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THE LAST DAYS OF THE ROMANOVS
GEORGE GUSTAV TELBERG
AND
ROBERT WILTON
[Illustration:
H. I. M. NICHOLAS II,
EMPEROR OF RUSSIA
]
THE LAST DAYS OF THE
ROMANOVS
BY
GEORGE GUSTAV TELBERG
PROFESSOR OF LAW IN SARATOV UNIVERSITY AND FORMER MINISTER
OF JUSTICE OF THE RUSSIAN GOVERNMENT
AT OMSK
AND
ROBERT WILTON
SPECIAL RUSSIAN CORRESPONDENT FOR
_THE TIMES_, LONDON
ILLUSTRATED
NEW YORK
GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY
COPYRIGHT, 1920,
BY GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY
COPYRIGHT, 1920, BY THE CURTIS PUBLISHING COMPANY
PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
PUBLISHER’S NOTE
During the night between the 16th and 17th of July, 1918, the former
Russian Emperor Nicholas II, his family, as well as all the persons
attached to it, were murdered by the order of the Yekaterinburg soviet
of workmen’s deputies. The news of this crime broke through the closed
ring that surrounded Bolshevist Russia and spread over the entire world.
At the end of July, 1918, the town of Yekaterinburg was taken from the
Bolsheviks by the forces of the Siberian Government. Shortly after their
occupation of the district an investigation was ordered to be made of
the circumstances attendant on the murder. A judicial examination
therefore took place of the witnesses connected with the life of the
imperial family at Czarskoe-Selo, Tobolsk and Yekaterinburg by N. A.
Sokoloff, the Investigating Magistrate for Cases of Special Importance
of the Omsk Tribunal.
Upon the fall of the Kolchak régime, copies of the depositions were
taken from the archives by M. George Gustav Telberg, Professor of Law at
the University of Saratov and Minister of Justice at Omsk, when he fled
with the other ministers of the Omsk government. These combined
statements reconstruct the life-story of the imperial family from the
time of the emperor’s abdication until the murder of himself, his wife,
his children, including the czarevitch, and their few faithful servants
in Ipatieff’s house at Yekaterinburg.
The translator has endeavored to preserve the original simplicity, and
in some cases the crudeness and lack of education apparent in the
witnesses. Colonel Kobylinsky, M. Gilliard and Mr. Gibbes are educated
men who apparently gave their evidence without displaying any outward
emotion, but, though they did not exaggerate the sufferings of the
imperial family, they were not eye-witnesses of the final hours of their
captivity.
The testimony of the soldiers strikes a more sinister note. Two of them
witnessed most of the daily happenings at Ipatieff’s house, but they
display certain evidences of pity and of having been well-disposed
towards the prisoners whose murder they condemned. Indeed these men are
most insistent that the crime was committed by the “Letts.” The third
soldier (Medvedeff) took an active part in the murder.
The narrative of Mr. Robert Wilton which supplements the translations of
the official records is, we think, a document of incalculable value.
Written by a man who for sixteen years was correspondent for the London
_Times_ in Russia, and who not only speaks Russian but was present
throughout the investigation of the scene of the murder and during the
search for the relics, his story has a poignancy and an intrinsic value
that cannot be overestimated.
It is proper here to explain to the reader that the contents of this
volume as represented by the Official Depositions in Part I and Mr.
Robert Wilton’s Narrative in Part II came into existence quite
independently and without the design, originally, of publishing them
together. Mr. Wilton, who escaped from Siberia after the fall of the
Kolchak Government, took with him one of three copies of the _dossier_
of the official investigation. Upon this original source he based his
story, adding to it certain facts which he had personally gathered. By a
most fortunate circumstance, George H. Doran Company, who were preparing
for the press the depositions secured by M. George Gustav Telberg,
learned of Mr. Wilton’s narrative, and arrangements were immediately
made to combine the records in one volume.
As the two parts of the book are from different sources, no effort has
been made to secure uniformity in certain minor variations in the
spellings of proper names. The Index in Part III adopts the spelling
used by Mr. Wilton, but the reader will readily recognize the same
persons and places in Mr. Telberg’s translation in Part I.
It will be seen by comparing the two parts that, so far as the
depositions here published go, they entirely bear out and give, so to
speak, chapter and verse for Mr. Wilton’s narrative; and we have every
reason for stating that, if and when the rest of the _dossier_ becomes
public, similar affirmation will be given to the whole of his thrilling
story, which presents clearly, succinctly, a full and absolutely
authentic account of this great human tragedy--the greatest perhaps of
all time.
CONTENTS
PART I: TRANSCRIPT OF THE DEPOSITIONS OF EYE-WITNESSES OF THE
CRIME, TAKEN FROM THE ARCHIVES BY M. GEORGE GUSTAV TELBERG,
MINISTER OF JUSTICE AT OMSK.
CHAPTER PAGE
I EXAMINATION OF M. GILLIARD 15
II EXAMINATION OF MR. GIBBES 38
III EXAMINATION OF COLONEL KOBYLINSKY 61
IV EXAMINATION OF PHILIP PROSKOURIAKOFF 139
V EXAMINATION OF ANATOLIE IAKIMOFF 160
VI EXAMINATION OF PAVEL MEDVEDEFF 195
VII RECEIPT OF BELOBORODOFF FOR THE ARRESTED
IMPERIAL FAMILY 206
PART II: THE NARRATIVE OF MR. ROBERT WILTON, SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT
OF _The Times_ (LONDON), BASED UPON THE ORIGINAL DOSSIER OF THE
INVESTIGATING MAGISTRATE, NICHOLAS ALEXEIEVICH SOKOLOV.
CHAPTER PAGE
I PROLOGUE 211
II THE STAGE AND THE ACTORS 222
III NO ESCAPE: ALEXANDRA MISJUDGED 232
IV RAZPUTIN THE PEASANT 243
V CAPTIVES IN A PALACE 253
VI EXILE IN SIBERIA 263
VII THE LAST PRISON 276
VIII PLANNING THE CRIME 291
IX CALVARY 303
X “WITHOUT TRACE” 318
XI DAMNING EVIDENCE 333
XII ALL THE ROMANOVS 352
XIII THE JACKALS 369
XIV BY ORDER OF THE “TSIK” 380
XV THE RED KAISER 394
XVI EPILOGUE 404
PART III:
I THE MEMBERS OF THE IMPERIAL FAMILY AT
THE OUTBREAK OF THE REVOLUTION 415
II CHRONOLOGY OF THE DOCUMENTS 417
III EXPLANATION OF RUSSIAN NAMES MENTIONED
IN THE DOCUMENTS 420
IV ALPHABETICAL INDEX OF NAMES 422
ILLUSTRATIONS
H.I.M. NICHOLAS II, EMPEROR OF RUSSIA _Frontispiece_
PAGE
THE MARTYRED FAMILY 64
RAZPUTIN WOUNDED AT HIS VILLAGE HOME 64
ALEXANDRA’S DESPAIR OVER RAZPUTIN’S DEATH 65
EMPRESS ALEXANDRA FEODOROVNA AND THE TZAREVICH
ALEXIS NIKOLAEVICH IN LIVADIA (CRIMEA) 65
THE TZAREVICH ALEXIS AND HIS SPANIEL JOY, IN
THE PARK AT TSARSKOE 65
GRAND DUCHESS OLGA 96
GRAND DUCHESS TATIANA 96
GRAND DUCHESS MARIA 97
GRAND DUCHESS ANASTASIA 97
EMPRESS ALEXANDRA FEODOROVNA IN TOBOLSK 192
THE IPATIEV HOUSE IN EKATERINBURG (GENERAL
VIEW) 192
YANKEL YUROVSKY, THE MURDERER 192
THE IPATIEV HOUSE, SHOWING THE FENCE STOCKADE
AROUND THE HOUSE 193
THE TSAR SAWING WOOD IN THE COURTYARD OF THE
GOVERNOR’S PALACE, TOBOLSK 193
BED-ROOM OF THE EMPEROR AND THE EMPRESS IN
THE IPATIEV HOUSE 193
DINING-ROOM IN THE IPATIEV HOUSE 256
THE GRAND DUCHESSES’ ROOM IN THE IPATIEV
HOUSE 256
THE COMMANDANT’S ROOM IN THE IPATIEV HOUSE 257
THE HALL AND DRAWING-ROOM IN THE IPATIEV
HOUSE 257
THE IPATIEV HOUSE: THE ROOM IN THE BASEMENT
WHERE THE IMPERIAL FAMILY WAS MURDERED 288
YANKEL (JACOB) SVERDLOV, THE RED TSAR 288
THE EMPRESS’S GREAT DIAMOND PENDANT 288
A CROSS BELONGING TO THE EMPRESS 288
PEARL EARRING BELONGING TO THE EMPRESS 288
IKONS (HOLY IMAGES) BELONGING TO THE EMPRESS
AND HER DAUGHTERS 289
THE ENTRANCE TO THE SHAFT NEAR EKATERINBURG 289
PLAN OF IPATIEV’S HOUSE AND GROUNDS AND OF
UPPER AND BASEMENT FLOORS 307
NEW ENVIRONS OF EKATERINBURG, SHOWING ROAD
BY WHICH THE BODIES OF THE MEMBERS OF THE
IMPERIAL FAMILY WERE CARRIED, AND THE PIT
WHERE THE ASHES WERE BURIED 321
“FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH” 384
THE FAULTS OF THE EARLIER INQUIRY 384
AT THE GANINA MINE 385
THE PYRE AT THE BIRCH TREE 385
THE HAND OF THE RED JEW MURDERERS 385
ALEXANDRA’S GOOD LUCK SIGN 408
THE MYSTERIOUS INSCRIPTION IN THE DEATH
CHAMBER 408
PART I
_Transcript of the Depositions of Eye-Witnesses of the Crime, Taken from
the Archives by_
M. GEORGE GUSTAV TELBERG,
_Minister of Justice at Omsk_
DEPOSITIONS OF EYE-WITNESSES
I
EXAMINATION OF M. GILLIARD
[_M. Gilliard was attached to the imperial household in the
capacity of French tutor to the grand duchesses and the czarevitch.
He was with the family at Czarskoe-Selo at the outbreak of the
revolution, and like most of the other members of the household, he
elected to remain under arrest. M. Gilliard especially mentions the
emperor’s love for his country and his bitterness of heart after
the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, and he insists that the attitude of
the emperor and the empress towards Germany was one of hatred and
contempt._
_M. Gilliard’s deposition is important inasmuch as it includes a
conversation which he had with Tchemodouroff in the latter part of
August, 1918. Tchemodouroff then believed that the imperial family
had not been murdered, but had been removed to an unknown
destination. M. Gilliard did not, however, place much reliance in
this statement. He describes his visit to Ipatieff’s house and
relates a curious superstition of the empress, who seems to have
placed credence in the efficacy of two Egyptian symbols as
luck-bringers._--Editor’s Note.]
On March 5, 1919, the Investigating Magistrate for cases of special
importance of the Omsk District Court, in conformity with Paragraph 443
of the Criminal Code Procedure, questioned the man named below in the
capacity of a witness, notifying him that during the investigation he
might be interrogated under oath.
Replying to the questions that were put to him, the witness gave his
name as: Peter Andreievitch Gilliard, and said:
Since 1905 I have been giving French lessons to the daughters of his
majesty. From 1912 I began to teach French to the Grand Duke Alexis. I
started my instructions in Spala, but very shortly afterwards they were
interrupted, as the grand duke met with an accident. I heard about it
from other people who were attached to the emperor’s family. I heard
that the Grand Duke Alexis, while swimming in a pool, fell and hurt his
stomach. The result of this accident caused his foot to be temporarily
paralysed. He was ill a very long time, consequently all studies were
interrupted. They were, however, resumed in 1913, at the time when I
became assistant tutor to the grand duke.
After that I moved to the palace, where I occupied the rooms next to the
czarevitch. In 1913 we went to Crimea and later came to Czarskoe-Selo.
In the spring of 1913 we went to Crimea, Constance and Finland. From
Finland we returned to Peterhoff, in order to meet the President of
France, M. Poincaré. It was in Peterhoff that the imperial family
resided at the beginning of the war.
In 1915 we lived at Czarskoe-Selo up to the time when the emperor
assumed supreme command of the army. During this time I often went with
the czarevitch to the Stavka (general army headquarters), to the front,
and generally to every place that the emperor took his son.
At the outbreak of the revolution the emperor was at the Stavka and his
family lived in Czarskoe-Selo. The imperial family passed through many
alarming moments during this period. All the children had the measles.
