CHAPTER XXVII

METHODS OF SOCIOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION

In any line of thought or endeavor a correct method of procedure is

all-important. Inaccurate theories of procedure have wrecked nations,

hindered civilization for centuries at a time, and flooded the world

with negative and harmful ideas. It will be worth while, therefore, to

consider the methods by which sociology has advanced.

The ancient makers of social proverbs crystallized what they had

individually observed many times to be true, or what they had heard

repeated on many occasions as being true. Such methods were based on

observation and generalization, carelessly used. Moreover, the data at

the command of the makers of social proverbs were very limited.

The Hebrew prophets, fired by exalted ideas concerning the nature

of Jehovah, insisted upon a practical application of these ideas to

the daily life of the people of their time. When they perceived that

the actions and living conditions of the people fell far below the

implications of the pattern-ideas for which the name of Jehovah stood,

they vehemently proclaimed definite social ideals, and condemned all

who hindered the realization of these ideals. This method of creating

social thought is noteworthy because of the religious dynamic behind

it, and because of the social pattern-ideas which it produced.

Plato and Aristotle were pioneer social philosophers who took cosmic

views of life. One followed the method of abstract reasoning and

centered his thought in a world of Ideas; the other viewed life

pragmatically, employing a method of empirical tests. While sociology

will always have a place for methods which interpret the daily facts of

individual and social experience in their relationships to the whole

human society and to the universe, it will insist that as large a body

of societary data as possible be gathered together before philosophic

sociology speaks positively.

In the teachings of Jesus a rare insight to human nature is manifested.

Jesus studied individuals as individuals and, perceiving their selfish

natures, proclaimed a remedy in an inner transformation through

consecration to objective factors, such as persons and ideals. Jesus

was peculiarly happy in his method of moving among all classes of

people, of studying their needs, and of testing in practice his social

principles. While his acquaintance with human life was limited to

small groups of one race, he sought universal as well as particular

human tendencies. His method included an absolutely unselfish spirit,

a search for the truth, a broad viewpoint--all of which are thoroughly

scientific.

The _Utopia_ of Sir Thomas More, preceded to be sure by Plato’s

_Republic_, introduced another social thought method. The utopian

formula consists in setting forth a set of ideals which presumably are

distinctly in advance of current standards. The method of arriving at

utopian ideas is largely through the use of the imagination. Standards

are postulated so far in advance of current conditions as to make

them of little value. Utopian social thought, however, does have some

scientific merit. The imagination may be used in revealing reality to

otherwise blind individuals. A utopian thought may startle a selfish

individual out of a part of his selfishness. A utopian idea possesses

the power which is inherent in indirect suggestion; it may arouse

without antagonizing.

In the approach to the social question through an analysis of the

natural rights of the individual, the seventeenth and eighteenth social

writers fell into a deductive and a priori procedure which led them far

astray. Like the theory of individual rights, the correlative doctrine

of the social contract contained more error than truth.

The method of positivism, ordinarily connected with the writings

of Comte, essayed a scientific approach to the social question. It

insisted upon accuracy, induction, and a right emphasis upon sequence

and co-existence. But positivism, even in the hands of its exponents,

became deductive and philosophic. It promised well scientifically, but

fell into nearly all the errors which it condemned. It was, however, a

factor in producing the nineteenth century humanitarianism.

The organic analogy method of studying human society attracted

widespread attention, appealed strongly to the imagination even

of scholars, but resulted in findings of negligible value.

The parallelisms between an organism and society proved to be

scientifically valueless, except as they revealed some of the

connections between organic volution and social evolution. They created

a considerable vocabulary of bio-social terminology which has been more

of a hindrance than a help in social thinking.

The psychical approach to the study of societary life, introduced by

Lester F. Ward, and made scientific by the findings of inductive and

behavioristic psychology, has proved thus far to be the best method

of understanding the social process and of arriving at a statement of

sociological laws. This method has revealed human life as a series of

social conflicts and co-operations, and of forms of social control

designed to regulate individuals for selfish and unselfish group

purposes. An explanation of the more important phases of the psychical

methodology has been presented in several chapters of this volume.

The individual rights doctrine, the social contract theories, the

concept of positivism, and the organic analogies belong to the

unscientific age in sociological methodology. In the main these

sets of social theories were philosophic, deductive, a priori, and

argumentative. They were based chiefly on opinions, positivism alone

leaning to observation and induction but failing to live up to its

promises. On the other hand, recent decades have been marked by the

rise of scientific methods in sociology, attention has been centered

on the social process, and particularly on the psychical processes

of which the social process is an elaboration. Although he possessed

an entirely inadequate knowledge of psychology, Lester F. Ward laid

the foundations of modern sociology when he insisted that society is

a psychical affair, capable of mastering itself. As a result of this

contribution to method, not by a psychologist but by a paleontologist,

social thought moved forward into the field of scientific sociology.

