after a very few words, Polidoro proposes marriage on the spot
to Rosine. She shows herself not averse but _"domanda un matrimonio i
passi suoi, s' am a da prima, e poiche qualche visita almeno, qualche
gentil biglietto, qualche bel regalo."_ He is nothing daunted; as for
love he declares, it exists already; for the visits, he has just paid
one. Ninetta shall write a love-letter for him, and, by way of present,
he thrusts a purse of gold into her hand. In a subsequent scene he is
formally instructed in the duties of a husband.
Cassandro fares no better. At their first interview, Rosine begs for a
ring which he wears, and, on his refusal, she teases him into lending
it, whereupon he plainly expresses his doubt of ever receiving it back
again. In the following act he comes in intoxicated and is consequently
forced by Rosine to converse with her from the opposite corner of the
stage; she expresses herself in pantomine, which he misunderstands, and
at last goes to sleep. Then she puts the ring on his finger again and
leaves him.
Fracasso enters, and Cassandro complains that his sister has kept the
ring; but as it is shown to be on his finger, a duel is the consequence,
in which Cassandro makes full display of his cowardice. To bring matters
to a point the brothers are informed that Giacinta and Ninetta have
decamped with gold and jewels, and are induced to promise the hands
of these young ladies to whomsoever shall bring them back. Fracasso and
Simone are happy enough to accomplish this; Rosine having given her hand
to Cassandro, clears up all misunderstandings, and the piece ends amid
general rejoicings.
{LA FINTA SEMPLICE.}
(77)
The noble and refined genius of young Mozart now, as ever, raising to a
higher sphere all with which it came in contact, was able to transform
and quicken even such miserable trash as this. The jesting is confined
to the dialogue; the songs have a higher tone, and in the finales, which
are unquestionably burlesque in their situations, the poor fun of the
text is made subordinate to the strongly marked individuality of the
composer. A talent for musical delineation of character is clearly
visible in this work, and must be entirely ascribed to the genius of the
youthful composer, who had no help from the poet. The part of Polidoro
is the most favourable instance of dramatic power. It was written for
Caribaldi, whose beautiful voice was very telling in slow movements, but
who had a poor execution, and strove unsuccessfully to imitate Caratoli
in his acting.[21] Mozart has contrived to give a simple, noble
expression to the genuine feeling of love which invests even the poor
simple dupe with a certain dignity; and yet the comic element is never
lost sight of. His first air (7), in which he describes the impression
made on him by Rosine, is the crown of the whole opera. The naïve
emotion of a youth, who is as yet unconscious of the strength of his own
passions, is so naturally and heartily expressed, that we may well ask
how the boy had acquired such a degree of psychological insight. We are
reminded of Cherubino in "Figaro," but Polidoro is not to be compared
to the Page in fire and spirit. All Mozart's later characteristics,
the quiet beauty and easy flow of the melodies and harmonies, the
symmetrical blending of the details into a whole, and the intrinsic
unity of style, are already to be traced, and we may fairly rank this
song with those of his maturer works.
The instrumentation is carefully and effectively worked out. The first
violins and the voice go together, the second violins have a simple
accompaniment, the basses
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play _pizzicato_. Two tenors and bassoons, generally in unison, supply
the shadows to this outline (as it may fairly be termed), and two oboes
let in the appropriate lights; the horns, made use of only in long-drawn
notes, keep the whole together. The skilful employment of these simple
means produces an effect of light and shade which is at once striking
and beautiful.
As we have already observed, this air was taken, with slight
modifications, and with the omission of the middle movement in G minor,
and of the Da capo, from Mozart's earlier oratorio (p. 55). This species
of borrowing was common enough at the time, but Mozart never made use of
it except in this instance; his having done so here proves how strongly
the young composer himself felt the beauty of his music.
Polidoro's air in the second act (17) has far more of dramatic energy.
Rosine, insulted by Cassandro, bursts into tears; Polidoro, indignant
with his brother, but more than half-frightened at his own temerity,
seeks to console her. The contrast between his strong feeling of
attraction to Rosine and the effort which he makes to overcome his fear
of his brother is well marked by modulations of time and measure, and by
the instrumentation; the accelerated part has much of the ordinary buffo
character.
Next to Polidoro we may rank Rosine. The part was publicly announced for
Clementine Baglioni, whose voice "had a silvery tone, was as easy and
fluent as could be desired, and carried admirably"; she sang "without
audacity and correctly; her gestures were easy and becoming."[22] "The
same simplicity and truthfulness of expression is observable here as
in the part of Polidoro. The first song (6) in which she undertakes to
show--
Che si puö senza rossore
Gradir tutti ed un solo amar, is fresh and lively, and the passages are
so natural and graceful, that even in the present day it does not sound
{ROSINE, CASSANDRO.}
(79)
antiquated. The first part of the second song (9) is especially
beautiful, and the principal melody reminds us, in dignity and
expression, of the Countess in "Figaro." The words--
Senti I' eco, ove t' aggiri,
Susurrar tra fiori e fronde
Ma se gridi, o se sospiri
Quello sol 1' eco risponde,
Che ti sente à ragionar.
give opportunity for descriptive music, the _susurrar_ being expressed
by a phrase for the violins, while a solo oboe enacts the part of Echo,
repeating the end of each phrase.