At first the czarevitch got it and later all the grand duchesses in
succession. Everybody was worried by the uncertainty of the situation
and ignorance of the fate of the emperor. There was unrest amongst the
Guards Rifles quartered in Czarskoe-Selo. One night was particularly
alarming. Fortunately the commotion amongst the soldiers was calmed down
by the officers.
The emperor’s abdication in behalf of the czarevitch was learned of by
the imperial family from the general in command of the Svodny guard
regiment. Later the Grand Duke Dmitry Pavlovitch came to the palace and
officially announced to her majesty the news of the abdication of the
emperor.
General Korniloff also came to the palace and informed the empress that
she must consider herself under arrest. After General Korniloff’s
arrival her majesty instructed me to say that everyone must leave the
palace except those who would like to stay of their own free will, and
who would consequently have to submit to the routine of those who were
arrested. Nearly everybody elected to stay in the palace, and so did I.
During this time the Grand Duchess Maria Nicholaevna was taken ill with
inflammation of the lungs. After some time the emperor arrived at
Czarskoe-Selo.
The restrictions imposed upon the imperial family consisted of a certain
limitation of their freedom. The palace was surrounded by sentries. They
were allowed to leave the palace to walk in the park only during a fixed
time and always accompanied by a sentry. All the mail went through the
hands of the commandant of the palace. Kotsebue was the first
commandant. He was replaced by Korovitchenko and the latter was replaced
by Kobylinsky who was formerly in command of the garrison.
Kerensky came to Czarskoe-Selo on several occasions. He visited us in
the capacity of the head of the new government to observe the conditions
of our life. His manners and attitude towards the emperor were cold and
official. His behaviour towards him gave me the impression of the
treatment of the accused by a judge who is convinced of his guilt. It
looked as if Kerensky believed the emperor was guilty of something and
therefore treated him coldly. Nevertheless, I must state that Kerensky
was always perfectly correct in his manner. When addressing the emperor
he called him His Majesty, Nicholas Alexandrovitch. At the same time I
must say that during this period Kerensky, as well as everybody else,
avoided calling the emperor by his name, as though it were embarrassing
to them to address him as Nicholas Alexandrovitch.
On one occasion Kerensky arrived at the palace in the company of
Korovitchenko and Kobylinsky and confiscated all the emperor’s private
papers. It seemed to me that after Kerensky was through with those
papers he understood that the emperor had done no wrong to his country
and he immediately changed his attitude and manners towards him.
During the stay of the imperial family in Czarskoe-Selo several
disagreeable incidents took place. The first was the confiscation of a
toy rifle from the Czarevitch, which was done on the request of the
soldiers. The second incident was the refusal of the soldiers to answer
the emperor’s greeting. The emperor always addressed the soldiers with
words of greeting. After the abdication the soldiers used to answer:
“Sdrávstvouyte Gospodín Polkóvnik” (Good-day, Colonel). On one occasion,
after being addressed by the emperor, the soldiers remained silent. It
appears, however, that this took place not on account of their own
decision but by orders of some assistant commandant of the palace, whose
name I do not remember.
There were days when the imperial family had to wait a considerable time
in the semicircular hall where everybody used to assemble before taking
the walk in the park. It was always the guards who were late and who
kept everybody else waiting.
However, all these incidents were mere trifles in comparison to the
sufferings that were later inflicted on the imperial family.
In the middle of July it became known, I cannot tell how, that the
emperor and imperial family had to change their residence from
Czarskoe-Selo to some other place. At first it was rumoured that it was
to be a voyage to the south, but later it transpired that we were to
proceed to Tobolsk.
The reason that we had to move was due to the fears of the government
for the safety of the imperial family. During this time the government
intended to take a firm course in handling the affairs of the nation. At
the same time it feared that such a policy would create some outburst
amongst the population which would have to be checked by armed force.
Thinking that in the course of the struggle we might also be injured,
the government made up its mind to send the imperial family to a quieter
place than the vicinity of Petrograd. All this I relate to you from the
words of her majesty, who was informed through Kerensky, as to the
decision of the government.
I remember that the following persons moved to Tobolsk with the imperial
family: Prince Dolgoruky, M. Tatischeff, Dr. Botkin, Miss Schneider and
myself. Later we were joined in Tobolsk by Derevenko, Mr. Gibbes and
Baroness Buxhoevden, who volunteered to stay with the imperial family.
The imperial family was placed in Tobolsk in the house of the governor.
I lived with the imperial family. All the other people were placed in a
house belonging to M. Korniloff, opposite the governor’s house. The
life in Tobolsk was very much as it had been in Czarskoe-Selo. The same
restrictions were imposed.
Our guards were composed of soldiers who were formerly in the
Czarskoe-Selo sharpshooter regiments. Kobylinsky was, as previously, the
commandant of the house. We were accompanied during our journey to
Tobolsk by representatives of the government, Makaroff and Vershinin
(the latter being a member of the Duma). They spent a few days in
Tobolsk and then departed. Their attitude towards the imperial family
was quite correct, and even kindly disposed--this was particularly true
of Makaroff, and especially so in his manner towards the children.
In the middle of October there arrived one Pankratoff, a commissar of
the government, accompanied by his assistant, Nikolsky. They were to
supervise our life and Kobylinsky was subordinate to them. These two men
did not wilfully interfere with the welfare of the imperial family, but
a great deal of harm was done by them unknowingly by their behaviour
towards the guards and they demoralised the morale of the soldiers.
As far as we could judge, being prisoners, the inhabitants of Tobolsk
were well disposed towards the imperial family. Now and then they sent
us bon bons, cakes and various sweets. When they passed by the house and
noticed any members of the imperial family, they bowed.
The Rifles, who composed our guards, were _en masse_ rather benevolent.
There were some good men among the soldiers, but some of them were very
bad. Until the Bolshevist revolution the latter kept quiet.
The Bolsheviki brought misfortune to the imperial family as well as to
the whole of Russia. The Bolshevist revolution immediately reflected on
the minds of the soldiers and those that were bad and evilly disposed
became rough in their ways.
On January 25th the soldiers turned out Pankratoff and Nikolsky and made
up their minds to ask for a Bolshevik commissar from Moscow. The
soldiers forbade the Baroness Buxhoevden to live in Korniloff’s house.
The worst came after the Brest-Litovsk treaty. The soldiers began to
behave in a disgraceful manner. On one occasion the Czarevitch noticed
on the board of the swing on which the Grand Duchesses liked to pass the
time, some inscriptions. He did not have time to read them. When the
emperor noticed them he asked Dolgoruky to remove the board. Vulgar,
disgraceful, cynical and stupid words were cut on this board by
soldiers’ bayonets.
The imperial family was forbidden by the soldiers to visit church. They
were allowed to go to church only on Dvounadesiaty holidays (very
important feast-days in the Orthodox religion). The soldiers insisted
that the emperor should remove the shoulder straps from his uniform.
Twice he refused, but finally, after Kobylinsky informed the emperor
that his refusal might result in serious trouble for himself and his
family, the emperor had to submit to this demand.
A little hill was made in the garden for the amusement of the children.
Once the emperor and the empress viewed from the top of this small hill
the departure of a large number of the soldiers (at that time many
soldiers left on account of the demobilisation of the army); but
afterward the remaining soldiers levelled the hill to the ground.
Things became worse and worse. It was especially severe after all
sources of revenue were confiscated from the imperial family. This
occurred on February 12th. That day a wire from Moscow was received. I
can not tell you who sent it. In this wire a new order of life for the
imperial family was prescribed. Up to this time the imperial family had
been maintained by the government treasury. Their life was quite
appropriate and fitting for them and ran along in the same way that the
former emperor and his family had been accustomed to.
By the order of the Bolshevist authorities, lodging, heating and
lighting were to be provided for the imperial family, everything else
had to be obtained at the expense of the family or of those persons
connected with them. We were also restricted in earning of money. I
wanted to earn some by giving private lessons in the town, but the
soldiers would not allow me to do so, and told me I was to leave the
house altogether in the event that I could not adapt myself to
conditions as they were.
By Bolshevist orders the imperial family could not spend for themselves
and their servants more than four thousand, two hundred roubles per
month. This state of affairs affected life very detrimentally. Coffee,
butter and cream disappeared from the table. Scarcity of sugar was felt
very seriously, as sugar was distributed in the quantity of half a pound
per person for each month. Dinner consisted of two courses, and for
those who were accustomed from the time of their birth to entirely
different conditions of life, it was far more difficult to bear the
situation than it was for those who were not familiar with the luxuries
that the imperial family had always enjoyed.
The lack of resources and the necessity of economising made it
impossible to continue to pay the church chorus for their singing during
the divine services held at home. The church choristers volunteered to
sing free of charge. After that a small fee was still paid to them.
The number of servants was considerably reduced and ten of their staff
were discharged.
Finally the attitude of the soldiers became so menacing that Kobylinsky,
after losing all hope of retaining or regaining control, declared to the
emperor that he desired to resign from his present position. The emperor
asked him to stay, and Kobylinsky yielded to his request.
In order to make life a little more cheerful, playlets were staged, in
which the children took an active part. The emperor tried to find
forgetfulness in physical labour. He sawed wood with Tatischeff and
Dolgoruky, the daughters or myself. He also attended to the lessons of
the czarevitch and personally instructed him in history and geography.
But all the efforts made by the emperor to conceal his feelings could
not hide from any observant person his terrible sufferings. Especially
after the Brest-Litovsk peace treaty a very marked change was noticed in
him that indicated his mood and mental suffering. I could say that his
majesty was affected by this treaty with an overwhelming grief.
During this time the emperor on several occasions spoke of politics to
me--a thing he had never allowed himself to do before. It seemed as if
his soul was yearning for the companionship of another soul, hoping by
such companionship to find relief from the intensity of his grief. I
could not relate everything he told me, but the central idea of his
words and thoughts was that up to the moment of the Brest-Litovsk treaty
he believed in the future prosperity of Russia--after that treaty he
lost all faith.
During this time he criticised Kerensky and Goutchkoff in sharp terms,
considering them to be the most guilty for the collapse of the army. The
emperor thought that by their weakness and incapacity the army
disintegrated, and the result was that it opened the way for the Germans
to corrupt Russia. He regarded the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk as a
disgrace and as treason on the part of Russia towards her Allies. He
said: “And those who dared to accuse her majesty of treason have in the
end turned out to be the real traitors.”
The emperor looked upon Lenin and Trotzky, the leaders of the Bolshevist
movement, as German agents who had sold Russia for a large sum of money.
After the Brest-Litovsk treaty a profound disdain was felt by the
emperor and empress towards the German government and Emperor Wilhelm.
They both felt deeply that the German government and Emperor Wilhelm had
lowered themselves by dealing with the Bolsheviki and by resorting to
such outrageous methods of warfare.
Such was the tenor of our life during February and March. On March 30th
a delegate, previously sent to Moscow by the committee of our soldiers,
returned to Tobolsk. He brought a written order to Kobylinsky which
stated that our life from this time on must be more severely supervised.
We were all to live in the governor’s house and a new plenipotentiary
commissar had been ordered to Tobolsk for the purpose of enforcing new
restrictions. On April 9th this commissar arrived. His name was
Iakovleff. On April 10th he came to our house for the first time and was
received by the emperor. On the same day he visited the czarevitch who
at that time was sick. He returned shortly after his departure with an
assistant (whose name I do not remember). They both visited the
czarevitch. On the same day Iakovleff was received by the empress.
Iakovleff made quite a favourable impression on the emperor, who told me
that he thought Iakovleff not so bad, and that he believed him to be
quite straight.
The reason for Iakovleff’s arrival was quite a puzzle to us. This puzzle
was solved on April 12th. On that date Iakovleff went to the emperor and
announced that he had orders to take him away from Tobolsk. The emperor
replied that he would not leave Tobolsk, as he could not be separated
from his son who was so ill (the czarevitch during this period suffered
from the same affliction he had in Spala in 1912, with the difference
that this time the bruise involved paralysis of the right foot), and
that he did not intend to leave his family. Iakovleff answered that he
was merely fulfilling his instructions, and as the emperor refused to
leave Tobolsk, a choice of two decisions had to be made: Either
Iakovleff must refuse to obey the orders, in which case another
commissar with fewer scruples would be sent; or he must employ force in
imposing the order. At the same time Iakovleff told the emperor that he
might be accompanied by any other persons he desired. The only thing
that could be done was for the emperor to submit to Iakovleff’s demands.
Everything that I have told in this connection I know from the words of
her majesty.
