NO ESCAPE: ALEXANDRA MISJUDGED
Apart from the bald assertions of parties interested in spreading false
reports, there is no evidence of any attempt on the part of the Romanovs
to escape from any of their prisons. All the compromising “documents”
produced by Soviet apologists on this subject are transparent
fabrications. Loyal Russians wished to save the Tsar from the Soviets,
knowing full well the danger of treachery that he incurred, and there
were several organisations, working independently, but none ever began
putting a plan into execution.
During the captivity at Tobolsk some money reached the prison-house
secretly. It helped the prisoners to eke out the starvation allowance
ordained by the Soviets. Attempts to render further aid were frustrated
by a German-Bolshevist agent stationed at Tiumen. This person, a Russian
officer who had married a daughter of Razputin, ingratiated himself with
doubtful travellers for Tobolsk and betrayed them to the Soviet. The
Germans had thus taken elaborate precautions not to allow the ex-Tsar to
slip out unawares. Perhaps they thought that the Allies of Russia might
try to rescue him! At Ekaterinburg nothing could be done. The Reds
claim to have intercepted some letters between the captives and
conspirators. But it may be pointed out that not a single person was
arrested there for conspiracy to help the exiles. Remembering the lavish
repressions ever applied by the occult powers of the Chrezvychaika, it
will be conceded that they would have missed no opportunity to exert
them in such a cause. The British Consul (Mr. Preston), remaining
gallantly at his post throughout the Red terror, and rendering
incalculable service to the victims of Bolshevist oppression, was unable
to do anything to alleviate the sufferings and torture of the Romanovs.
Yet, strange to relate, a monarchist organisation had its agents in the
city. It even succeeded in conveying some food and comforts through the
nuns of the local monastery. Beyond that, it was unable to go. There is
no evidence to show that at any time during the captivity was any active
attempt made to rescue the Romanovs. This applies equally to the
ex-Sovereigns and to their kinsmen. At Tobolsk, Ekaterinburg, Perm, and
Alapaievsk the pretext for wholesale murder was always the same; an
alleged attempt to escape or rescue. And from the testimony of persons
who were in daily intercourse with the imprisoned family, it is clear
that, had any serious efforts to procure their escape been made, they
would have met with no encouragement. Nicholas II. repeatedly said that
he would not leave Russia; Alexandra hated above everything the idea of
going to Germany. At that time Russia offered no sure place of refuge.
The Razputin propaganda had poisoned the minds of the people, but not
all the people. In the villages, among the old folk, feelings of loyalty
still held sway, ready at the first signal to assert themselves openly.
The volumes of evidence in my possession prove this statement. Many of
the witnesses were peasants who, consciously, willingly risked their
lives in order that the truth about the fate of the Tsar should be
established. Who knows how many of these simple souls have been martyred
for their boldness?
Among the obscenities that disfigured the walls of the Ipatiev house,
one inscription struck an opposite note. In uncouth peasant writing and
spelling the author--evidently one of the guards--asked how long were
the people going to put up with the komisars, and urged the Tsar to come
forward and drive away the horde of usurpers that were ruining the
country!
I cannot help thinking that the Razputin legend did not suffice to kill
the people’s faith in the Tsar. It certainly discredited Alexandra, and
he shared her disgrace; but that was not enough to account for the
virulence of popular clamour against Nicholas II. His fate would not
have been so much a matter of indifference to the multitude had the vile
story of Razputin not been preceded by blunders that deeply incensed
the popular conscience. I recall the dreadful murder of women and
children before the Winter Palace on Bloody Sunday. That crime was
prepared by the Okhrana and attributed to the Tsar. It seems to me that
had it not been for that hideous slaughter of innocents no one would
have ever dared to raise a hand against the Tsar and his children. I
wish to be quite fair to the Russians, without in any way extenuating
the heinousness of the crime of Ekaterinburg.
The ex-Empress was the object of special hatred. She completely
dominated her spouse in the imagination of the people, and occupies a
place apart in the evidence. Many new facts have been brought to light
substantially modifying the current estimate of her life and character.