But this trifling is kept in the background, and does not in the least
interfere with the tender character of the air. The second part (Allegro
grazioso, 3-4), although light and cheerful, does not approach the first
in originality and depth. The cavatina in the second act (15) expresses
a simple, fervent emotion in a beautiful melody; the whole piece, both
in design and execution, shows Mozart's manner most unmistakably; and
is marked by a certain individuality of conception which transcends all
technical readiness and skill. On the other hand, the song (17) which
Rosine sings in her _rôle_ of affected simplicity, is cheerful and
fresh, but not particularly striking.
The part of Cassandro is not on a par with the two we have been
considering. Caratoli, for whom it was written was past his best days
as a singer, but he was an excellent actor, and "knew how to dispense in
some measure with singing"; he generally played old men, and his desire
to please the multitude led him into occasional extravagances.[23] His
part is specially adapted to the peculiarities of the Italian buffo; it
contains rapid declamation, well-applied pauses, strong contrasts, and
other similar conventional effects; but not much original conception of
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comic character. In one song, indeed, we have a clever expression given
to the not over-refined words:--
E son come un can barbone,
Frà la carne ed il bastone,
Vorrei stender lo zampino
E al baston più m' avvicino
E abbaiando, mugilando
Piglio il porco e me ne vö.
[See Page Image]
{CASSANDRO.}
(8l)
[See Page Image]
We must not indeed compare such jesting as this, however it may have
been applauded at the time, with the delicate humour of Figaro. The
composer is not at his best; but much of the blame lies at the door of
the poet who wrote such trash, and of the performer who would accept
only slight indications of the music to be sung, that he might win
applause by his own elaboration of it. But youthful inexperience and
ignorance of the minds of men must also naturally have narrowed the
boy's ideas. It is a sufficient proof of his thoroughly artistic nature
that his fun was exempt from childish extravagance.
The two pairs of lovers are not of equal prominence. The somewhat timid
and indolent Giacinta is a difficult subject for musical representation.
In her first song she declares(3)--
Mari to io vorrei, ma senza fatica,
Averlo, se commoda, lasciarlo, se intrica;
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the husband is to be--
Un uoroo d' ingegno
Ma fatto di legno.
This is not exactly the state of mind for a prima donna. The music that
she sings is harmonious and pleasing, but, with the exception of a happy
turn here and there, not above the average. Only the song in the third
act (24) expresses dismay at the pretended flight with a tragic pathos,
which, though of course exaggerated, is well sustained, both by the
voice and the accompaniment. The conception of this part was doubtless
influenced by the individuality of the singer for whom it was written.
According to Sonnenfels this was Signora Eberhardi.
"She has an agreeable contralto voice, and a style which pleases
universally. Her shakes certainly degenerate sometimes into a quake, and
if the tempo is taken very fast she fails to keep pace with it. In her
acting she suffers the natural to pass into the artificial, and her
conventional gestures are often constrained."[24]
Fracasso is a lover of the usual type, rough and impetuous as becomes a
Hungarian officer, quarrelsome with the two brothers, but without marked
individuality. This it was impossible for so young a composer as Mozart
to evolve out of such commonplace and insignificant materials. The part
was cast for Laschi, whom Sonnenfels[25] praises as a cultivated artist,
and a buffo actor of the most refined and intelligent type. He still
played first lover's parts, but was much commiserated on account of the
loss of certain notes of his voice, a defect which he sought to hide by
transposing airs and passages.
Simone is an ordinary valet, blunt rather than rude, and merry, all
which is well represented by the music, the part seldom rising,
however, above the ordinary buffo level. Most genial and telling is the
song(13)--
Con certe persone Vuol esser bastone--
{NINETTA--SOLO SONGS.}
(83)
and the concluding refrain "Madama, bastone!" is pretty and comical.
Poggi, who took the servants' and peasants' parts, possessed a fine bass
voice and correct execution, together with a charming style of acting,
and was the favourite of connoisseurs.[26]
The character most devoid of colour is that of Ninetta, and we find
in it no foretaste of a Susannah or a Despina. It can only have been
intended for Bemasconi, who had made a great sensation as Sandrina in
Piccini's "Buona Figliola," and in Sacchini's "Contadina in Corte."[27]
It is indicative of the healthiness of Mozart's genius that some of the
songs for these less important personages were rewritten several times,
no doubt at the request of the performers.[28] Where any natural emotion
or characteristic situation is to be represented, his judgment is at
once correct and decided; but in unimportant matters he is ready to
yield to the wishes of the singers and the public, and to attempt
various modes of expression in search of what is pleasing and
harmonious.