Nobody knew where the emperor was to be taken. His majesty inquired of
Iakovleff in advance, but the latter answered in a way that did not make
the matter clear. Kobylinsky told us that Iakovleff at first informed
him the destination was to be Moscow, but that he later said he did not
know where the emperor was going to be taken.
All this sort of thing was intensely painful and humiliating for the
imperial family, all of whom suffered most acutely. Her majesty was
greatly tortured by having to decide whether to accompany the emperor or
stay with the czarevitch.
She made up her mind that she would go with the emperor and it was
decided that the Grand Duchess Maria Nicholaevna should accompany them.
The rest of the family was to stay in Tobolsk until the recovery of the
czarevitch.
Iakovleff fixed the time of departure for four o’clock in the morning of
April 13th. The evening before we all had tea together. The emperor and
empress wished us farewell and thanked us all for our services.
At three o’clock in the morning the carts arrived at the door. They were
wretched looking vehicles with plated bodies and had no seats and no
springs. One had to sit on the bottom, stretching out the feet. Only one
telega (peasant cart) had a “capot” (hood). In this cart we decided to
place her majesty. There was hardly anything on the bottom of the
carriages. We went to the court yard where an employé by the name of
Kirpitchnikoff kept his pigs. There was some straw in stock. This straw
we used for covering the bottom of the cart that was supplied with a
hood and, I think, we put some straw also on the bottoms of some other
carts. In the covered cart we also put a mattress. The emperor desired
to go with her majesty and Maria Nicholaevna. Iakovleff insisted that
the emperor should ride in the same cart as he did. They all left on
April 13th shortly after four o’clock in the morning.
At this time the following persons departed from Tobolsk: The emperor
and empress, Grand Duchess Maria Nicholaevna, Botkin, Dolgoruky,
Tchemodouroff, Sedneff and Demidova. They were accompanied by six Rifles
men and two officers--Matveieff and Nabokoff, as well as by soldiers of
Iakovleff’s detachment.
Some time after the departure one of the coachmen brought us a short
note from Maria Nicholaevna. She said in her note that the conditions of
travelling were extremely hard, that the road was bad and the carriage
was awful.
Later Kobylinsky received a wire from Nabokoff announcing the arrival of
the party at Tumen. Greatly to the surprise of everybody Kobylinsky
suddenly received a telegram from Matveieff stating that the emperor and
all the persons in his party were held up in Yekaterinburg. This was
quite unexpected, as we all thought that the emperor was to be taken to
Moscow.
On April 24th a letter came from the empress. She wrote that they had
all been placed in two rooms of the Ipatieff house, that they felt very
much crowded, and that the only place where they could walk was a small
garden that was very dusty. She wrote also that all their belongings had
been searched, even “medicines.” In the same letter in very discreet
language she made us understand that we should take from Tobolsk all our
precious things. As previously agreed, she used in her letter the word
“medicines” instead of “jewels.” Later Tegleva received a letter from
Demidova, undoubtedly written by order of her majesty. In this letter we
were instructed how to deal with jewels, instead of which she used the
expression “Sedneff’s belongings.”
On April 25th two officers, as well as five soldiers who escorted the
emperor, returned to Tobolsk and told us the following story: Iakovleff
took the emperor to Omsk. About one hundred versts before arriving at
Omsk he took the train and proceeded to Omsk alone. After that he came
back and turned the train towards Yekaterinburg. The commissars in
Yekaterinburg held up the train. Dolgoruky was arrested and taken to
prison directly from the station. All the officers and men were also put
under arrest in some cellar, where they were kept for two days, and let
free only on the third day and after some protest was made. The general
idea to be gathered from their narrative was that the detention of the
train and the party was unexpected by Iakovleff. They told us that he
was hustling around all over the place, but was unable to accomplish
anything. It was also told us that later, Iakovleff proceeded
independently from Moscow and wired to Kobylinsky and Hohriakoff (the
Chairman of the Tobolsk Soviet), that he resigned from his mission of
commissar to the imperial family.
We started with the preparations for our trip. On April 25th the
chairman of the local soviet, Hohriakoff, visited our house for the
first time. After that he called on us frequently, urging us and
hurrying our departure. I remember that on May 6th, the birthday of the
emperor, the grand duchesses wanted to have divine service. Hohriakoff
forbade it, saying that no time should be wasted. On May 7th, at eleven
o’clock in the morning, we moved to the steamer _Russ_ and about three
or four o’clock that day departed from Tobolsk. We were escorted by a
detachment commanded by Rodionoff, which was composed chiefly of Letts.
Rodionoff did not behave well; he locked the cabin door, in which were
the czarevitch and Nagorny. All the other cabins, including those of the
Grand Duchesses, were locked also, by his order.
On May 9th we reached Tumen and the same day took a train. We arrived at
Yekaterinburg on May 10th at two a. m. During the whole night we were
switching from one station to another and being transferred from one
track to another. Approximately at nine o’clock the train was stopped
between two stations. It was muddy and there was a continuous drizzling
rain. Five isvostchiks (cabs) were awaiting us at the station.
Rodionoff, with some commissars, approached the car where the children
were placed. The grand duchesses walked out of the car. Tatiana
Nicholaevna carried in one hand her pet dog and in the other a hand bag,
the latter with great difficulty, dragging it on the pavement. Nagorny
wanted to help her, but was roughly pushed aside. I noticed that Nagorny
went in the same cab as the czarevitch. I remember that in every one of
the other cabs there was a commissar or some other Bolshevik agent. I
wanted to leave the car and wish them good-bye, but I was held up by a
sentry. I never thought at that moment that I was seeing all of them for
the last time; and I did not even know that I was then already
discharged from the service of the imperial family.
At last our train came into the station. About three hours later I saw
Tatischeff, Hendrikova and Schneider being taken out of the train and
escorted by soldiers. A little later Haritonoff, the little Sedneff,
Volkoff and Troupp were also taken away. I had almost forgotten to say
that the children were accompanied by Dr. Derevenko. In a little while
Rodionoff came and announced to us that: we “were not wanted,” and that
we were “free.” The Baroness Buxhoevden was then transferred to our car.
In about three days we received an order from the Soviet to leave the
Perm district and return to Tobolsk. We could not fulfil the order as
the way was cut off by the advancing Czechs, so we stayed in
Yekaterinburg. During this time I visited the town and had a look at the
Ipatieff house.
On the 14th or 15th of May I witnessed the following: I was walking on
the streets of Yekaterinburg with Derevenko and Mr. Gibbes. While we
were passing Ipatieff’s house we noticed that Sedneff was sitting in a
cab surrounded by soldiers who carried rifles with fixed bayonets; in
another cab Nagorny was seated. When the latter looked up he saw us and
looked at us for quite a long time but did not make a single movement
that could betray to the people surrounding him that he knew us.
The cabs, surrounded by horsemen, quickly drove to the centre of the
town. We followed them as fast as we could and finally saw them
disappearing in the direction of the prison.
Our party consisted of eighteen persons and we proceeded to Tumen. At
Kamishlov the soviet did not allow us to go any further. We stayed there
for ten days. It was dirty and the whole place was infected by disease.
Finally we were attached to a train full of Serbs and we arrived at
Tumen.
We suffered very severely, but at present I do not want to speak about
my personal suffering.
In the latter part of August I was visited by Tchemodouroff. His first
words were: “Thank God, the emperor, her majesty and the children are
alive--all the others are killed.” He told me also that he was in the
rooms of the Ipatieff house where “Botkin and others” were shot. He told
me that he had seen the bodies of Sedneff and Nagorny, whom he
recognised by their clothes and that their bodies were put in a coffin
and buried. He told me that all the others were obliged to dress
themselves in soldiers’ uniforms and had been taken away. It was
difficult for me to understand Tchemodouroff, as he talked very wildly.
Tchemodouroff also told me that the life of the imperial family in
Yekaterinburg was terrible, that all of them were very badly treated and
that they had their meals together with the servants. The commandant,
Avdeieff, had his meals also with the imperial family; he was often
drunk and sometimes came into the room where the imperial family was
without his tunic.
Tchemodouroff also told me that Avdeieff often behaved towards the
emperor in an indecent and insulting manner. For example, during the
meals, when he wanted to help himself from the dish, he stretched his
hands before the emperor and her majesty and in doing so touched the
emperor’s face with his elbow.
The grand duchesses after their arrival at Yekaterinburg slept on the
floor. The Bolsheviki took away from her majesty a little bag which she
used to hold in her hand, and also a gold chain that supported the holy
images by the czarevitch’s bed.
After Tchemodouroff’s arrival Mr. Gibbes and myself went to
Yekaterinburg for the purpose of giving assistance to Sergeeff, a member
of the court. Tchemodouroff told us that Sergeeff was in charge of the
investigation of the fate of the imperial family. Together with Sergeeff
we visited the Ipatieff house and inspected the room that had the bullet
holes on the wall and on the floor. In this house I found two “Egyptian
signs” which the empress had the habit of drawing on various things for
good luck. One of these signs I noticed on the wall paper of her
majesty’s room, the other on the side of the window in a room where,
under the Egyptian sign, the date was written in pencil: 17/30
April--the date of the arrival of her majesty in Yekaterinburg. My
attention was also attracted to the stoves; they were all full of
various burned articles. I recognised a considerable number of burned
things such as tooth- and hair-brushes, pins and a number of small things
bearing the initials: “A. F.” [Alexandra Feodorovna.]
I got the impression that if the imperial family had been taken away
from Yekaterinburg, they must have been taken as they were, without any
of their belongings. All the things they might have taken with them were
burned. Nevertheless, at the time I left the house I could not believe
that the imperial family had perished. It seemed to me that there was
such a small number of bullet holes in the room I had inspected that
everybody could not have been executed. When, a considerable time
later, I returned from Yekaterinburg to Tumen, Volkoff called on me. I
did not recognise him at first, as I had read in the newspapers that
after the attempt on the life of Lenin, Hendrikova, Schneider and
Volkoff were shot.
Volkoff told me that he was taken directly from the train and put in the
Yekaterinburg prison. From this prison he, Hendrikova and Schneider were
transferred to a prison at Perm. Tatischeff was also in prison in
Yekaterinburg. He was once taken out of prison but was never put back. I
could hardly understand from Volkoff’s words what happened to
Tatischeff. Volkoff told me that he had seen in Tatischeff’s hands a
written Bolshevik order commanding him to leave the Perm district. In
the prison Volkoff was put in the same cell with the valet of the Grand
Duke Michael Alexandrovitch. The valet said that when the grand duke
resided in Perm, four armed men called on him late at night. One of them
aimed his pistol at the valet and ordered him to stand still. The others
told the grand duke that he had to follow them. The grand duke refused
to obey their orders unless he were asked to do so by a member of the
soviet personally known to him. In reply one of the armed men went up to
the grand duke, took him by the collar and grumbled: “Here is one more
of the Romanoffs.”
On one occasion Volkoff, Hendrikova, Schneider and some other people
were taken out of prison to the woods. Volkoff understood they were all
going to be shot, so he started running. After he got out of danger and
stopped, he heard the sounds of volleys from the place where the others
had been left. He believes that Hendrikova and the rest were murdered.
He thinks that the Bolsheviki considered him dead, because they were
firing at him when he was running, and when he accidentally fell, he
heard a voice say: “He’s done for.”
About the fate of the Grand Duke Michael, Volkoff related the following:
The grand duke had to submit to force and followed the armed men. One of
these men remained with the valet to prevent him from calling for help.
When this man left the valet ran to the soviet and told everything that
had happened. A tumult started in the soviet, but nevertheless, the
members of the soviet were in no hurry to start a pursuit. About an hour
later they began looking for the grand duke. It was very hard to get any
definite information from Volkoff about the fate of the Grand Duke
Michael.
I recall another detail of Volkoff’s narrative: When the grand duke
followed the strangers the valet said to him: “Your highness, don’t
forget to take your medicine from the stove shelf.”
I have nothing more to declare. My statement has been read to me and it
is correctly written.
(_Signed_) GILLIARD,
“ N. SOKOLOFF.
II
EXAMINATION OF MR. GIBBES
[_The deposition of Mr. Gibbes should prove interesting to the public as
being that of an Englishman who was wholly and unselfishly devoted to
the imperial family. Sidney Gibbes acted as tutor to the czarevitch, and
after the arrest of the emperor and his family, he followed them to
Tobolsk without a thought for his own safety._
_Mr. Gibbes knew the emperor and the empress intimately during these
days of sorrow, and his deposition shows that the czar was genuinely
affected by the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk and the subsequent Red ruin of
Russia. These recollections are absolutely unbiased, and there is no
reason to doubt their accuracy._--Editor’s Note.]
