ARISTOTLE AND GRECIAN SOCIAL THOUGHT
Aristotle (384–322 B. C.), the distinguished pupil of Plato, did not
make, like his master, a unified contribution to social thought.
He sacrificed unity for the examination of parts. Aristotle was an
opportunist, a pragmatist, and a practical student of conditions and
constitutions. Unlike Plato, Aristotle did not look for Ideas separate
from but in things.
Aristotle studied 158 constitutions inductively and comparatively. His
primary attention was given to what is, rather than to what ought to
be. His eyes were directed first of all to the parts, and then to the
whole. In this examination he found that the parts are related, and
further, that they hold a developmental relation. Instead of Plato’s
perfection, we shall now consider Aristotle’s process of becoming.
Although unsystematic, the social ideas of Aristotle reveal the
concepts of process and progress.
In Aristotle’s _Ethics_ the discussion of virtue is socially valuable.
Virtue is a mean. Virtue is an impulse which is expressed neither in
excess or in deficiency. It is an impulse expressed temperately until
it becomes a habit. Excess and deficiency are equally fatal. The coward
is he who avoids and fears anything; the foolhardy is he who rushes
into danger anywhere.[VI-1] Liberality is the mean between prodigality
and avarice; civility is the mean between obsequiousness and insolence.
Virtue itself is the mean between self-indulgence and asceticism. In
virtue, lies happiness, man’s _summum bonum_.
Aristotle’s _Politics_ affords a searching analysis of many phases
of societary life. The family and the state are by nature prior to
the individual, since the whole must exist before any individual
part.[VI-2] When isolated, the individual is not self-sufficient.
Thus, the state is founded on the social needs of the individual. By
virtue of these social needs, man possesses the gregarious, or social,
instinct. By nature, man is a political animal,[VI-3] that is, he is a
being who by nature or necessity lives in association with his kind.
Man can attain his highest good only as a member of society.
Property is accorded by Aristotle a fundamental social position.
Physical necessities can best be provided through the efforts of
individuals. Communal ownership of property on a large scale will
fail. In referring to Plato’s communism, Aristotle declared: “For that
which is common to the greatest number has the least care bestowed
upon it.”[VI-4] Further, when one feels a thing to be his own, how
much greater is his pleasure in it.[VI-5] Then, if one has private
property, he may have the great pleasure which comes from making
gifts to others. Moreover, communism will lead to an unusual amount
of quarrelling; those who work faithfully will feel aggrieved when
they see that those who work dilettantishly receive and consume a full
portion.[VI-6]
Aristotle deprecated land equalization. Equalization of the desire for
land is urged. Instead of dividing land equally or of establishing
communism in land, Aristotle advocated that the higher classes be
trained not to desire more land. He also stated that speculators and
land schemers should be prevented from getting more land.[VI-7]
The communism in wives and children that Plato suggested, Aristotle
denounced as impracticable and foolish. Such a procedure will weaken
friendship and destroy love. Moreover, it will break up the unity of
the state.[VI-8]
Aristotle held the prevalent disdainful attitude toward manual labor,
and theoretically justified slavery. A slave is a person who by nature
is a slave, a person who by nature expresses himself through bodily
action. He is unable to guide himself by means of reason.[VI-9]
The subject of social control and government received extended
treatment from Aristotle. After considering a great variety of forms
of government, he avoided a dogmatic choice of any particular form.
He arrived at what is the modern, scientific conclusion, namely, that
no one form of government is to be worshipped to the exclusion of
all other types. A successful, or virtuous, government depends on
the attitude of the people. Human nature must be changed. All people
must become socially virtuous before a perfected government can be
established.
Theoretically, Aristotle believed that the best government would
come through the absolute rulership of one man, provided that there
is available a man pre-eminently wise and virtuous. But practically,
Aristotle held that in choosing a form of government which will
succeed, it is necessary to consider the actual social conditions, the
state of development of the people, and the attitude of the ruler or
rulers. It does not matter whether one person, or a few persons, or a
large number of persons perform the function of ruler so long as the
best interests of the state are kept uppermost. If the interests of the
entire group are the guiding principles, then royalty, aristocracy, or
constitutionalism is commendable. The one, the few, or the many are
good rulers, providing they are dominated by the common interests. In
these declarations Aristotle overlooked the fact that participation in
government by the governed is essential. He also neglected the fact
that a “best” ruler would be subject to very many temptations as a
result of personifying in himself all the forms of political, economic,
and social power that exist within the state. After a period of time
he would probably yield to some interests which are inimical to the
welfare of the whole.[VI-10]
When private interests control the government, the resultant forms of
government are either tyranny, oligarchy, or democracy. According to
Aristotle the chief difference between oligarchy and democracy is that
an oligarchy is the rule of the rich and a democracy is the rule of
the poor. Evidently, he believed that the poor are as selfish as the
rich and that the poor are incapable of being trained to the levels of
virtuous citizenship.