Several trunks full of papers and effects belonging to his victims were
taken by Yurovsky to Moscow after the murder. Sverdlov then announced
that all would be published, so that the people should see what manner
of persons had ruled them. That promise has not been kept, and for a
good reason: the diaries and correspondence of Nicholas and Alexandra
contained no hint of treachery. They proved two things--unbounded
loyalty to Russia and to the Allies; and, alas! complete subserviency of
Nicholas to his wife. But neither of these matters interested the Soviet
leaders, and most of these priceless documents have been suppressed in
Moscow. Many others were overlooked or forgotten in Ekaterinburg, and
figure in the _dossier_ of the Tsar case. Among them is a collection of
Alexandra’s letters to her maid-of-honour. There are also the
depositions of servitors and members of the household. Analysing this
mass of first-hand evidence, one obtains a true picture of Alexandra.
Proud, domineering, self-restrained, gifted, mystical she had been from
youth. Her troubles, mental and physical, had distorted these
characteristics. Nicholas fell in love with her when she was fifteen,
and waited patiently for her eight years. Even as a girl she dominated
him. After their marriage there was never any doubt who was master. Her
dominion was not even challenged. Nicholas never acted without his
wife’s approval, except when he was separated from her--for instance,
when he signed the writ of abdication. These were not the best
qualifications for Tsardom at a time of transition. Alexandra could not
attain popularity, nor would she admit the necessity of it for herself
or the Tsar. Indeed, as the years passed she became less and less
responsive to the demands and requirements of public opinion, which
cannot be defied with impunity even by an autocrat.
Many Russians attributed these failings to the Hesse disease (_bolezn
Gessenskikh_), the hereditary taint that had carried off many of
Alexandra’s relations.[4] The fact that her only son suffered from and
might at any moment die of it only made her own trouble worse. The
disease is dangerous to boys and adult women; girls do not feel its
effects till they are grown up, whereas boys become immune after
reaching manhood. In the case of women it is apt to prey on the mind,
aggravating and intensifying any morbid predisposition. Hysteria in its
worst forms is an almost invariable accompaniment. She also suffered
intensely from heart trouble. Her life must have been one long agony.
Alexandra was not normal. Her belief in Razputin indicated as much. The
evidence of Dr. Botkin is explicit. People who suffer from hysteria in
an acute congenital form repel and estrange all persons that do not
blindly accept their domination. Razputin had to be treated as a saint
because Alexandra imagined him to be one. The Court of Russia became
peopled with time-servers and nonentities.
I shall deal with Razputin presently. The new materials in my possession
show that he was simply a peasant afflicted with a pathological
condition. The legend that has grown up regarding his occult powers can
be traced not to Razputin, but to his “friends.” He was a mere tool.
Alexandra wanted him--to cure her son; others used him for personal or
political intrigues because Alexandra, the veritable Autocrat of All the
Russias, had need of him. In the tragedy of the Romanovs every thread
leads us to this Woman of Destiny.
The very exhaustive records of their life before and after the
Revolution give a true presentment of the family, such as no individual
could furnish even if he or she had been in the closest intimacy with
Nicholas or Alexandra. One is struck by the almost superhuman
secretiveness of the ex-Sovereigns. They did not trust anyone
completely. Most of the persons who were supposed to be particularly
attached to them knew little or nothing of their inner life and
thoughts. This explains, perhaps, why so few decided to follow them into
exile. Only between themselves does there appear to have been no
reserve.
Alexandra’s personality is reflected in her family--Nicholas, like
herself, an embodiment of all the domestic virtues, religious to the
verge of mysticism, expert in dissimulation, never showing anger,
perhaps never really feeling angry, incapable of a decision--so utterly
had he surrendered himself to his wife; the daughters relegated to the
background entirely unprepared to take their proper place in the world;
Alexis monopolizing all the care and attention of his mother; the
children ashamed of her belief in Razputin, yet not daring openly to
resent it.
Among the Court favourites, male or female, nobody exercised any real
influence except in so far as it suited the Empress. Only one person
appears to have been admitted for any length of time to the Imperial
confidence. That person was Anna Vyrubova. Regarding her Razputin used
to speak in the crudest terms to the companions of his tavern-revels,
who, of course, repeated his drunken boasts. That was the origin of her
infamous notoriety. She herself could not have devised a surer way of
retaining Alexandra’s favour. The detractors of Vyrubova had also dared
to retail the foulest stories about Alexandra, alleging the same source.
Alexandra rightly considered herself a victim of slander, and naturally
included Anna under the same designation.