On July 1, 1919, the Investigating Magistrate for Cases of Special
Importance of the Omsk Tribunal, N. A. Sokoloff, questioned in
Yekaterinburg the man named below in conformity with Paragraph 443 of
the Code of Criminal Procedure, in the capacity of a witness, and the
witness stated, in reply to questions:
My name is Sidney Ivanovitch Gibbes. Up to the year 1916 I was a
visiting teacher of the English language to the grand duchesses and the
czarevitch. I started my lessons with the Grand Duchesses Olga
Nicholaevna, Tatiana Nicholaevna and Maria Nicholaevna in 1908. When
Anastasia grew up I began to give her lessons also. I started to give
instructions to the czarevitch in 1914. In 1916 I was appointed tutor to
the czarevitch. The same year I moved to the Yekaterinensky Palace. In
1917 the duties of tutor to the czarevitch were performed partly by
myself and partly by Gilliard.
During the early part of the revolution the imperial family resided in
Czarskoe-Selo. The empress and all the children were there. The emperor
was at the Stavka. At the beginning of the revolution all the children
were taken ill with the measles. The first to be attacked by that
disease was the czarevitch and after him, all the daughters in
succession.
Personally I did not observe how the news of the revolution was taken by
the empress. I heard from someone who was near to her that she wept. As
far as I know the empress, my conviction is that she did not expect the
revolution. It seemed to me that the empress thought that only a few
concessions ought to have been made. The revolution was a blow to her
and therefore she suffered, but being a firm character she did not cry
very much.
The empress and the imperial family were arrested by General Korniloff.
I was not present at the palace during the time of the arrest. I can not
tell how it happened. I know that Korniloff was received by her majesty
and that he announced to her that she was under arrest. The empress told
me about that. She did not give me any details; she just related all
that in a general way and, at the same time, added that she was very
cold towards Korniloff and did not give him her hand. After Komiloff’s
announcement of the arrest I was not allowed into the palace. My request
for admittance met with a negative response. The provisional government
would not allow me to stay with the imperial family. I remember this
fact distinctly. I saw the letter which stated so. It bore the signature
of five ministers. At the present time I do not remember their names,
but I have it plainly in my memory that there were the signatures of
five ministers. It was stated in my application that I was giving
lessons to the children. I can not tell whether the answer also carried
the signature of the minister of public education. Being an Englishman I
considered all this very funny.
Such is the reason why I was not allowed to be with the imperial family
during the time of their stay in Czarskoe-Selo, and consequently, I did
not see anything of their life during that period of time.
Later I heard in Tobolsk that some soldiers and officers in
Czarskoe-Selo behaved roughly towards the imperial family. The emperor
himself told me in Tobolsk that on one occasion an officer refused to
shake hands with him, explaining to him that he was on duty, and,
therefore, had no right to shake hands. The emperor also spoke to me a
little about Kerensky. He said that Kerensky was very nervous when he
spoke with him. In fact, once he was so nervous that he grabbed an ivory
knife from the wall and nervously began bending it so badly that the
emperor was afraid he would break the knife, and so he took it away from
him. The emperor also told me that Kerensky believed that he (the
emperor) wanted to make a separate peace with Germany. The emperor
denied that this was so. Kerensky insisted, and got nervous. I can not
tell whether the private papers of the emperor were searched by Kerensky
or not; but the emperor told me that Kerensky believed he had some
papers that indicated his desire of making peace with Germany. I knew
the emperor well and I understood the feeling of disdain he had towards
Kerensky, when he spoke to me on those subjects.
Kerensky was very nervous the day of the departure of the imperial
family from Czarskoe-Selo. During the night he telephoned to the
minister of communication, insisting upon his coming at once to
Czarskoe-Selo. The minister of communication was in bed at this time,
but that fact did not deter Kerensky.
I can not tell anything else about the life of the imperial family in
Czarskoe-Selo. I was devoted to the family and I wanted to be near them.
I went to Tobolsk of my own free will. I arrived in Tobolsk in the
beginning of October. From Tumen I travelled with Klavdia Michaelovna
Bitner.
For two days I lived in Korniloff’s house. On the third day, at one p.m.
I was called by the emperor. He received me in his workroom. The
empress and the czarevitch were also present. I was very glad to see
them and they were very glad to see me. At this time the empress began
to realise that not all the people who had been devoted to her were
unfaithful.
Our stay in Tobolsk was altogether very agreeable. I did not see
anything very objectionable in the conditions of our life. Certainly
there were some disadvantages as compared to what it had previously
been; there were lots of trifles that created friction, but one could
get used to them.
We all used to work very hard. The empress was teaching theology to the
children (all the children took lessons except Olga Nicholaevna who had
completed her course of studies in 1914). She also taught a little
German to Tatiana Nicholaevna. The emperor personally gave lessons in
history to the czarevitch. Klavdia Michaelovna Bitner was giving
instruction in mathematics and the Russian language to the Grand
Duchesses Maria, Anastasia and the czarevitch. Hendrikova gave lessons
in history to Tatiana Nicholaevna. I was instructor in English.
The lessons started at nine a. m. and continued up to eleven o’clock.
From eleven till twelve o’clock the children were free to take a walk.
Studies were resumed at twelve and continued for an hour. At one p. m.
lunch was served, and after that coffee was drunk. According to the
doctor’s advice the czarevitch had to rest a little on the sofa after
lunch. During his rest Gilliard or myself used to read to him aloud.
After that Nagorny dressed the czarevitch and we went out for a walk
till about four or five o’clock. After we returned the emperor gave a
lesson in history to the czarevitch. After the lesson the czarevitch
liked very much to play a game called: “The slower you ride the farther
you go.” We divided into two parties: The czarevitch, Gilliard or myself
were one party; Dolgoruky and Schneider the other. The czarevitch used
to be extremely fond of that game. Schneider also used to put her heart
into the game and fussed a little with Dolgoruky over it. This was quite
funny. We played the game nearly every day and Schneider always used to
say that she would never play the game again.
From six to seven p. m. the czarevitch took lessons with me or with
Gilliard. From seven to eight p. m. he prepared his lessons for the next
day. Dinner was served at eight p. m. After dinner the family assembled
upstairs. Sometimes we played cards. I played double patience with
Schneider. Tatischeff, Olga Nicholaevna, Botkin, Schneider, Gilliard and
Dolgoruky played bridge. The children and the emperor occasionally
played bézique. At times the emperor read aloud.
Sometimes the Grand Duchesses Olga, Maria, and Anastasia would go up to
Demidova’s room where Toutelberg, Ersberg and Tegleva had their meals.
Occasionally Gilliard, Dolgoruky, the czarevitch or myself used to
accompany them. We stayed some time in this room and had plenty of jokes
and laughter.
The emperor got up early. At nine a. m. he always had tea in his
workroom and read till eleven a. m. He then had a walk in the garden and
during the walk always took some physical exercise. In Tobolsk he
frequently used to saw logs. With some assistance the emperor built up a
platform on the roof of the orangery. A staircase which was constructed
by our combined efforts led to the platform. The emperor liked very much
to sit on this platform when the weather was stormy. Up till noon the
emperor took his exercises, after which he always used to go to his
daughters’ room where sandwiches were served. Later he retired to his
quarters and worked till lunch time. After lunch the emperor took a walk
or worked in the garden till dusk. At five p. m. the family had tea,
after which the emperor used to read till supper time.
The empress got up at different times, sometimes much later than others.
Sometimes she was ready with everybody else, but she was never seen by
strangers in the morning. There were times when the empress came out
only for lunch. In the morning she occupied herself with her children or
worked at something. She preferred fancy work: embroidery or painting.
When there was nobody in the house, and she was left all by herself, she
played the piano.
The lunch and dinner were good. At lunch we used to have soup, fish,
meat and dessert. Coffee was served upstairs. The dinner was similar to
the lunch, with the difference that some fruits were served.
If the empress was present at dinner we used to sit in the following
order: The emperor in the middle of the table; opposite him, the
empress. To the right of the emperor, Hendrikova, and next to her the
Grand Duchess Maria. To the left of the emperor, Schneider and
Dolgoruky. To the empress’s right, the czarevitch; to her left,
Tatischeff and the Grand Duchess Tatiana. Gilliard was seated at the end
of the table and opposite to him were the Grand Duchess Anastasia and
myself. If the empress dined upstairs her place was taken by the Grand
Duchess Olga.
Botkin always dined with the imperial family, but had his lunch with his
own family. He was seated with the Grand Duchess Olga and the
czarevitch. Sometimes on holy days Dr. Derevenko and his son Kolia were
invited to dinner. Dinner was cooked by Haritonoff. The food was good
and there was plenty of everything.
Besides dinner and lunch, tea was served twice daily. In the morning the
emperor had tea with the Grand Duchess Olga in his workroom. Tea in the
evening was always served in the emperor’s workroom and only the family
was present.
At the time of my arrival in Tobolsk two commissars, Pankratoff and
Nikolsky, stayed there. Pankratoff was not a bad sort of a fellow, but
showed weakness, and was influenced by Nikolsky. Pankratoff did not
cause us any uneasiness. The emperor used to talk to him and Pankratoff
told him many interesting things about Siberia, where he used to live in
exile. The emperor spoke in a rather sarcastic way about Pankratoff
calling him, “the little man”--he was rather small in stature. Nikolsky
was rough and the family did not like him. I do not remember if Nikolsky
ever made us feel uncomfortable or if ever the czarevitch cried on
account of his rudeness. During the Bolshevik period no commissars were
allowed in our house. It seems to me that some commissars arrived in
Tobolsk, but were not recognised by the soldiers. The first commissar
that ever entered the house was Iakovleff.
The Bolshevist revolution at first paid no attention to us and it looked
as if we were completely forgotten. However, finally the Bolsheviki
remembered us, and our money allowance was stopped short. We were given
a soldier’s ration and were ordered to limit our necessities to 150
roubles per week. Several servants were discharged, and we began to get
very inferior food. Only two courses were served--soup and meat.
I did not speak to the emperor about the Brest-Litovsk Treaty but I
noticed that the emperor suffered greatly after the Bolshevist
revolution. The emperor abdicated because he thought it would be better
for Russia. It turned out to be worse. He did not expect that and
suffered dreadful remorse. After we received the news that the state of
affairs in Russia was very bad, I twice saw the emperor looking very
much upset, remaining silent for a long time. His personal situation did
not grieve him and he endured it without repining.
Iakovleff arrived in Tobolsk in the beginning of April, at the time when
the czarevitch was sick. I was sitting by the czarevitch’s bed. The
emperor, accompanied by Iakovleff and another man, who seemed to be his
assistant, entered the room. Iakovleff looked at the czarevitch. The
emperor said: “My son and his tutor.”
Iakovleff did not appear to me to be a man of culture. He looked more
like a clever sailor. I do not remember the appearance of the other man.
Iakovleff gazed attentively at the czarevitch, after which they
departed. Later the emperor and Iakovleff returned to the room, but
without the third man. They looked at the czarevitch and kept silent. A
few days later I was again in the czarevitch’s bedroom. He was very ill
and suffered greatly. The empress promised to see him after lunch. He
waited and waited, but no one came. All the time he called: “Mamma,
mamma.” I went out of the room and looked down the hall. I noticed the
emperor, the empress and Iakovleff standing in the middle of the hall. I
did not hear what they were talking about. I returned to the
czarevitch’s room. He began to cry and asked: “Where is Mamma?” Once
more I left the room. Somebody told me that the empress was anxious
about something and this was the reason why she had not come to see the
czarevitch. I was told that she was alarmed because the emperor had to
be taken away from Tobolsk. I returned to the room. Between four and
five o’clock the empress came. She was quite calm, but her face showed
traces of tears. Being afraid to disturb the czarevitch she began to
tell me in an undertone that the emperor must leave Tobolsk, and that
she and the Grand Duchess Maria were to go with him, and that as soon as
the czarevitch was well the others would all follow them. The czarevitch
overheard her but did not ask her to tell us where we were going, and
wishing to avoid embarrassment, I did not ask her either. Soon after
that I left the room. I thought that during the time they were preparing
themselves for the journey, they probably would not like anyone to be
present. They dined alone upstairs.