In accordance with the prevailing fashion, solo songs abound in this
opera; each character has two or three, Rosine has four, and the total
number amounts to twenty. The majority are formed on the same model, the
usual one of the day.
They have a long ritomello, and consist of two movements, differing in
time, measure, and key, which are generally both repeated; each movement
is woven into one long thread, the motifs being sometimes repeated, but
never really worked out. This clumsy form gives few opportunities
for dramatic effect, and is especially adapted for the singer who is
desirous of displaying his own,
As a matter of course, those songs which have most originality disregard
such rules, and their form is rounder,
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more self-contained and complete. In these, little opportunity is given
for a display of execution; the melodies are simple, ornamental passages
and runs few in number,[29] and little beyond the cadenzas is left to
the singers' discretion. The natural expression of feeling in the songs
is never inconsistent with the style of an opera buffa; all is cheerful,
light, and easy of apprehension.
By the side of these numerous airs, there is only one duet between
Fracasso and Cassandro (19), of a purely comic character; Cassandro
assumes an air of arrogant importance, but, terrified in reality, seeks
by any means to escape from the proposed duel. This is animated, and
must have been very effective at the time; but it is in reality a solo
for the bass buffo, for Fracasso has only detached ejaculations, and the
two voices never go together.
Each act of the opera ends with a finale, in which the action,
increasing in intensity through the several scenes, is wound up and
represented to the audience in a connected and coherent form. Clearly
defined rules left little scope for originality in the arrangement and
composition of these finales. Changes of time, measure, and key took
place according to rule with every change of situation; and each
movement formed a complete and detached whole. When the action becomes
animated, or the dialogue rapid, the orchestra, by means of retaining
and developing a characteristic motif, supplies a framework from which
individual dramatic features can be detached without risk of the whole
falling asunder.
The skilful modelling of a composition from its purely musical aspect,
is as important to true artistic workmanship as is the vivid delineation
of individual character; only a consummate master of his art can
be expected to bring both these elements to perfection. The first
predominates in these finales.
The design and modelling of each subject is firm and
{FINALES--OVERTURE.}
(85)
flowing. The voices are not artificially involved, but free and
independent throughout; the orchestra is cleverly handled and treated
with due consideration, whether it comes to the front, or remains as an
accompaniment in the background.
The instrumentation is rich, and even where the rapid progress of the
action causes difficulties, it is full of effects of light and shade.
The wind instruments are frequently employed independently; and there
is already visible the germ of Mozart's inimitable art of combining
orchestra and voices with mutual independence into perfect unity. The
situations and characters are fitly and dramatically expressed by the
orchestra, though not in so striking a degree as in the airs. Creative
power is not so prominent here as the dexterity with which the various
parts are moulded together. Even with his extraordinary gifts, such a
mere boy could not satisfy in an equal degree the very great and varied
demands made upon him face to face with such a task as this; the only
wonder is that Mozart did not yield to the temptation of producing
brilliant effects at the cost of artistic unity.
These finales make a perfectly harmonious effect, and wanting as they
are in depth and vigour, preserve throughout the genuine character of an
opera buffa. The last movement of each finale is for four voices, and is
sung by all the personages present; a similar movement opens the opera.
They are very simple, the voices in harmony, to a varied figure on the
violins, generally only a sort of paraphrase of the principal subject;
the other instruments fill in the harmonies, so that the whole has a
rapid, busy effect.
The overture (Sinfonia) is, according to established custom, in three
movements, the two first being in two divisions. It is a symphony,
composed previously on January 16 (45 K.), and prefixed to the opera
with the omission of the minuet. There are a few minor alterations,
chiefly in the instrumentation. The symphony had originally trumpets
and drums, which were omitted in the overture, while flutes and bassoons
were added. This is unquestionably the weakest part of the opera, and
the middle movement is
{THE FIRST OPERA IN VIENNA.}
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especially poor; but little importance was then attached to the
overture, and it is not worse than others of its day.
To sum up our criticism, the opera was a worthy rival to those already
in possession of the stage, and portions of it may fairly be said
to surpass them in nobility and originality both of invention and
execution, while it points unmistakably to a glorious future for its
composer. Surely this is extraordinary praise for the work of a boy!
The manuscript score is clearly a fair copy, but not without
corrections. Some of these are of mistakes in the copying; others,
although seldom, are alterations probably demanded by the performers,
either curtailments or additions. The additions are for the most part
to the closing phrases, which Mozart, as a rule, cut very short; the
singers, mindful of a good exit, demanded their prolongation. The hand
of L. Mozart is discernible throughout; the indications of the tempo,
of the persons, instruments, &c., the minute directions as to execution,
are almost all in his handwriting.
There are also some indications of his having revised the composition in
unimportant trifles. But this score, being a copy, can offer no evidence
as to the influence of L. Mozart's advice and corrections on the
compositions of his son; we can well understand that at the time this
influence was thought to be overpowering; now that Wolfgang's career and
development lie open before us, we rate it at next to nothing.