Although Aristotle is aristocratic in his political science and
advocated frequently the rule of the best few, he endorsed a
constitutional republic. Such a form of government will succeed where
there are many wise and virtuous individuals. He admitted that in large
numbers there is a stability of judgment and that common sense bulks
large. Under constitutional government, the extremes will cancel one
another, and the virtuous mean will rule. Large numbers of persons are
less likely to be corrupted than a few persons or even the one best
person.[VI-11]
There are two fundamentals in a good government: first, actual
obedience of the laws by the citizens; second, the social goodness
of the laws. Aristotle’s formula for an ideal society is this:
virtuous people and good laws, both judged by the common welfare.
And practically, the form of political organization--a monarchy, an
aristocracy, or a constitutional republic--depends upon the place of
the members of the social order on the incline of socialization.
If a constitutional republic is established, then rotation in office
should be practiced. The tenure of office should be restricted to six
months.[VI-12] An office should rarely be held more than once by the
same person.
On the other hand, the laws should be changed slowly.[VI-13] Law has no
power to make people obey in spirit, except through force of habit. The
state must guard itself against small changes in laws. Any apparently
slight neglect or disregard of law is insidious; transgression creeps
in unperceived.[VI-14] At first, small transgressions may not be
observed; then, they may gain such momentum that they will ruin the
state. Hence, there should be at all times strict observance of laws.
The major chord in Aristotle’s ideal society is the social mean. The
existence of two classes only, the very rich and the very poor, will
bring disaster to the state. The very wealthy consider themselves
above legalistic or social authority; the very poor are too degraded
to understand the necessity for and the reason for authority.[VI-15]
In fact, all who possess, not simply an unusual degree of wealth, but
great beauty, great strength or a “noble” birth feel that they should
be accorded special privileges. Further, not only those who are very
poor, but also the persons who are very weak, or very disgraced find
it difficult to follow the dictates of law or of social reason. With
the privileged characters who possess a superabundance of advantages,
the arrogant attitude developed when they were yet children. At home,
they received special considerations; they did not learn obedience
within the small family group. In consequence, how could they be
expected to be obedient citizens within the larger nation-group?
The rich are likely to become insolent and avaricious; they will
rule despotically.[VI-16] Not everyone can bear either prosperity or
adversity. An increase in prosperity in any part of society should
be carefully noted, and that part of society should be placed under
surveillance. No one should receive extraordinary power, either from
friends or through money. Even the pre-eminent are not above egotism.
A society is safest when the middle class is in control.[VI-17] The
states will likely be well administered in which the middle class is
numerous. Persons of about equal condition do not plot against others;
neither are they plotted against. A middle class prevents both the
arrogant wealthy and the impetuous proletariat from dominating the
state. “Inequality is the source of all revolutions.”
Poverty is a cause of revolution and crime.[VI-18] In time of war,
it is important that the poor be well fed else they will cause
disturbances. Aristotle might have added that in time of peace the poor
should be able to feed themselves well else they will in due season
cause revolution.
But poverty is not the only cause of crime. Riches often lead to crime.
Wealth causes the commitment of greater crimes than does poverty. The
greatest offenses are not occasioned by necessity but by excess.[VI-19]
In order to gratify some passion or desire, crime is often committed.
Of the passions ambition and avarice are the chief causes of
crime.[VI-20] Intoxication produces crime.[VI-21]
The causes of social revolution are manifold. The desire for equality
and the desire for inequality are common factors.[VI-22] Inferiors
revolt in order that they may attain a state of equality with other
persons. Equals revolt in order that they may gain superior levels of
honor and status. Aristotle cited a long list of additional factors in
social revolution: insolence, fear, political graft, a disproportionate
increase of wealth in some part of the state, neglect of trifles in
the observance of laws, dissimilarity in elements such as racial. The
fundamental cause, however, of social revolution is love of gain and
honor.
Aristotle was not a militarist, for he believed that war in itself is
not a social good. No people should be trained to conquer and obtain
dominion over neighboring states.[VI-23] Military states are safe only
when they are at war. After they declare peace the weight of their
military burdens brings about their downfall.[VI-24]
The principle of social telesis, which has been recently developed by
Lester F. Ward, was foreseen by Aristotle. A society of individuals,
like the individual himself, has a work to do.[VI-25] It should adapt
itself to its task.
Aristotle was a public health advocate. The location for an ideal city
should be carefully chosen. It should be selected, first of all, with
reference to the health of the citizens. This point is of greater
importance than that of locating a city wisely for the purpose of
public administration or war.[VI-26] The importance of a pure water
supply is given almost a modern emphasis.