In the evening we were all invited to the empress’s boudoir (the green
room), where the tea was served. Conversation ran on travelling. We
spoke mostly of luggage. At two o’clock the coaches arrived, one of them
had a hood. I wished them good-bye in the lobby. The emperor took a
place with Iakovleff, the empress with the Grand Duchess Maria, and they
departed. They were accompanied by Botkin, Tchemodouroff, Dolgoruky,
Demidova and Sedneff. We did not know the place of their destination.
Not one of us had any idea that they were to be taken to Yekaterinburg.
We all thought they were going to Moscow or to the east. The children
were of the same opinion. We were all very anxious. We did not know what
was going to happen to them. Of the persons left behind Tatischeff was
the senior; and of the remaining part of the imperial family, Tatiana
was considered senior in the place of the Grand Duchess Olga.
The czarevitch was gradually recovering, though very slowly. The first
news we received was brought by an isvostchik who drove one of the
coaches used by the family.
We heard that the family reached Tumen safely. Later, somebody sent a
wire that they were “held up” at Yekaterinburg. We were badly stricken
by this news.
Iakovleff told us nothing of Yekaterinburg and I heard someone saying
that Iakovleff himself was sent from Moscow and not from Yekaterinburg,
and I don’t think there is any doubt about this.
Some time after that Hohriakoff came to our house. It turned out that
previously to that time this man had spent quite a considerable time in
Tobolsk, but we had never seen him in the house before. It was thought
that he was sent by Iakovleff. When he came he wanted to see the
czarevitch. Possibly he did not believe in his illness as, after he left
him, he immediately returned expecting that the czarevitch would get
right up. About three days before our departure our guards were replaced
by a detachment of Reds. This detachment was under the command of a
certain Rodionoff. This man did not make a very bad impression on me. We
were all very much interested in him. Tatischeff had known him before,
but could not remember who he was nor where he had seen him. Hendrikova
also knew him. Tatischeff thought he had seen Rodionoff in Berlin; and
Hendrikova believed she had seen him in Verjbolovo. Tatischeff was
formerly attached to the Emperor Wilhelm, and he thought he had seen
Rodionoff in the Russian Embassy in Berlin. Tatischeff asked him what he
did before. Rodionoff, not wishing to give a reply, answered: “I have
forgotten.” We were very much interested in all that. When speaking
about Rodionoff, Tatischeff used good-naturedly the expression: “My
acquaintance.” Personally, I remember the following: In 1916 I was in
Petrograd, where I visited an acquaintance of mine by the name of
Ditveiler. I believe he was a Jew and a Russian subject. He used to work
in a rope concern. During our conversation I asked him where he had
been. He answered that he spent his time with so and so (I have
forgotten the name at present). I asked Ditveiler who the man was and
Ditveiler answered: “Probably a German spy,” and he added that an
officer by the name of Rodionoff was present at one of their meetings.
Rodionoff did not allow us to lock the doors of our bedrooms at night.
We left for Tumen on a steamer. A few days before our departure
Hohriakoff told us that he did not know whether we were going to be
allowed to stay in the house which was occupied by the emperor, the
empress and the Grand Duchess Maria in Yekaterinburg or not. Rodionoff
told us that from now on things were going to be much worse for us than
they had been. In Tumen the children, Hendrikova, Schneider, Tatischeff,
Buxheovden, Nagorny and Volkoff were placed in a passenger wagon, the
rest of us were placed in a box car (Teploushka). We arrived at
Yekaterinburg during the night of May 9th. It was cold. The whole night
we were moving and changing tracks. At seven a.m. our cars were taken
out of town. Some isvostchiks were waiting, and I watched through the
window the departure of the children. I was not allowed to wish them
good-bye. At ten o’clock we were moved to a station platform and
Tatischeff and Schneider were taken out of the train. I can not tell
anything about Hendrikova. After that Rodionoff came and announced that
little Sedneff and Troupp must proceed to the house. Later Nagorny came
and took with him some of the luggage as well as the children’s beds.
The beds were all alike, made of nickeled iron, similar to the bed the
Emperor Alexander II had used during the Turkish war. The beds were
comfortable and not heavy. After Nagorny’s departure, Rodionoff said to
us: “You are free and you can go wherever you like.”
I stayed in Yekaterinburg. Two or three days later I was walking with
Derevenko and Gilliard on the Vosnesensky Prospect and suddenly noticed
that Nagorny and Sedneff, surrounded by soldiers, were leaving
Ipatieff’s house, on two isvotschiks. We followed them and saw that they
were taken to prison.
A considerable amount of time elapsed when the former Prime Minister
Prince George Eugenievitch Lvoff, who was in prison in Yekaterinburg
together with Nagorny, told me that Nagorny often had disputes with the
Bolsheviki on account of their bad treatment of the czarevitch. The
Bolsheviki left for the czarevitch only one pair of boots. Nagorny
insisted upon two pairs of shoes being left, telling the Bolsheviki that
the boy was of delicate health and, in case he got his feet wet, he
would very badly need another pair of shoes. Some time later the
Bolsheviki took from the czarevitch a long gold chain which supported
the holy images which hung by his bed. Nagorny had several arguments
with the Bolsheviki: “So finally I understood why he was shot,” added
Prince Lvoff.
After the Bolsheviki left Yekaterinburg I met Tchemodouroff, who came to
see me. His words were: “Thank God, the children are saved.” I
understood him badly. In the course of his conversation he suddenly
asked me: “Do you think they are saved?” About ten days before his
death he sent me a letter asking if there was any hope of their being
alive.
Tchemodouroff told me that the conditions of their life in Yekaterinburg
were bad. For example: at Easter they had cakes. The commissar came and
cut himself big lumps. In general he spoke about rough treatment, but it
was very hard for me to understand him. He told me that the grand
duchesses had no beds.
I have visited Ipatieff’s house but found nothing out of the ordinary.
The house was battered. The stoves were full of burned objects, and I
saw many remainders of burned objects, such as portrait frames, all
sorts of brushes and a little basket in which the czarevitch used to
keep his brushes. A few things were just scattered around, but I did not
see much of their personal belongings.
The emperor used to wear uniform trousers and high boots, which had been
often patched, and a soldier’s shirt. The czarevitch wore khaki
trousers, high boots and a soldier’s shirt.
In regard to the rubies you have shown me, I can state that the imperial
family had quite a number of them in their various articles of jewelry.
The Grand Duchess Olga had a brooch with similar rubies, which was given
to her by Queen Victoria.
The sapphires looked very much like fragments of the stone that the
emperor had in his ring. It was shaped the same way, and I think there
is a complete resemblance between them. The emperor wore the ring on
the same finger with his wedding ring, and he told me that he could not
take it off.
My personal impressions of the imperial family are as follows:
The Grand Duchess Olga Nicholaevna was about twenty-three years old, she
was fair and had the lightest hair in the family. After her illness she
got much thinner. She had beautiful blue eyes. All her personality was
seen in her eyes. She was straight, just, honest, simple, sincere and
kind. She was easily irritated and her manners were a little harsh. She
was a good musician. She had a talent for music. She composed, though I
do not think she wrote poetry. I believe that Hendrikova wrote some
poetry, as she was well able to do. The Grand Duchess Olga was very
modest. She liked simplicity and did not pay much attention to dress.
Her morals reminded me of those of her father. She was very religious
and it seems to me that she loved her father more than anybody else.
The Grand Duchess Tatiana Nicholaevna was very thin. You could hardly
imagine anybody as thin as she was. She was twenty-one years of age, was
tall, darker than the rest of the family, and elegant. The colour of her
eyes was dark grey. Her eyes made her look different from all of her
sisters, who showed their souls through their eyes. She was reserved,
haughty, and not open hearted, but she was the most positive. She was
also religious, but the motive back of her religion was: “It is my
duty,” while Olga Nicholaevna had it in her heart. She was always
preoccupied and pensive and it was impossible to guess her thoughts. She
played the piano and played it better than anyone else in the family.
However, she had only a better technique and did not show feeling in her
music. She painted and embroidered well. She was her mother’s favourite
and the one in whom, of all the daughters, she confided the most. If any
favours were to be obtained they had to be gotten through Tatiana
Nicholaevna.
The Grand Duchess Maria Nicholaevna was a young woman of broad build.
She was very strong; for example, she could lift me up from the ground.
She had lighter hair than Tatiana, but darker than Olga. (Olga
Nicholaevna had brown hair, of a golden shade, and Maria Nicholaevna had
brown hair with a light shade.) She had very nice, light grey eyes. She
was very good looking, but got too thin after her illness. She had a
great talent for painting and always liked to exercise it. She played
the piano indifferently and was not as capable as Olga or Tatiana. She
was modest and simple and probably had the qualities of a good wife and
mother. She was fond of children and was inclined to be lazy. She liked
Tobolsk and told me that she would be quite happy to stay there. It is
quite difficult for me to tell you whom she preferred--her father or her
mother.
The Grand Duchess Anastasia Nicholaevna was sixteen or seventeen years
old; she was short, stout and was, in my opinion, the only one in the
family that appeared to be ungraceful. Her hair was of a lighter color
than that of Maria Nicholaevna. It was not wavy and soft, but lay flat
on the forehead. Her eyes were grey and beautiful, her nose straight. If
she had grown and got slim she would have been the prettiest in the
family. She was refined and very witty. She had the talents of a comic
actor, she made everybody laugh, but never laughed herself. It appeared
as if her development had stopped and, therefore, her capacity faded a
little. She played the piano and painted, but was only in the stage of
studying both.
The czarevitch, Alexis Nicholaevitch, was not healthy. He was tall for
his age and very thin. He suffered much in his childhood. He was sick
with a disease inherited from his mother’s family. He grew worse in
Tobolsk, as there it was very difficult to obtain means to effect a
cure. He had a kind heart and was very fond of animals. He could be
influenced only by his feelings, and would not yield to authority. He
submitted only to the emperor. He was a clever boy but was not fond of
books. His mother loved him passionately. She tried, but could not be
strict with him, and most of his desires were obtained through his
mother. Disagreeable things he bore silently and without grumbling. He
was kind-hearted and during the last period of his life he was the only
one who liked to give things away. In Tobolsk he had some odd
fancies--for example, he collected old nails, saying: “They may be
useful.”
The grand duchesses spoke English and French well, but German badly.
Alexis Nicholaevitch did not speak German at all--he never had German
lessons. His father spoke Russian to him, his mother English or French.
The empress formerly used to be very good looking and graceful, though
her feet were large. I was quite surprised when I saw her in Tobolsk.
She looked much older and had many grey hairs. She had wonderful, soft,
grey eyes. She was clever, but seemed cleverer to the people who knew
her least. She was not haughty in the ordinary meaning of the word, but
she always realised and did not for one moment forget her position in
life. She always looked queenly. I never had a feeling of uneasiness
when I was in her presence. I liked very much to be with her. She was
kind-hearted and liked to perform kind deeds. She always had something
in sight when she worked. She was extremely fond of house secrets, for
example: to prepare a present for somebody and keep it a secret until it
was ready. I felt a German in her. She was more economical than an
English woman, She loved Russia and considered herself Russian. The
thing she dreaded most was losing Russia. Though during the reign of the
emperor she was a number of times in Germany I never heard a single
word from her about the Emperor Wilhelm. She was sincerely religious in
the Orthodox way and was a true believer in God. She was most devoted to
her family and religion entered into her feelings immediately after the
family.
Her feeling of religion was quite normal and was not a product of
hysteria. She had a stronger and more aggressive character than the
emperor, but she had such a deep feeling of love for the emperor that
when she knew beforehand his opinion she always submitted. I never
witnessed a single quarrel between them. It was quite obvious that she
was very much opposed to his abdication, but she never reproached him.
This was very clear to all the persons who were near them. And nobody
could ever think of her being untrue to the emperor. They were an ideal
couple and never separated. My opinion is that it would be hard to meet,
especially in Russia, such a devoted pair who missed each other so much
when they were parted. That is the reason why the emperor took Alexis
Nicholaevitch with him so frequently on his trips. I suppose the latter
in a way served as a substitute for the rest of his family.
The emperor was very well educated. He spoke (and wrote) English and
French to perfection. I could not judge of his knowledge of German. He
was very orderly and did not like to have any one touch his things. He
had an exceptionally good memory. He did not care much for light
reading. He read a great deal on social sciences and studied history. He
gave the impression of an extremely honest character. He was very kind
and had a compassionate heart. He was modest but reserved, and hated any
sort of familiarity. His disposition was gay and he was fond of games.
He was fond of conversation and sometimes had a chat with the soldiers
in the guardroom. He loved his country devotedly and suffered for it
greatly during the revolution. After the Bolshevik revolution it was
felt that his sufferings were not due to his situation but that he
suffered for Russia.