Although L. Mozart was denied the satisfaction of witnessing the public
recognition of his son's genius by the performance of this opera, yet
a good opportunity was afforded him of asserting his dramatic talent
before a small circle of connoisseurs. The Mozarts became acquainted
with a Dr. Messmer,[30] who had married a rich wife, and who kept
{ROUSSEAU'S "DEVIN DU VILLAGE."}
(87)
open house for a select and cultivated circle. Heufeld was among the
number of his friends. Dr. Messmer was musical, and had built an amateur
theatre; here was performed, a little German opera composed by Wolfgang,
with the title "Bastien und Bastienne" (50 K.).
We must here revert to J. J. Rousseau's intermezzo, "Le Devin du
Village," the origin of which he describes in the eighth book of his
"Confessions."[31] The pleasure which he had derived during his stay
in Italy from the performances of the opera buffa was revived in 1752 at
Passy, where he encountered a zealous musical friend, Musard, who
shared the same tastes. This suggested to Rousseau the idea of placing
something of the same kind on the French stage; in a few days the plan
of the piece, the text, and some of the music were sketched out, and
within six weeks, the poem and composition were complete. At a private
rehearsal, which Duclos arranged, the operetta made a great sensation,
and attracted the attention of the manager _des menus plaisirs_, De
Cury, who ordered and directed a performance of it at court.
It was twice (on October 18 and 24,1752) performed before the King at
Fontainebleau, Mdlles. Fel and Jeliotte singing Colette and Colin, with
great applause. Then it was given publicly in Paris before the Académie
Royale de Musique on March 1, 1753, and met with great and universal
approbation.[32] From the King, who, "with the worst voice in his whole
kingdom," sang "J'ai perdu mon serviteur," downwards, the couplets
of the operetta were in every one's mouth, and it became popular to
a remarkable degree. In 1774 it received almost as much applause as
Gluck's "Orpheus,"[33]
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and even in 1819 and 1821 German musicians were astonished at its
popularity. It did not finally disappear from the stage until 1828.[34]
The plot could not be simpler:--
Colette, a village maiden, is inconsolable for her faithless swain,
Colin, and goes to a soothsayer for advice and assistance. He informs
her that the lady of the manor has entangled Colin in her toils, but
that he is still faithful at heart, and will return to his first love;
she must punish him by pretended indifference, so as to inflame his
desires afresh; this she promises. Colin then enters; he is healed
of his madness, and returns to his Colette. On being informed by
the soothsayer that she loves another, he, too, begs for help; the
soothsayer undertakes to summon Colette by magic, but Colin must himself
do the rest. Colette appears, and somewhat unsuccessfully plays the
prude; her lover thereupon rushes off in despair, she calls him back,
and then follow reconciliation and renewed assurance of love and
constancy. The soothsayer receives thanks and reward, and the assembled
villagers take part in the joy of the lovers.
The simplicity and naïve sentiments, which atone for the poverty of
the plot, are also characteristic of the music. A certain inequality
in technical details, and here and there gross errors, betray the
amateur;[35] but there is a natural feeling in the melodies, and a
playful tenderness in the whole composition, which must have had an
extraordinary effect at the time of its production. Rousseau, who
aimed at unity of tone before all things in this little sketch, was not
satisfied with furnishing the couplets with easy flowing melodies,
but bestowed great care on the recitatives, which, in imitation of
the Italian, were intended to be pieces of artistic and studied
declamation.[36] The minute care with which he indicated the smallest
detail in the delivery of his recitatives is almost incredible; it is
plain that he gave credit to the performers for no musical feeling or
power of expression whatever.
Rousseau's opera coincided in point of time with the first
{THE PARODY, "BASTIEN ET BASTIBNNE."}
(89)
appearance of Italian opera buffa in Paris; and though he had avowedly
taken, this as his model, comparison serves only to prove the complete
originality of his work. It bore unmistakable traces of its nationality,
and was French in feeling and tone.[37] The abiding impression created
by it is best shown by the innumerable operas of the same kind, which
followed closely in its rear,[38] such as "Rose et Colas," "Annette et
Lubin," "La Clochette." The Comédie-Italienne ratified the success of
the "Devin du Village" in yet another way. According to the custom, by
which every piece of any importance was parodied as soon as it appeared
on the stage, a parody of Rousseau's intermezzo appeared at the
Italiens, September 26, 1753, with the title: "Les Amours de Bastienet
Bastienne."[39]
It was composed by the witty and agreeable Madame Favart and Hamy,[40]
and, without attempting to disparage the original, it transforms the
Arcadian idealism of Rousseau's shepherds into the unromantic realism of
country life. Genuine French peasants express appropriate sentiments in
their patois, and the whole piece is rustic and natural.