There are many writers who would class Ward with the pre-scientific

contributors to sociological thought. His methods, it is true, were

largely deductive; his psychology was seriously faulty; his philosophy

was inefficient. Nevertheless, he pointed the way for sociologists so

clearly that in this treatise his work has been considered as giving

the trend to recent sociology, rather than as being the last word of

discredited types of social thought.

Then there are other types of sociological methodology of which mention

should be made, notably, the statistical, and the classificatory

procedures. The statistical approach had its origin in the early

census. There are evidences that rulers and kings, at least two or

three millenniums before Christ, had enumerations of their subjects

made. In connection with poor-law administration, people as early as

the Roman Era were counted. But it was not until the eighteenth century

that statistics became scientific, with statistical laws drawn from

a study of tabulated facts. Quetelet gives 1820 as the birth year

of statistical science. It was Frederick William I of Prussia who

is reported to have had an enumeration made of occupational facts;

and Frederick the Great, with having established a system for making

regular statistical studies of population. It is said that early in the

eighteenth century the University of Jena began to offer courses in

statistics.

In England, in the latter part of the seventeenth century, Captain John

Graunt is credited with applying methods of counting, measurement, and

induction to the births and deaths in London. His studies were referred

to as political arithmetic, and were a forerunner of the current

investigations in vital statistics. Malthus made use of statistical

methods in his work (1798) on population changes.

Quetelet (1796–1874) is usually considered the founder of statistical

science. He not only applied the method of counting to the study of

the members of human society (the census method in its common form),

but he tried to get at the problem of causation, and to indicate rules

of procedure for making causal studies in statistics. Although this

celebrated Belgian statistician tabulated and analyzed facts ranging

from the astronomical to the societary fields, his ideas can be

mentioned here only so far as they contribute to the subject of social

thought. Quetelet pointed out certain of the pitfalls in the way of

gathering accurate data. He improved the methods of census taking, and

undertook the difficult tasks that are involved in qualitative human

studies.

Among the results of Quetelet’s work, the concept of “the average man”

is well known. Quetelet defined the law of averages and described

types, especially the average individual. Although it is very important

and useful to know about the “average man,” the term is practically

fictitious, since no one even in a large group exactly fits the

description. All individuals are either “above” or “below” the average.

The contributions of Quetelet in the field of social statistics were

admirably supplemented by the achievements of Le Play (1806–1882). This

French sociologist and mining engineer applied the methods of physical

science to social science. He insisted upon observation of data and the

use of induction in making generalizations. His method is illustrated

by his studies in family budgets. In order to secure accurate data he

lived with individual families, studying at first-hand the conditions

by which they made a livelihood. Le Play opposed _laissez-faire_

theories and urged programs of reform through the journal which he

founded, namely, _La Reforme Sociale_. He rejected socialism, and

advocated the method of conciliation and sympathy for effecting

agreements among employers and employees.

Similar methods were evolved by Engels and Bücher, German

investigators. Engels’ studies of family budgets led him to draw

certain average observations. These “averages” are known as Engels’

laws, for example: (1) The smaller the income, the larger the

percentage of expenditure for food. (2) The percentage of expenditure

for clothing, and for lodging or rent, varies directly with the income.

(3) The larger the income, the larger the percentage of expenditures

for sundries (including luxuries).

The statistical method has been carried forward by a large number of

social investigators. With averages, modes, and medians, it is now

possible to make accurate quantitative studies. Current statistical

methods include the use of index numbers, frequency tables, discrete

series, deviations, skewness, correlations. Statistics has thrown

a flood of light upon important phases of societary life, such as

the economic, where wage scales and price levels are significant

concepts. Statistics has been widely utilized in the study of crime and

poverty. The various methods of graphic presentations are valuable in

interpreting tables of statistical data to the lay mind.

Statistical methods can be used, however, to prove almost anything. The

ordinary individual is helpless when statistical methods are treated

unscrupulously. On the other hand, it is probably true that social

thought will become increasingly accurate by the judicious use of

statistical studies.

A recent development, closely related to statistical science, is the

social survey. Beginning with the Pittsburg Survey in 1907–1908, the

social survey method has been widely adopted in the United States. Its

use has been applied to inventories of a specific community, such as a

rural district or a small number of city blocks. There is the specific

survey of a given social problem, such as housing or poverty. Then

there is the survey of an entire industry or a school system.

The social survey is one of the most important sources today of sound

social thinking. By it, large quantities of social facts are being

collected. Urban and rural surveys, specific and general surveys alike,

are affording the best bases at the present time for inductive social

thinking. Some of these results have been indicated in a preceding

chapter upon the contributions of applied sociology.