The emperor was a good hunter and was fond of hunting, though I could
not tell which forms of it he preferred.
In regard to their attitude towards each other, this was an ideal
family, very rarely met with. They did not need the presence of other
people.
Of the aides-de-camp, the most closely attached to the family were
Dimitry Pavlovitch (Grand Duke Dimitry), Mordvinoff and Sabline. The
nearest to the empress was Anna Alexandrovna Viroubova.
With regard to Rasputin, it seems to me that the empress believed in his
holiness, his power of healing, and in the efficacy of his prayers.
Rasputin did not visit the house as frequently as reported by gossipers.
His visits to the palace, I think, were due to the illness of Alexis. I
thought him to be a clever, cunning and good-natured moujik (peasant). I
have nothing to add to the above statement. My statement has been read
to me and it is written correctly....
The imperial family used to drink tea three times during the day. The
third time at approximately eleven p. m., in the emperor’s workroom.
(_Signed_) S. I. GIBBES,
“ N. SOKOLOFF.
III
EXAMINATION OF COLONEL KOBYLINSKY
[_The deposition of Colonel Kobylinsky affords complete documentary
evidence of the conditions of life experienced by the imperial family
from March 1917 until May 1918, during which time they were under his
charge. Colonel Kobylinsky appears to have been a brave soldier and a
just man who did what he considered to be his duty, but who treated the
unfortunate prisoners with humanity and courtesy. His statement will be
of enormous value to historians of the future, inasmuch as it reveals a
new aspect of the character of the Emperor Nicholas II, and negatives
the pro-German tendencies of which both he and the empress have been so
persistently accused._--Editor’s Note.]
On April 6-10, 1919, the Investigating Magistrate for Cases of Special
Importance of the Omsk Tribunal questioned in Yekaterinburg, in
conformity with Paragraph 443 of the Penal Law Regulations, the person
named below in the capacity of witness. The witness stated:
My name is Eugene Stefanovitch Kobylinsky, age forty years, colonel
attached to the commander of the Tumen military district. I belong to
the Orthodox Church. At the beginning of the great war I was in command
of a company of Petrogradsky Guard Regiment.
On November 8, 1914, I was wounded in my foot by a rifle bullet. In
July, 1916, I was severely shell-shocked on the Austrian front during
the battles near Gouta-Staraya. The shell-shock was followed by a very
severe case of kidney trouble. In September, 1916, I was sent to the
hospital in Czarskoe-Selo. From this hospital I was sent to Ialta and on
my return to Czarskoe-Selo, after a medical examination, I was reported
in 1916 as physically unfit for active service, and was transferred to
the reserve battalion of my former regiment. I was in this battalion at
the beginning of the revolution.
Late in the evening of March 5th I was told to report to the
headquarters of the Petrograd military district. At eleven p. m. I went
to the headquarters and was told that I was called by order of General
Korniloff (the famous Korniloff, who was at the time commanding the
forces of the Petrograd military district).
I was received by Korniloff, who said: “I have assigned you to a very
important and responsible position.” I asked him what it was. “I will
tell you tomorrow,” answered the general. I tried to learn from
Korniloff why the choice fell on me. “Mind your business and get ready,”
answered the general. I saluted and left. The next day, March 6th, I
received no orders. No orders arrived on March 7th either. I began to
think then that my appointment had lapsed, when suddenly I was informed
by telephone that Korniloff ordered me to be at Czarskoe-Selo station
at eight a. m. on March 8th. I arrived at the station, where I met
General Korniloff and his A. D. C. Korniloff said, “When we get into a
compartment of the car I will tell you the destination.” We boarded the
train, where Korniloff told me: “We are going to Czarskoe-Selo. I am
going there to announce to the empress that she is under arrest. You are
going to be in command of the Czarskoe-Selo garrison. Captain Kotsebue
will be Commandant of the palace, but you will also supervise the palace
and Kotsebue will be subordinate to you.”
We arrived at the palace. In the waiting-room we were met by the grand
marshal of the imperial court, General Benckendorf. Korniloff explained
to him that he would like the emperor’s suite to be assembled and begged
to be received by her majesty. Benckendorf sent a footman to ask
everybody down and personally went to present to the empress our plea
for an audience. After he returned he told us that the empress would see
us in ten minutes. Shortly after this we were told by a footman that her
majesty desired to see us. Together with Korniloff we entered the
children’s room. There was nobody there, but the moment we came in the
empress entered from another door. We bowed. She gave her hand to
Korniloff and nodded to me. Korniloff said: “I have the heavy burden of
informing you of the decision of the council of ministers. From this
moment you must consider yourself under arrest. If you are in need of
anything kindly apply to the new commandant.” After that, addressing me,
Korniloff said: “Colonel, leave us together and take a position by the
door.” I retired. About five minutes later Korniloff called me in and
when I entered the empress held out her hand to me. We bowed and went
downstairs. In the waiting-room some of the emperor’s suite were
assembled. Korniloff announced to them: “Gentlemen, this is the new
commandant; from this time on the empress is under arrest. If anybody
desires to share the fate of the family he may stay with them, but make
up your minds at once, as later I will not let anyone enter the palace.”
At this time the guard was kept by his majesty’s Svodny Guard Regiment
commanded by Major General Ressin. The Major General declared that he
wanted to leave. The grand marshal of the imperial court, Count
Benckendorf and Count Apraksin, who was in charge of the empress’s
personal affairs, announced that they would remain with the empress.
On the same day Korniloff confirmed the instructions regarding the
status of the arrested persons and the restrictions imposed upon them.
The guards of this Svodny regiment were relieved by the First Rifles
regiment. Korniloff left Czarskoe-Selo and I remained there as
commandant.
Before the change of the guards Colonel Lazareff asked my permission to
say good-bye to the empress. I allowed him to do so. He saw the empress
and
[Illustration: THE MARTYRED FAMILY
In this group, photographed four years before their death, the Tsar
Nicholas II, the Tsaritsa Alexandra Feodorovna, and their youngest
daughter, the Grand Duchess Anastasia, are seated in the centre; behind
them stand (from left to right) the Grand Duchesses Maria, Tatiana and
Olga. The Tsarevich Alexis, then ten years old, wears a sailor suit.
Nicholas II is in the uniform of the Fusilier Guards. The Mother and
Daughters have on some of the matchless pearls afterwards stolen from
their dead bodies by the murderers.]
[Illustration: RASPUTIN--WOUNDED AT HIS VILLAGE HOME
Just before the outbreak of hostilities in 1914 the “saint” had been
stabbed by a peasant girl whom he had wronged, and was being nursed by
his wife and daughters at Pokrovskoe (Tobolsk province). Here he
received the only letter that he ever had from Nicholas II, and here he
boasted that if he had been in Petrograd at the time, he would have
stopped the war. Nicholas and Alexandra had no suspicion that “Grishka”
was a German agent. On this portrait, the “saint” has inscribed some of
his pious reflections, translated as follows: “What of tomorrow? Thou
art our Guide, O God. How many Thorny paths in this Life?”]
[Illustration: ALEXANDRA’S DESPAIR OVER RASPUTIN’S DEATH
Facsimile of a letter in which the Empress for once betrays her
feelings. The closing sentence, written disjointedly, refers to his
“murder” which occurred a week before, and her anxiety for the safety of
the Tsar, showing that she knew of a plot against his life. “Besides
everything, try for a moment to realise what it is to know a friend in
daily, hourly danger of also being foully murdered. But God is all
mercy.”]
[Illustration: EMPRESS ALEXANDRA FEODOROVNA AND THE TSAREVICH ALEXIS
NIKOLAEVICH IN LIVADIA (CRIMEA)]
[Illustration: THE TSAREVICH ALEXIS AND HIS SPANIEL JOY, IN THE PARK AT
TSARSKOE]
wept bitterly. He also wept another time when he saw the colours of the
Svodny regiment being taken out of the waiting-room. Some days later, I
do not remember the date, I was notified by telephone of the arrival of
the emperor. I went to the station. After the arrival of the train the
emperor left his car and walked very quickly through the station without
throwing a single glance at anybody, and took his seat in an automobile.
He was accompanied by a marshal of the court, Count Vasily
Alexandrovitch Dolgoruky. Together with Dolgoruky the emperor seated
himself in the automobile.
Two men dressed in plain clothes came towards me; one of them was
Vershinin, a member of the Duma. They told me that their mission was
ended and that from this time on the emperor was to be under my guard.
I can not forget a certain circumstance I witnessed at that time. There
were quite a number of persons who had been in the emperor’s train. When
the emperor left the train these people crowded out to the station
platform and quickly dispersed, throwing frightened looks in all
directions. It appears that they were very much afraid of being
recognised. All this looked rather disgusting.
I accompanied the emperor to the palace. He immediately went upstairs to
see his children who were sick.
Shortly afterwards the emperor’s baggage was brought from the station.
The life of the imperial family during their stay in Czarskoe-Selo was
in keeping in every way with the conditions that the imperial family had
the right to expect. The instructions limited the connections of the
imperial family with the outer world, and, of course, brought some
restrictions in their interior life. The mail always went through the
hands of the commandant of the palace. It was allowed to leave the
palace only through the park. The palace and the park were always
surrounded by sentinels. Walking in the park was allowed only from
morning till dark.
These were the only restrictions, and the government by no means
interfered in the intimate life of the family. Except the
above-mentioned limitations as to the time of walking in the park, the
government imposed no hardships.
During the first days in Czarskoe-Selo the children were sick with
measles; Maria Nicholaevna and, I think, Olga Nicholaevna had also
inflammation of the lungs. Very soon they all recovered.
Usually the day was spent in the following manner: The family got up
early, with the exception of the empress. Indeed she also occasionally
would get up early but she usually stayed a long time in bed. At eight
a. m. the emperor always had a walk in the company of Dolgoruky. They
walked for about an hour and a half, taking also some physical exercise.
At one o’clock the family had lunch. After lunch until three o’clock the
family used to work in the garden. After that the children took
lessons. Tea was served at four p. m. Sometimes after tea the family
went out to the park. Dinner was served at seven o’clock.
During the stay in Czarskoe-Selo, some incidents took place to which I
would like to draw your attention: A few days after the arrest of the
imperial family a disagreeable incident took place in regard to the body
of Rasputin. His corpse was in Czarskoe-Selo. A church was being built
and he was buried in one of its sections. After that became known to the
soldiers they dug up the grave, removed the cover of the coffin and
began to examine the body. They found a holy image in the coffin that
bore the signatures of Alexandra, Olga, Tatiana, Maria, Anastasia and
Ania. This image was placed by his right cheek. In some way all this
became known to the commander of an anti-aircraft battery and he took
the image away from the soldiers. I saw it personally. I think the image
represented the holy virgin. I reported by telephone all these facts to
the district headquarters. I was instructed to take the body of Rasputin
to the station and to ship it to Sredniaya-Rogatka, where it was to be
interred. I was told to do this in secret. Obviously it was impossible
to carry out this order without the soldiers and the populace learning
of it. Later I was told to take the body to Czarskoe-Selo station; I did
this and put it in a box car. In another car I placed some soldiers
without explaining to them what they had to guard.
The next day a commissar by the name of Kouptchinsky (who was also in
charge of automobiles) forwarded me a written order signed by the
chairman of the council of ministers. The order stated that I was to
transmit the body of Rasputin (the name was written as “Novykh”), to
Kouptchinsky so that he might deliver it on a truck to the place of its
destination. We could not do all that in Czarskoe-Selo, so we moved the
car with the corpse to the station Pavlovsk Second. In that station we
found an old case and put in this case the coffin containing Rasputin’s
body. All this was covered with mats and old empty bags. Kouptchinsky
went with the body to Petrograd, but on the way the secret became known
to the mob which threatened to snatch away the body, so Kouptchinsky had
to burn it on the way.
The other incident in our peaceful life was the sudden arrival of a
stranger. This stranger came to me, presented himself as Maslovsky and
handed me a letter from the executive committee of the soviet of the
workmen and soldiers’ deputies. This man wore the uniform of a colonel.
I do not remember his features. The letter contained a demand that I
assist the bearer in the execution of his orders. I remember very well
that the letter was signed by Tscheidze, a member of the duma. It also
bore a proper seal. This man who called himself Maslovsky told me that
he had the order of the executive committee to take the emperor to the
St. Peter and Paul fortress. I told Maslovsky firmly that I would not
let him do it.