The dialogue is strung together by well-known melodies, as was always
the case in vaudeville. The piece was highly applauded, owing its
success in great measure to the lively and natural acting of Madame
Favart. She was the first actress who ventured to appear in the genuine
simple costume of a peasant woman, and her appearance in sabots created
a great sensation. Her portrait was painted in this
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character, and it had much to do in laying the foundation of her
fame.[41]
The parody was elaborated into a German operetta. In Vienna, low comedy
had never entirely renounced the aid of music; Haydn composed his
operetta "Der neue Krumme Teufel" for Kurz-Bemardon. When the more
refined comic opera was introduced by Hiller, it was accepted and
imitated in Vienna. In 1764 Weiskem translated Madame Favart's parody
with some slight alterations,[42] and to this text Mozart composed the
music.[43] The piece is a continuous dialogue, interrupted by isolated
songs and duets at appointed places. These, consisting of eleven solo
songs, three duets, and one terzet do not always correspond to those
of Rousseau's opera, which was unknown to the adapter; many songs have
several verses, of which Mozart has only transcribed the first.
The French parody has been most unskilfully travestied, as will be seen
by a comparison of the first song in its various forms.
ROUSSEAU.
J'ai perdu tout mon bonheur;
J'ai perdu mon serviteur:
Colin me délaisse.
Hélas! il a pu changer!
Je voudrois n'y plus songer:
J'y songe sans cesse.
MADAME FAVART.
(Air: J'ai perdu mon äne.)
J'ons pardu mon ami!
Depis c' tems-là j'nons point dormi,
Je n' vivons pû qu'à d'mi.
J'ons pardu mon ami,
J'en ons le cour tout transi,
Je m' meurs de souci.
{MOZART'S "BASTIEN ET BASTIENNE."}
(91)
WEISKERN.
Mein liebster Freund hat mich verlassen,
Mit ihm ist Schlaf und Ruh dahin;
Ich weiss vor Leid mich nicht zu fassen,
Der Kummer schwächt mir Aug' und Sinn.
Vor Gram und Schmerz Erstarrt das Herz,
Und diese Noth Bringt mir den Tod.
The verses are equally tame and clumsy all the way through; and even
taking into account the prevailing low standard of cultivation and
taste, it is difficult to believe that this operetta could have been
produced at a private house of any importance.[44]
Mozart has given his music a strictly pastoral character, indicated,
wherever possible, by its outward form. The orchestral introduction
(Intrada) an Allegro (3-4) of about seventy bars, begins with a pastoral
theme--
[See Page Image]
interrupted by quick passages for oboes and horns, plainly intended to
express a disturbance of the peaceful shepherd's life; this passes into
a tender pianissimo, prefiguring Bastienne's song. Holmes remarks that
the subject reminds one of Beethoven's Sinfonia Eroica, and still more
so as the overture proceeds; but no one, it is to
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(92)
be hoped, would think of an actual reminiscence. Both the melody and
its accompaniment, particularly the holding down of the bass note or the
fifth, often of both, are meant to suggest bagpipes.
Only the stringed instruments are employed; and a curious effect is
produced by the first violins giving the fundamental note to the melody
on the open string of G or D. The bagpipes are imitated again in a
little passage, with which Colas enters, playing the bagpipes:--
[See Page Image]
In this passage Mozart has jokingly introduced a G sharp to imitate the
sound between G and G sharp, which wind instruments sometimes emit,
when unskilfully handled.[45] All these little tricks had already been
brought in to his "Galimathias" (p. 45).
Comparing this operetta with the "Finta Semplice," we find that the
former is as distinctively German in execution and colouring as the
latter is Italian. What amount of direct influence Hiller's operas had
upon "Bastien and Bastienne"
(Op. 30, 5), and others in Mendelssohn's "Midsummer Night's Dream."
{MOZART'S "BASTIEN ET BASTIENNE."}
(93)
it is difficult to say, but there can be no doubt that the intention of
both composers was the same.
Simplicity and directness of expression being essential, the songs are
destitute both of runs and florid passages, and the fashioning of the
melodies is decidedly German, generally taking the ballad form; where
a more elaborate working is attempted, we may indeed trace Italian
influence, but the style is invariably simplified.
The conventional form of the aria in two parts, with the repetition of
the first or both, and the usual variations, is not adhered to: and
when an aria consists of two parts, it has no Da capo.[46] So, too, the
cadence, which had become almost a rule in Italian songs--is employed
only once or twice.
[See Page Image]
The whole composition displays little inventive faculty,. and there
are no pieces of the same significance as some of those in the Italian
opera; here and there is a slight uncertainty of rhythm or harmony, and
occasionally also obsolete turns of expression.
On the other hand', there are not wanting passages full of grace and
tenderness, the harmony is often well chosen and even bold, and the
operetta is so far Mozart's best expression of simple sentiment coming
direct from the heart.