The fact is, Anna Vyrubova was Razputin’s accomplice--nothing more. She
kept him in touch with everything, especially with the boy’s health. It
was at her house that Razputin saw the Emperor and Empress when it
became too scandalous for him to appear daily in the Palace--after the
dismissal of governesses who had raised an outcry against Razputin’s
familiarities with their charges.
Another person deserves mention. It is not positively shown how far his
influence was felt, but certainly he played an important part in the
Romanov tragedy. He was in many ways a mystery man--a doctor of Thibetan
medicine, by birth a Buriat, named Badmaiev. Besides dispensing nostrums
that cured all ills--often bringing relief where modern science had
failed--he dabbled in politics, and who knows what dark forces were
served by him? Razputin was one of his best clients. According to
Razputin one could immediately regain all the vigour of youth by
swallowing a powder composed of Thibetan herbs; another kind of powder
made one quite indifferent to worry. Badmaiev reserved these specifics
for people whom he could trust. The first-named kind was for Razputin,
but who was the recipient of the “dope” that “made you forget”--who if
not the hapless Nicholas? And once it is admissable that the peasant had
taken to drugs for unmentionable purposes, one may seriously entertain
other accusations against him and his accomplices.
According to indications contained in the evidence, Anna Vyrubova
arranged the “miracles” of healing that Razputin performed on the sick
boy. It was not difficult. The malady always followed the same course. A
slight bruise set up internal hemorrhage. The patient suffered terrible
pain while the blood flowed, clotted, and finally began to be
reabsorbed. Anna knew from experience how to read the symptoms. Razputin
would come to pray when the crisis was over, so that it should seem as
if his intercession had brought relief. Things happened in this way on
several known occasions. Razputin did not wish to lose the Empress’s
favour. He and Vyrubova took their precautions. And Badmaiev’s powders
may here also have been used with benefit to all concerned. Alexandra’s
eyes were never opened to the fact that Razputin’s prayers did not
affect the disease.
It will be argued by those who knew Vyrubova that she was too garrulous
to keep a secret, too child-like to conceive or carry out any intrigue,
and still less any act affecting the Empress in whose hands she was as
wax. To have lived for twenty years in the confidence of such a woman as
the Empress presumes the possession of no ordinary faculties, whether of
extreme innocence combined with serpent wisdom or of profound guile
hidden under an appearance of candour. Vyrubova’s apologists would have
us believe that she was nothing better than an idiot. The skill with
which she crept into the good graces of the Imperial family, ably
seconding all the moves of the practised courtier Taneiev, her father,
shows the absurdity of such a theory and sufficiently denotes her real
disposition.
Woman-like, the Empress regarded all things from a personal standpoint.
Her malady only served to intensify her likes and dislikes. One of her
particular aversions was Wilhelm of Prussia, first, because the
Hohenzollerns had been exalted at the expense of her own House;
secondly, because Wilhelm had not counted with her. Germany, ruled by
Wilhelm, was ever the foe of Russia ruled by Alexandra. She could not
admit the possibility of a compromise or truce with Wilhelm’s Germany,
any more than she would permit the Tsar to summon a Ministry composed of
Razputin’s detractors and enemies. A complete and ludicrous
misapprehension prevailed in Russia and among the Allied peoples about
the alleged pro-German tendencies of the ex-Empress. She hated Germany
with a bitterness and a fervour equalled only by her contempt and
loathing for the Russians--always excepting the peasants, whom she
“imagined” to be endowed with all the virtues and qualities that
Razputin was supposed to possess.
Wilhelm was described by her as “that low comedian” and “man of
falsehood,” who had “stooped to associate himself with Bolshevists.”
With fierce and joyful anticipation, she foresaw his punishment: “The
day will come when they will destroy him!” She did not live to see her
vision fulfilled.
Such was the so-called pro-German Empress. It is easy to recall the
outcry that was raised in Entente countries in the spring of 1917 when
it became known that the Romanovs would be permitted to come to England.
“How can we tolerate this friend of Germany in our midst?” The public
had been so deeply affected by the Razputin propaganda, that they would
not hear of Alexandra coming to this country. And as the family could
not be disunited, they had all to remain in Russia. The ex-Tsar’s
servants had even prepared his English uniforms. Sorrowfully, without
understanding the reasons, they obeyed the order to pack them away.
Thus, after depriving them of the throne, Razputin’s foul influence took
from the Romanovs their hope of an asylum and left them to suffer a
shameful death.