“Well, colonel, understand that the blood that will be shed will be on
your conscience,” answered Maslovsky. I said that I could not help it,
and he retired. I thought he had left for good but it appeared that he
went to the palace, where he was met by the commander of the first
regiment, Captain Aksiouta. He showed him the letter and told him that
he wanted to see the emperor. After searching Maslovsky’s pockets,
Aksiouta showed him the emperor in such a way that the emperor did not
notice it. I reported this event to headquarters, where my actions were
approved.
Kotsebue did not occupy the position of commandant of the palace for a
very long time. He was dismissed on account of the following: There
lived in the palace a maid of honour to the empress, Viroubova, and with
her stayed a lady by the name of Den, who wore a Red Cross uniform.
The soldiers learned through the servants that Kotsebue often stayed for
quite a long time with Viroubova and spoke English with her. After I
heard it I verified this rumour. The footman (I do not remember his
name), who told the story to the soldiers, confirmed to me the fact that
Kotsebue was often seen with Viroubova. Fearing agitation amongst the
men I reported it to Korniloff. Korniloff called for Kotsebue, forbade
him to enter the palace, and ordered me temporarily to fulfil the duties
of commandant of the palace.
I was not on my new post more than a week when Paul Alexandrovitch
Korovitchenko was appointed to be commandant of the palace.
Korovitchenko was a colonel in one of the regiments which was stationed
in Finland. He was graduated from the military law academy, after which
he stayed some time on active service. He was called back into active
service at the beginning of the war. He had some private connection with
Kerensky, who at this period succeeded Prince Lvoff, leaving his
position of minister of justice to Pereverseff. Korovitchenko was also
on good terms with the latter.
Kerensky came to Czarskoe-Selo several times. The first time he arrived
when Korovitchenko was there. I can not tell you anything about his
behaviour towards the emperor, as I was never present at their
conversations. I can not tell you anything about it from Korovitchenko’s
words either. As far as I can remember Tegleva told me that Kerensky
always behaved to the emperor in a very correct manner. During one of
the visits of Kerensky Viroubova was arrested.
This took place while I was present. Together with Korovitchenko we
entered her room. Korovitchenko announced to her that she had to be
taken to Petrograd. She dressed for the occasion and asked permission to
say good-bye to the empress. This was granted. We were both present at
their parting, watching it from a certain distance. They both spoke
English and cried. Madame Den was taken to Petrograd together with
Viroubova.
Korovitchenko was once present at a conversation between Kerensky and
the emperor. Kerensky declared to the emperor that, he must confiscate
some of his private papers and that he had detailed Korovitchenko to do
it. I was also told to be present and distinctly remember the scene. It
all turned out very unpleasantly. The private papers of the emperor were
kept in a special, very large case. There were a large number of papers
and they were placed in bundles in very good order. While indicating the
papers, the emperor took a letter from the case, saying: “This letter is
of a private character.” The emperor by no means wanted to keep the
letter from being confiscated, but simply took it as it was lying
separately from the others and intended to put it back in the case. At
the same time Korovitchenko abruptly grabbed the letter and for a moment
it seemed that the emperor was holding one end of the letter and
Korovitchenko was pulling the other. The emperor looked vexed. He let go
his end of the letter with the words: “Well, it looks as if I am not
needed any longer; I had better go and have a walk.” Saying this he
departed.
Korovitchenko took all the papers he considered interesting and
delivered them to Kerensky. Kerensky and Pereverseff expected to find in
them something that would indicate the treachery of the emperor or
empress in favour of the Germans, especially as at this time it was
insinuated by all the newspapers. They found nothing that could
compromise the emperor or empress. At last they got hold of a telegram
that was sent in code from the emperor to the empress. After some hard
work in deciphering it they made out a sentence, “Feeling well, kisses.”
The family did not like Korovitchenko, but personally I can state that
Korovitchenko exerted his best efforts to please the imperial family.
For example: he obtained for them permission to work in the garden and
go out in rowboats. But the best disposed towards the imperial family
were some soldiers and officers of the first regiment.
Following an old custom the officer of the day in the palace used to be
given at Easter time a pint of wine. This custom was not changed and
after the soldiers learned about it they started fussing and it took
fifty bottles of vodka to pacify them.
Once the soldiers accused Ensign Zeleny of kissing the empress’s hand.
This last-mentioned incident and the story about the wine made a lot of
trouble and an investigation was ordered.
The morale of the soldiers grew worse and worse. They were quite
intoxicated by their peculiar understanding of freedom and they began to
invent all sorts of crazy demands. The worst in this respect was the
second regiment, where not only the soldiers behaved badly, but also the
officers.
On one occasion an officer of the second regiment declared: “We must see
them ourselves. As they are under guard they have to be seen.” It is
obvious that only vulgar curiosity or a desire to inflict useless mental
sufferings, prompted the officer to make such a demand. My efforts to
oppose their desires were fruitless, and my argument that the parents
would never desert their sick children had no effect whatever. Fearing
that they would be able to accomplish their purpose without my authority
I reported this matter to General Polovtseff, who at that time occupied
General Korniloff’s position. It was decided to do everything in the
following manner: When the new captain of the guards came for the relief
of the one on duty they were both to be taken to the emperor, with the
empress present also. To avoid unnecessary embarrassment we decided to
conduct this formality just before lunch--the time when the family was
always gathered together. It was decided that the captain of the guard
on duty was to take his leave from the emperor and the new one was to
greet the emperor. After all this had been decided upon and carried out
for a certain while, a very disagreeable incident took place. When the
guards of the first regiment were being relieved by the guards of the
second, as usual, both captains went to see the emperor. The emperor
wished good-bye to the captain of the departing guard and shook hands
with him. When the emperor extended his hand to the new captain it
remained stretched out in the air, as the officer stepped backward.
Being unpleasantly impressed by this the emperor went towards the
officer, put his hands on his shoulder and with tears in his eyes asked
him: “Why did you do that?” The officer once more drew backwards and
answered: “I was born of common people and when they stretched out their
hand to you you did not take it, so now I will not shake hands with
you.” I relate this story as I heard it from the officer of the first
regiment who witnessed this revolting incident.
As the revolution proceeded the agitation grew deeper amongst the
soldiers. Having no opportunities to find anything wrong in the life of
the arrested ones they tried to find new ways of inflicting suffering
upon the imperial family. On one occasion they saw the czarevitch
carrying a small rifle. This rifle was a model of the standard infantry
rifle and was presented to the czarevitch by some munition works. It was
absolutely harmless, as special cartridges had to be used for it and
none of those cartridges were available. Of course, the trouble was
started by the soldiers of the second regiment. All the efforts of the
officer (I do not remember his name) to persuade the men that their
demand was ridiculous, had no results. In order to avoid violence he
took the rifle from the czarevitch. After this thing occurred I came to
the palace where Gilliard and Tegleva told me the story and added that
the czarevitch was crying. I ordered that the rifle should be forwarded
to me, took it apart, and in this way, smuggled it back to the
czarevitch.
Finally the soldiers and through them the soviet of Czarskoe-Selo ceased
entirely to comply with my orders and appointed Ensign Domodziantz, an
Armenian, to act as my assistant. He was a rough man and made the utmost
efforts to get into the palace, where I tried my best to prevent him
from going. After that he began to pass his time in the park, especially
when the family were walking there. Once as the emperor was walking by
and held out his hand to him, he refused to shake hands with the
emperor, saying he had no right to do it, being an assistant commandant.
After this incident was related to Kerensky he came to the palace at
Czarskoe-Selo and called for the chairman of the local soviet (he did
not come in regard to this incident, but on some other business). The
chairman of the soviet said to Kerensky: “I want to let you know,
minister, that we elected Ensign Domodziantz to be assistant commandant
of the palace.” Kerensky answered: “Yes, I know it, but was it so
necessary to elect him; couldn’t you elect somebody else?” However, no
changes were made, as Kerensky himself had no power.
It was Domodziantz who told the soldiers not to answer the emperor’s
greeting. Of course the soldiers followed his advice, and, of course, it
was the soldiers of the second regiment. I had to ask the emperor not
to greet the soldiers, as I was losing control over the men, so the
emperor refrained from further greetings to them.
At the same time I must state that it was not only the soldiers who were
unfair in their attitude towards the imperial family.
People began to get frightened to show their feelings towards the
imperial family. The Grand Duchess Olga was very much liked by Margaret
Hitrovo. Often she came to me and asked me to deliver letters to Olga
Nicholaevna. She always used to sign her letters: “Margaret Hitrovo.” In
the same way, all the letters that were brought to me by Olga Kolsakova,
bore also her full signature. But there were some letters brought to me
to be delivered that were signed merely: “Lili” (Den) or “Titi”
(Velitchkovskaya). I said to Miss Hitrovo: “You always sign your letters
with your full name, the same as is done by Olga Kolsakova, but there
are others who hide their names. This is not fair. Suppose the mail
should be seen by somebody else and I should be asked who are the
authors of those letters? My position would be extremely embarrassing.
Please inform the writers of those letters that I desire them to call on
me. I must know who they are.” After that I ceased to receive letters
from “Lili” or “Titi.”
Count Apraksin very shortly after the arrest made a request to be
allowed to resign, as all his business in the palace was finished and
his family resided in Petrograd. By order of the minister of justice
(the order was given to me through Korniloff) he was allowed to leave
the palace.
Now I have related everything that I remember about the state of the
imperial family in Czarskoe-Selo.
I can only add that the imperial family received all the newspapers that
appeared at this time, as well as English and French magazines. Of the
Russian newspapers I can name: “Russkoe-Slovo,” “Russkaia-Volia,”
“Retch,” and “Novoe-Vremia,” “Petrogradsky Listok,” and
“Petrogradskaia-Gaseta.”
Now I am going to tell you how the imperial family was moved to Tobolsk.
This was preceded by the following events:
About a week before the departure of the imperial family, Kerensky
arrived at Czarskoe-Selo. He called me up as well as the chairman of the
soviet and the chairman of the military section of the Czarskoe-Selo
garrison, Ensign Efimoff (Efimoff was an officer of the second
regiment). Kerensky said to us: “Before speaking to you I ask your word
that everything I say will be kept secret.” We gave our word to
Kerensky. Then he told us that according to the resolution of the
council of ministers, the imperial family were to be taken out of
Czarskoe-Selo, but that the government did not consider it a secret from
the “democratic organizations.” He said also that I had to go with the
imperial family. After that I retired but Kerensky continued a
conversation with the chairman of the soviet and Efimoff. In about an
hour I met Kerensky and asked him where we were going, adding that I
must give notice to the family so that they could prepare themselves for
the trip. Kerensky responded that he would do it personally and
proceeded to the palace. In the palace he had a personal talk with the
emperor, but he did not give any answer to my question as to when and
where we were going.
Later I saw Kerensky about two or three times and always asked him where
we were going and what things were to be taken by the imperial family.
Kerensky did not answer my questions but only replied: “Tell them that
they must take plenty of warm things.”
About two days before our departure Kerensky called me up and ordered me
to form a detachment of men out of the first, second and fourth
regiments that would perform guard duty and that I was to appoint
officers in the companies. The word: “Appointment” at this time had
quite a special meaning. The agitation in the army was so great that we
could not make appointments. A commander of a regiment had no influence
whatever--his power being in the hands of the soldiers’ committee.
Being afraid that in this way it might happen that amongst the officers
selected, there would be some unreliable ones, I asked Kerensky for
permission to make my own choice of five officers for each company, out
of which two (this number of officers had to be in each company,
according to military regulations) could be selected by the men.
Kerensky agreed to this.
The evening of the same day I called for the commander of the regiment
and chairman of the regimental committees. I said: “A very secret and
important mission is going to take place. I want every commander of a
regiment to choose a company of ninety-six men and two officers.” At the
same time I forwarded them a list of officers that I named, out of which
the selection had to be made. In answer to my words the commanders of
the regiments and the chairmen of the committees of the first and fourth
regiments answered: “Very well, sir,” but the chairman of the second
regiment committee, of course a soldier (whose name I don’t remember),
answered: “We have made our choice already. I know what sort of mission
is being prepared.” “How do you know it, when I don’t know anything
about it myself?” I asked. He replied: “Certain people told us all about
it and we elected Ensign Dekonsky.” Previous to that this ensign was
dismissed from the fourth regiment by its own officers and men, but was
taken into the second regiment. Even at this time Ensign Dekonsky was
undoubtedly a Bolshevik. When I heard about his election I told the
chairman of the committee that Dekonsky should not go under any
circumstances. The chairman answered: “Yes, he shall.” I had to go to
Kerensky and tell him that if Dekonsky was to go with the mission, I
refused to go, and that Kerensky being Minister of War could easily make
things straight. Kerensky came to Czarskoe-Selo, called for the chairman
of the committee and some desperate arguing took place. Kerensky
insisted on his demands, but the chairman kept on answering: “Dekonsky
shall go.” Finally Kerensky got excited and said in a very loud voice:
“Such are my orders.” The chairman submitted and departed. When the
soldiers that were appointed to the departing detachment learned that
Dekonsky was not going, they also refused to go. And due to that the
company of the second regiment was composed of the worst elements.