The question of eugenics received the attention of Aristotle. In order
that children may be as physically sound as possible, legislators
should give special attention to the institution of marriage. Youthful
marriages are condemned because the children that are born to such
unions will be wanting in respect for their parents.[VI-27] Late
marriages will be unsatisfactory because there will be too great
difference between the ages of the parents and their children. The
marriage of a man and a woman whose ages are widely disproportionate
will lead to misunderstandings and quarrels. According to the rigorous,
unsympathetic dictum of Aristotle, no deformed child shall be permitted
to live.[VI-28] Even the advocates of modern birth control may turn for
encouragement to Aristotle.
In the marriage relation there is inequality. The man is by
nature better fitted to command than the woman.[VI-29] The chief
characteristic of a good wife is obedience to her husband--a doctrine
which is patriarchal. Unfaithfulness of either sex in marriage is
disgraceful.[VI-30]
Aristotle, like Plato, considers education the leading social force.
There is a fundamental educational problem: Shall youth be trained
primarily (1) to do useful work, (2) to be virtuous, or (3) to gain
higher knowledge?[VI-31] No final answer is given. Aristotle’s
conception of education, however, is paternalistic.
Utilitarian education possesses a danger line. To be seeking always
after the useful prevents one from developing a free and exalted
soul.[VI-32] Utilitarian education should cease when it cramps the body
or spirit and makes either less fit for the practice of virtue.
Gymnastic education should never be professionalized or allowed
to hinder the individual’s higher education.[VI-33] The excessive
training which leads to Olympic victories is anti-social, because the
constitution of the given individual is exhausted. Music is valuable
inasmuch as it has the power of forming character.[VI-34] The persons
who are engaged in seriously-minded occupations need amusements which
will give relaxation.
In summary of Aristotle’s social thought it may be said that the
Stagirite introduced the comparative method of studying human
institutions. He demonstrated the relative value of institutions,
showing that those which are best for one age of society will be
worthless for a later period. In order to meet changing social needs
and conditions, institutions must change. There is a fundamental
evolution in social changes.
A communistic social organization, according to Aristotle, is
psycho-sociologically untenable. The importance of the middle
classes is socially inestimable. Laws should be respected in small
particulars. The attitude of the members of society toward their social
organizations is more important than the type of organization itself.
Human conduct in the mass is to a degree predictable.
After the time of Aristotle, Hellenic life degenerated. Political
corruption, military intrigue, and intellectual scepticism vitiated the
Hellenic morality that was founded on custom. The ideal, held by Plato
and Aristotle, of man as an integral part of a constructive social
order was supplanted by a philosophy of pure individualism.
In Athens, Epicurus (341–270 B. C.) became the leader of the popular
hedonistic philosophy with its emphasis upon pleasure. Self-sacrifice
and noble conduct in the social sense are foreign to Epicureanism.
Friends should be sought, not for the sake of cultivating their
friendship, but for the pleasure to the seeker. If you treat other
persons unjustly, they will retaliate; therefore, treat others justly.
Stoicism which was founded in Athens by Zeno reached its culmination
among the Romans and hence will be discussed in the following
chapter. Polybius (203–121 B. C.), known as the last Hellenic social
philosopher, developed a theory of social evolution, based on the
belief that people associate because of the selfish benefits that
accrue, and on the fact that group approval and disapproval play a
leading part in the development of human attitudes.
Grecian social thought is noteworthy because of its intellectual
foundations. It ignored many affective elements, and for that reason it
became one-sided and unbalanced. It was rational rather than affective
or supernatural. It was designed to meet the needs of this life. It
moved away from authority and towards opportunism.
Economically, Hellenic social thought assumed or justified human
slavery. It postulated a democracy, but a democracy builded on the
backs of thousands of slaves. In practice at the height of the Athenian
democracy there were only about 25,000 free Athenians as against
300,000 slaves. Women were not enfranchised. The governments put slaves
into the armies, and ultimately attempted to throw out a commercial net
over the other Mediterranean states. As a result they lost the spirit
of democracy. The whole system and concept of democracy was undermined
by the debilitating influences of an industrial autocracy. The social
thought of the Greek was limited in its actual application largely
to the privileged few, who aristocratically ignored the needs of the
helpless many.
Grecian social thought at the height of the Athenian democracy did
achieve, however, for its day and epoch, a unique degree of expression
among the free citizens. For example, in the matter of athletics and
recreation, the Athenians worked together in furnishing themselves
organized group activities. Their athletic contests were of a free
community nature, untrammelled by commercialized motives. In furnishing
recreation for themselves, they co-operated, they acted as community
units. Moreover, in these community activities they generated in
themselves the spirit of a genuine democratic consciousness.
The fundamentals of Grecian social thought were preserved by the
Romans, without being augmented by them. Together with the Hebrew
and early Christian social thought, Grecian social thought laid
the foundations for the rise of modern social science, and even of
sociology.