The nature of the classificatory method has already been indicated

in this treatise. The Greeks classified the various fields of

knowledge under three heads: physics, ethics, and politics. Francis

Bacon classified knowledge according to his understanding of mental

operations. He divided mental processes into three, namely, feeling,

memory, reasoning; and made a corresponding division of knowledge into

art, history, and science. Auguste Comte classified the social elements

into four groups: the industrial, the esthetic, the scientific, and

the philosophical (previsional). His hierarchal classification of the

sciences into mathematics, astronomy, physics, chemistry, biology, and

sociology has been discussed in an earlier chapter.

Guillaume de Greef may be considered the best exponent of the

classificatory method. De Greef accepted Comte’s hierarchy of the

sciences with its basic principles of decreasing generality and

increasing dependence of parts, assented to Spencer’s evolutionary

dictum of increasing coherence and heterogeneity, and added his own

concept of volitional contractualism.

De Greef argued that social progress is characterized by an increasing

degree of volitional activity and freedom. This volitionalism is the

basis of rational social control. The telic factors, however, are not

well developed by de Greef. His social thought rests upon a certain

logical but inaccurate classification of the social elements.

The basis of this classification is increasing volitionalism and

particularism. De Greef gives the following classification: economic,

industrial, genetic, artistic, scientific, moral, juridical, and

political. In holding that the economic elements in society represent

the least volitionalism, and the political the most volitional

activity, with graded degrees of volitional activities represented

by the intermediate factors, the weakness of de Greef’s analysis

becomes evident. While an improvement over Comte’s classification

and superior to Spencer’s mechanistic order, de Greef’s contribution

possesses only a relative degree of logical merit. It is far from

being objectively correct, and is indicative of the difficulties in

the way of classifying social elements in an evolutionary or filial

order. There is no doubt but that any classification of merit would

have to be arranged according to some correlative plan, which would

serve the purposes of an exhibit but would not be of much scientific

value. Moreover, the classifications that are most useful are those

classifications of societary forces; these are psychical in nature and

have been treated in foregoing chapters.

De Greef perceived the importance of the principle of socialization.

He emphasized the importance of a “we” feeling in societary life.

His social unit is the primitive family. In the evolution from the

primitive family and state, the evidence of progress is the degree of

“togetherness” that has been developed. De Greef advanced the idea that

there is an increasing degree of contractualism and hence of freedom

in society. De Greef’s work may be taken as the best attempt to carry

Comte’s classification of the sciences to a logical conclusion by

furnishing a classification of the elements which function in the field

of the “highest” science of all, namely, sociology.

At this point and in concluding, the methodology of Albion W.

Small will be considered. Professor Small’s other contributions to

sociological thought have been indicated at the proper places in

earlier chapters. The correct method for pursuing sociological analyses

is to treat human society in terms of process. The main current in all

sound sociological study is the social process. The significant test of

progress in this social process is achievement.[XXVII-2] According to

Professor Small’s classification, there are six main phases of social

progress, namely:

1. Achievement in promoting health,

2. Achievement in harmonizing human relations,

3. Achievement in producing wealth,

4. Achievement in discovery and spread of knowledge,

5. Achievement in the fine arts,

6. Achievement in religion.

These grand divisions are the expressions of certain interests[XXVII-3]

that human beings possess: (1) health interests, (2) wealth interests,

(3) sociability interests, (4) knowledge interests, (5) esthetic

interests, and (6) rightness interests. As a result of the operation

of these interests, social problems are produced. Sociology is “the

science of human interests and their workings under all conditions.”

In this classification human interests serve as the main key forces to

an understanding of the social process. Upon psychological examination,

however, the interests are found to be bafflingly complex. The

psychologist has not given a satisfactory description of interests. And

yet it is clear that what people are interested in is a fair criterion

of the direction which their evolution will take. Furthermore, the

changes in the interests of people are fundamental in telic social

progress. With a correlation of interests as a subjective criterion,

and of achievement as an objective test, Professor Small has shown the

dualistic nature of the social process. Those methodologists who would

measure all things human in purely objective terms are scientifically

negligent of important human elements. Mind is not simply matter; the

social process is not entirely behavior.

Professor Small has sharpened three important tools for the use of the

sociological investigator. These are: the social process, personal

interests, and the group. His analyses are sound, except as he does

not show how “interests” usually possess social origins. Otherwise

he speaks consistently and helpfully in terms of groups and group

processes.

With concepts such as have been favorably presented in the foregoing

paragraphs--and chapters--the sociologist of the future will be able to

make contributions to thought that will help to determine educational,

religious, economic, political, and other important human aims.

A history of social thought · 第 27 / 28 章