His dramatic talent again asserts itself unmistakably; the three
characters are boldly sketched, and many little comic touches are
thrown into relief, as, for instance, the song in which Colas practises
hocus-pocus, the duet in which Bastienne to all Bastien's despairing
resolutions answers only: "Viel Glück!" and others. The technical
working-out is very simple. Neither in the duets nor in the closing
terzet are the voices interwoven; but they
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(94)
alternate with each other, or proceed together in simple harmony;
only in one instance does there occur a short imitative passage. The
orchestra usually goes with the voice, to which a simple, well-arranged
bass is provided, the other parts filling in the harmonies. An
accompaniment with any independent phrasing is rarely met with.
The accompaniment is mainly intrusted to the stringed instruments,
strengthened by oboes (on one occasion by two flutes) and horns, but
only to fill in the harmonies. Horns are also employed obbligato, and
with charming effect, in Bastienne's second song, "Ich geh jetzt auf die
Weide."
It says much for the artistic feeling and true discrimination of a boy
of twelve years old, that he not only displays a mastery of operatic
form, and a rare dramatic and inventive genius, but that he is able
to grasp and appreciate the essential differences, both artistic and
national, between German and Italian opera.
It is noteworthy that his first dramatic attempts should, so to
speak, touch the two extremes, which it was to be his mission to bring
together. One song of Bastien's (10), with slightly altered words
and clavier accompaniment, "Daphne, deine Rosenwangen," and another,
"Freude, Königin der Weisen" (52, 53, K.), were printed in a musical
serial,[47] the editor, no doubt, thinking to make his profit with the
name of the youthful prodigy.
Among the occasional compositions, which were numerous during Mozart's
stay in Vienna, two symphonies must be mentioned. The first, in F major
(43 K.), falling within the year 1767, is only noticeable for its middle
movement, which is an elaboration of the duet in "Hyacinthus," already
mentioned (p. 62 ). The second, in D major, dated December 13,1768 (48
K.), is very animated, and has some striking features.
Considerable doubt still exists on the subject of a quintet, in B flat
major (46 K.), which, according to Kochel's unimpeachable authority is
preserved in Mozart's boyish
{QUINTET IN B FLAT MAJOR, AND SERENADE.}
(95)
hand-writing in the archives of the Austrian Musikverein; it has many
corrections, and the date appended, in a strange hand certainly,
but coinciding with the composition, is "d. 25 Januar (Mozart writes
Janner), 1768." This quintet, for two violins, two tenors, and
violoncello, contains the four principal movements (omitting the second
minuet, the romance, and the variations) of the great serenade for wind
instruments belonging to the year 1780 (361 K); the substance is here
in its integrity, with only the necessary alterations to adapt it for
strings.
Close examination leaves hardly any doubt that the composition was
originally intended for wind instruments; finer effects are produced in
the serenade, and are obviously not interpolated; the quintet betrays
itself as an arrangement by evident efforts to bring out given effects.
Accordingly the serenade must be considered also as a very early work,
and the omission of the three movements in the quintet affords no reason
for ascribing them to a different period. Nevertheless, the conception
and workmanship of these movements, and the scientific mastery of the
art therein displayed, belong to the maturity of manhood, and make it
difficult to give credence to the handwriting of the manuscript rather
than to this internal evidence.
L. Mozart's hope of seeing an opera by Wolfgang on the Vienna stage was,
as we have seen, destroyed; but he was not altogether deprived of the
satisfaction to be afforded him by a public display of his son's genius.
They had become acquainted with the celebrated Father Ign. Parhammer, a
Jesuit, who had been especially zealous in purifying the land since
the emigration of the Protestants from Salzburg in 1733; [48] he took a
prominent position in Vienna, and became father confessor to the Emperor
Francis I. in 1758. In the following year he was made director of
the Orphan Asylum, which he extended and reorganised with remarkable
activity, making it at length one of the most noted of such
institutions.[49] In all similar institutions conducted by the Jesuits
in Germany, the musical education of the orphans was
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(96)
considered next in importance to their religious duties,[50] and in this
case the result was so striking that the Emperor intended employing them
in his operatic company.[51] Parhammer sometimes invited the Mozarts;
and when the foundation stone of a new chapel was laid in the summer
they were present and met the Emperor, who conversed with Wolfgang about
his opera. Soon after he was commissioned to prepare the music for the
mass to celebrate the dedication of the chapel, with the addition of an
offertory and a trumpet concerto, to be performed by one of the boys.
The latter is not preserved; the Mass in G major (49 K.), the first
which Mozart had written, betrays, as might be expected, the uncertainty
of boyish workmanship more than any previous work. It is written for
chorus and solos which do not merely alternate with the chorus in short
phrases; "Et in Spiritum Sanctum" is an independent solo for the bass;
Benedictus, a solo quartet. The plan, modelling, and execution of the
music are quite of the conventional type of a Missa brevis; it is almost
devoid of original invention, and bears no signs of those stirrings of
genius which we have remarked in previous works. This want has not
been without influence on the working-out of the music. The imitative
phrasing is stiffer and less free than elsewhere; only the little
regulation fugue "Et vitam" shows the result of study; and the impetuous
Osanna--
{FIRST MASS IN G MAJOR.}
(97)
[See Page Image]
is vigorous and well finished. The Offertory, "Veni, Sancte Spiritus"
(47 K.), in C major is lively and brilliant, with trumpets and drums.
The closing "Alleluia" is almost too gay, but it is pretty and fresh,
reminding one of Caldara's easier pieces.
The performance, which Wolfgang conducted, took place on December 7,
1768, in the presence of the imperial court, and confirmed, as the
father writes home, that which their enemies by opposition to the opera
had sought to disprove; convincing the court and the numerous audience
assembled, of Wolfgang's right to a place of honour among composers.
The following is the testimony of a contemporary journal:[52]
On Wednesday, the 7th, his Imperial Majesty, with the Archdukes
Ferdinand and Maximilian, and the Archduchesses Maria Elizabeth and
Maria Amelia were pleased to repair to the Orphan Asylum on the Rennweg,
in order to be present at the first festival service and dedication of
the newly erected chapel.
On either side of the entrance to the chapel were stationed the
companies of body guards with their bands. The royal party were received
by his Eminence the Cardinal Archbishop of this place with his attendant
clergy, amid the flourish of trumpets and drums, and the discharge of
guns and cannons. The service of the dedication was conducted by his
Eminence, and the mass by the suffragan Bishop Marxer, with repeated
discharge of fire-arms.
The entire music, sung by the choir of orphans, was composed for the
occasion by Wolfgang Mozart, son of Dr. L. Mozart, Kapellmeister at
Salzburg, a boy twelve years of age, well known for his extraordinary
talent; it was conducted by the composer with the utmost precision and
accuracy, and was received with universal applause and admiration.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 1: The extracts from L. Mozart's letters given by Nissen are almost our
only sources of information for this journey.]
[Footnote 2: G. Forster, Schriften VII., p. 270.]
[Footnote 3: A.M. Z., II., p. 301.]
[Footnote 4: Burney, Reise, II., p. 182. Duten's Mém., I., p. 353.]
[Footnote 5: Garat. Mém. sur Suard, II., p. 218. Duten's Mém., I., p. 347.]
[Footnote 6: Zimmermann, Briefe, p. 96.]
[Footnote 7: Burney, Reise, II., p. 189.]
[Footnote 8: Gervinus, Gesch. der poet. National-Litteratur, IV., p. 384.
Devrient, Gesch. der deutschen Schauspielkunst, II., p. 191; and see
also how Sonnenfels expresses himself (Ges. Schr., V., pp. 157, 191, or
in a letter to Klotz, I., p. 2) in the same year, 1768.]
[Footnote 9: Sonnenfels gives a detailed description of the company (Ges. Schr.,
V., p. 290).]
[Footnote 10: Metastatio, Opp. post., II., pp. 278, 290, cf. Arteaga, Le
rivoluzioni del teatro musicale Italiano, III., p. 126 (II., p. 397).]
[Footnote 11: Cramer, Magasin d. Mus., I., p. 365. Metastatio, Lettere ined.
(Nirza, 1796), p. 46.]
[Footnote 12: Burney, Reise, II., p. 188.]
[Footnote 13: Mane ini, Rifless. prat, sul canto fig., p. 30.]
[Footnote 14: Burney, Reise, II., p. 172.]
[Footnote 15: Dittersdorff, Selbstbiographie, p. 7.]
[Footnote 16: Muller, Ab8chied v. d. Bühne, p. 72.]
[Footnote 17: Müller, zuverl. Nachr., I., p. 13.]
[Footnote 18: Carpani, Le Haydine, p. 82. Kelly, Remin., I., p. 103.]
[Footnote 19: It is mentioned only, so far as I am aware, by Biedenfeld. Die
Komische Oper., p. 69.]
[Footnote 20: Nicolai, Reise, IV., p. 574.]
[Footnote 21: Sonnenfels, Ges. Schr., V., p. 296. He reappeared in Rome in 1780,
a toothless old man. (Teutsch. Merc., 1789, III., p. 210.)]
[Footnote 22: Sonnenfeu, Ges. Schr., V., p. 300.]
[Footnote 23: Sonnenfels, Ges. Schr., V., p. 291. Burney, Reise, I., p. 63.
Müller zuverl. Nachr., I., p. 73. He died at Vienna in 1772, at the age
of sixty-seven. (Ibid. II., p. 132.)]
[Footnote 24:Sonnenfels, Ges. Schr., V., p. 301.]
[Footnote 25: Sonnenfels, Ges. Schr., V., p. 293.]
[Footnote 26: Sonnenfels, Ges. Schr., V., p. 293. Müller, zuverl. Nachr., I., p.
73. Kelly, Remin., I., p. 66.]
[Footnote 27: Sonnenfels, Ges. Schr., V., p. 299.]
[Footnote 28: One of Fracasso's songs was twice composed, so was the middle
movement of another, and an inserted song for Ninetta.]
[Footnote 29: In the beautiful aria for Polidoro, before described, a tedious
passage was afterwards judiciously struck out by Mozart.]
[Footnote 30: Nissen has incorrectly given the idea that "the well-known Dr.
Messmer, the friend of the Mozarts," was the celebrated magnetiser of
that name. Helfert (Die österr. Volkschule, I., p. 132.) identifies
Mozart's Messmer, who became a member of the medical faculty in 1767.
In 1773 his wife inherited a half share in a house on the Landstrasse,
consistently with which L. Mozart writes to his wife from Vienna
(August) that Fr. v. Messmer has come into considerable property since
the death of her mother. A "young Herr. v. Messmer," a cousin, was
director of the Normal School in 1773.]
[Footnote 31: E. Schelle, Berl. Mus. Ztg. Echo, 1864, No. 38.]
[Footnote 32: "'Le Devin du Village' est un intermède charmant dont les paroles
et la musique sont de M. Rousseau," writes Grimm (June 23, 1753) to
Gottsched (Danzel, Gottsched, p. 351). He speaks of it again on December
15, 1753 (Corr. Litt., I., p. 92), as an "intermède agréable, qui a eu
très-grand succès à Fontainebleau et à Paris;" and again, in February,
1754, as an "intermède français très-joli et très-agréable" (Ibid.,p.
112). He passes it over, however, in his account at a later date of
Rousseau's musical works, and mentions only his unsuccessful opera, "Les
Muses Galantes."]
[Footnote 33:La Harpe. Corr. Litt., II., p. 59.]
[Footnote 34: A. M. Z., XXI., p. 841. XXIII., p. 141. Berlioz, Voy. Mus., I., p.
389.]
[Footnote 35: Adam (Souv. d'un Music., p. 198), suggests that Rousseau's score
may have been revised by Francoeur.]
[Footnote 36: On the subject of recitative, Rousseau speaks exhaustively and to
the point, both in his Dictionnaire de Musique, and in the Lettre sur la
Musique Française. (Ouvres, XI., p. 296.)]
[Footnote 37: It was maintained by some that Rousseau only wrote the words, and
intrusted the composition to a musician in Lyons (A. M. Z., XIV., p.
469; Castil-Blaze; Molière Musicien, II., p. 409), an accusation which
Grétry contradicted. Rousseau tried to refute it by a second opera,
which, however, did not succeed. (La Harpe, Corr. Litt., II., p. 370.
Adam, Souv. d'un Mus., p. 202.)]
[Footnote 38: An English adaptation by Burney failed in London in 1766 (Parke,
Mus. Mém., II., p. 93). German versions were produced by Leon (Teutsch.
Merc., 1787, II., p. 193) and C. Dielitz (Berlin, 1820).]
[Footnote 39: Théätre du Favart, V., 1 (Paris, 1763). A book of the words,
printed at Amsterdam in 1758, has the remark: "Représenté à Bruxelles,
Nov., 1753, par les Comédiens François sous les ordres de S. Alt. Roy."]
[Footnote 40: Grimm, Corr. Litt., IV., pp. 400, 417.]
[Footnote 41: Dictionn. d. Théätre, VI., p. 228; Theaterkal. 1776.]
[Footnote 42: "Bastienne, eine französische opéra-comique. Auf Befehl in einer
freien Uebersetzung nachgeahmt von Fr. W. Weiskern. Wien, 1764." The
French melodies were retained for some of the songs, and new ones
composed for others. The piece was produced at Vienna (Müller, Zuverl.
Nachr., I., p. 31), also in 1770 at Brünn (Ibid., II., p. 213), in
177a at Prague (Ibid., II., p. 163), and in 1776 at Hildesheim (Müller,
Abschied v. d. Bühne, p. 137).]
[Footnote 43: Nissen gives Schachtner as the librettist. His co-operation was
probably confined to the versification of the prose dialogue, a few
scenes of which Mozart afterwards composed in recitative; a useless
labour, never completed.]
[Footnote 44: A comparison of the examples which Hiller (über Metastasio, p. 17)
quotes from a translation of Metastasio, which appeared in Vienna in
1769, will show some similarity.]
[Footnote 45: A similar instance may be found in Weber's composition of Voss's
songs
[Footnote 46: This is noticed also by Hiller as especially characteristic in
style (Wöehentl. Nachr., I., p. 376; II., p. 118).]
[Footnote 47: Neue Sammlung zum Vergnügen und Unterrich (Wien, R. Graffer, 1768),
IV., pp. 80, 140.]
[Footnote 48: Nicolai, Reisc, IV., p. 648.]
[Footnote 49: Nicolai, Reise, III., p. 228.]
[Footnote 50: Burney, Reise, II., p. 107.]
[Footnote 51: Müller, Abschied v. d. Bühne, p. 237.]
[Footnote 52: "Wien. Diarium," 1768, 10 Christmon. No. 99.]
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MOZART
BY DW