On July 29th I called on Kerensky and met there the assistant commissar
of the ministry of the court, Paul Michaelovitch Makaroff, an engineer
by profession. From their conversation for the first time I understood
that the imperial family was being transferred to Tobolsk. The same day
Makaroff ordered Engineer Ertel, who formerly used to accompany the
dowager empress on her trips, to prepare a train for two a. m. on August
1st.
On July 30th I was asked by the members of the imperial family to bring
to the palace the Znamensky holy image of the virgin from the Znamensky
Church, as they wanted to hold divine service on the birthday of Alexis
Nicholaevitch. I remember that during this day as well as the following
I had an enormous amount of trouble on account of the state of mind of
the soldiers. I had personally to fulfil all the demands of the imperial
family. When the question about the holy image was settled and I think,
even after divine service, I was visited by the commander of the
district forces (at that time Ensign Kousmin), a colonel and some man in
plain clothes. The latter, stretching out his hand to me, said: “May I
introduce myself? I was in prison in the Kresty.” To this moment I still
remember his dirty paw.
As if for the inspection of the guards, Kousmin and the colonel hid
themselves in a room that had a door leading into the corridor and
waited a full hour for the end of the service, on purpose to watch the
imperial family walking back from church. The same evening, after the
departure of Kousmin and his gang, Makaroff and Eliah Leonidovitch
Tatischeff came to see me. Tatischeff told me that the emperor proposed
to him, through Kerensky and Makaroff, to share the fate of the family.
He told me: “I was rather surprised, as I am not a member of the court,
but if it is the desire of the emperor I will not hesitate for a moment,
as my duty is to fulfil the desire of my emperor.” (I must note that
Tatischeff was invited by the emperor instead of Benckendorf.) It was
obvious that Benckendorf could not go. He was very old and he had a wife
who was also very old and very ill. Benckendorf was married to the
Princess Dolgoruky, mother of Vasily Alexandrovitch Dolgoruky, so it
turned out that the step-son had to take the step-father’s place. It
was for similar reasons that Madame Narishkina, a lady of honour to the
empress, could not go with the imperial family, as she was extremely old
and had inflammation of the lungs.
The same day Margaret Hitrovo called on me and made a terrible row,
accusing me of concealing from her the fate of the imperial family and
stating that she heard that the imperial family were going to be
imprisoned in a fortress.
In the evening Kerensky telephoned to me that he would come to
Czarskoe-Selo at midnight of August 1st and would say a few words to the
detachment of soldiers before its departure.
All the day of July 31st I spent in preparation for the departure. As
far as I remember nothing important occurred. Kerensky arrived at
midnight. The detachment was ready and we went to inspect the first
battalion. Kerensky said a few words to the soldiers, the substance of
which was: “You kept the guard of the imperial family in Czarskoe-Selo,
and you must do the same thing in Tobolsk, whither the imperial family
is being moved, according to the resolution of the council of ministers.
Remember, don’t strike a man when he is down. Don’t behave like
ruffians, be polite. You will receive allowances as for the Petrograd
district, as well as tobacco and soap. You will also receive a daily
allowance.” The same was said by Kerensky to the fourth battalion, but
he did not visit the second battalion at all. I must draw your
attention to the fact that the soldiers of the first and fourth
regiments were in quite different conditions from the soldiers of the
second regiment. The former were dressed very smartly and had a large
stock of clothes. The soldiers of the second regiment had altogether a
low morale, were dirty, and had a smaller supply of clothes. This
difference, as you will see, had very important results. After Kerensky
had said farewell to the soldiers, he said to me: “Well, now go and get
Michael Alexandrovitch. He is at present at the Grand Duke Boris
Vladimirovitch’s.” I went for him in a motor car to the place indicated
and met Boris Vladimirovitch, an unknown lady, and Michael
Alexandrovitch with his wife, and Mr. Johnson, an English secretary. The
three of us, Michael Alexandrovitch, Johnson and myself, proceeded to
the Alexandrovsky palace. Johnson remained in the motor car and Michael
Alexandrovitch went to the waiting-room, where were Kerensky and the
officer of the day. All three of them went to see the emperor in his
room. I remained in the waiting-room. Suddenly Alexis Nicholaevitch ran
towards me and asked: “Is that Uncle Mimi that has arrived?” I answered
that it was he, and Alexis Nicholaevitch asked my permission to hide
himself behind the door. “I want to see him when he goes out,” said the
czarevitch. He hid himself behind the door and looked through the slit
at Michael Alexandrovitch laughing like a child at his ingenuity.
Michael Alexandrovitch spoke with the emperor for about ten minutes and
then left.
The imperial family left for the station at five o’clock in the morning.
Two trains were prepared. The imperial family, the people with them,
some servants and a company of the first regiment took the first train;
the remaining servants and companies the second train. The luggage was
distributed in both trains. In the first train Vershinin, a member of
the duma, also took a place, and Engineer Makaroff, and the chairman of
the military section, Ensign Efimoff was also sent at the wish of
Kerensky, in order that on his return he might report to the soviet the
arrival of the imperial family at Tobolsk. The places in the trains were
distributed in the following manner: In the first very comfortable car
(of the International Company sleeping cars) went the emperor in one
compartment, the empress in another, the grand duchesses in the third,
Alexis Nicholaevitch and Nagorny in the fourth. Demidova, Tegleva and
Ersberg in the fifth, Tchemodouroff and Volkoff in the sixth. In another
car the places were taken by Tatischeff and Dolgoruky in one
compartment, Botkin in a small compartment, Schneider with her maids,
Katia and Masha, in one compartment, Gilliard in one compartment,
Hendrikova with her maid, Mejanz, in a compartment. In the third car
places were taken by: Vershinin, Makaroff, myself, my A. D. C.,
Lieutenant Nicholas Alexandrovitch Mundel, the commander of the First
company, Ensign Ivan Trofimovitch Zima, Ensign Vladimir Alexandrovitch
(I am not very sure of his name) Mesiankin, and in a separate little
compartment. Ensign Efimoff took his place, as nobody desired to travel
in his company. The fourth car was a dining car, in which the imperial
family used to have their meals, except the empress and Alexis
Nicholaevitch who had their meals together in the empress’s compartment.
The soldiers were placed in three third-class cars. Several baggage cars
were also attached to the train. Nothing particular happened until we
arrived at Perm. Just before the arrival our train was stopped and a man
looking like a minor railroad official, with a big white beard, boarded
the car I was in. He introduced himself as the chairman of the railroad
workmen and announced that the railroad workmen (“Tovarischy,” comrades)
wanted to know who was in the train and would not allow the train to
proceed until their curiosity was gratified. Vershinin and Makaroff
showed him the papers with Kerensky’s signature on them. The train
continued on its journey. We arrived at Tumen approximately the fourth
or fifth of August (of the Old Style). We arrived at Tumen in the
evening and on the same day took our places aboard two steamers. The
imperial family, the persons with them, and the company of the first
regiment took their places on the steamer _Russ_, A part of the servants
and the company of the second and fourth regiments--on the steamer
_Kormiletz_. The ships were good and comfortable, but the _Kormiletz_
was inferior to the _Russ_. We arrived at Tobolsk, as far as I can
remember, during the evening of August 6th, about five or six p. m. The
house where the imperial family was to take residence was not yet ready,
so we spent a few days on the ships.
When we travelled on the train, it did not stop at big stations, but
only at the intermediate stations. The emperor and other passengers
frequently left the train and proceeded ahead of it, and the train
slowly moved after them. When we lived on the steamers, sometimes we put
them alongside on the bank, at a distance of about ten versts from the
towns, where the family could have a walk.
During the time when the family lived on the steamers Engineer Makaroff
was putting the house in order. Tatischeff, Hendrikova, Schneider,
Toutelberg, Ersberg, Tegleva and Demidova were engaged in arranging the
furniture. When the house was ready the family moved into it. For this
purpose a good-looking carriage was assigned to the empress. She rode
with Tatiana Nicholaevna. All the others walked.
Two houses were assigned for the residence of the imperial family, their
suite and servants. One was the governor’s house, the other was opposite
to the governor’s and belonged to Mr. Korniloff.
Not any of the furniture was taken from Czarskoe-Selo. So the furniture
of the governor’s house was used, but some of the things had to be
ordered and bought in Tobolsk.
The only things that were taken from Czarskoe-Selo for the imperial
family were camp beds. Later, a number of things were sent from
Czarskoe-Selo after the necessity for them was discovered by Makaroff.
The arrangement of the rooms in the governor’s house was as follows: The
first floor opened into the lobby; from this lobby there ran a corridor
that divided the house into two parts. The first room opening out of
this lobby on the right-hand side was occupied by the officer of the
day. Next to it was the room occupied by Demidova. In this room she had
her meals, as well as Tegleva, Toutelberg and Ersberg. The room next to
it was occupied by Gilliard, who used to give lessons to Alexis
Nicholaevitch, Maria Nicholaevna, and Anastasia Nicholaevna. Next to
that was the dining-room of the imperial family. On the left side of the
corridor, opposite the room of the officer of the day, was a room
occupied by Tchemodouroff, next to it the pantry, next to the pantry a
room occupied by Tegleva and Ersberg, next to that a room occupied by
Toutelberg. A staircase above Tchemodouroff’s room led to the upper
story into the workroom of the emperor. Next to the workroom was a hall.
There was also another staircase leading from the hall to the lobby. A
corridor leading from the hall divided the upper story into halves. The
first room on the right was a drawing-room, next to it was the emperor
and empress’s bedroom, next to the bedroom was the bedroom of the grand
duchesses. Opposite the drawing-room was the room occupied by Alexis
Nicholaevitch, next to that was the lavatory, and next to the lavatory
was the bathroom.
All the other people of the suite were located in Korniloff’s house.
The following persons arrived with the imperial family at Tobolsk: (1)
Eliah Leonidovitch Tatischeff, general aide de camp to the emperor; (2)
Prince Alexander Vasilievitch Dolgoruky; (3) Eugene Sergeevitch Botkin,
physician; (4) Countess Anastasia Vasilievna Hendrikova, personal maid
of honour to the empress; (5) Baroness Sophie Carlovna Buxhoevden,
personal maid of honour to the empress; (6) Katherine Adolfovna
Schneider, court lecturer; (7) Peter Andreevitch Gilliard; (8) Alexandra
Alexandrovna Tegleva, nurse; (9) Elizabeth Nicholaeyna Ersberg,
waiting-maid to the grand duchesses; (10) Maria Goustavovna Toutelberg,
waiting-maid of the empress; (11) Anna Stephanovna Demidova, another
waiting-maid of the empress; (12) Victorina Vladimorovna Nikolaeva, a
ward of Hendrikova; (13) Pauline Mejanz, Hen-drikova’s maid; (14) Katia
and Masha (I do not know their surnames), maids of Miss Schneider; (15)
Terenty Ivanovitch Tchemodouroff, valet of the emperor; (16) Stephan
Makaroff, assistant to Tchemodouroff; (17) Alexis Andreevitch Volkoff,
servant of the empress; (18) Ivan Dimitrievitch Sedneff, servant of the
grand duchesses; (19) Michael Karpoff, grand duchesses’ footman; (20)
Klementy Gregoryvitch Nagorny, czarevitch’s footman; (21) Sergius
Ivanoff, Gilliard’s servant; (22) Tioutin, the waiter of Tatischeff and
Dolgoruky; (23) Francis Jouravsky, waiter; (24) Alexis Troupp, footman;
(25) Gregory Solodouhin, footman; (26) Dormidontov, footman; (27)
Kisseleff, footman; (28) Ermolay Gouseff, footman; (29) Ivan
Michaelovitch Haritonoff, cook; (30) Kokischeff, cook; (31) Ivan, I
think, Vereschagin, cook; (32) Leonid Sedneff, assistant cook; (33)
Sergius Michailoff, assistant cook; (34) Francis Purkovsky, assistant
cook; (35) Terchin, assistant cook; (36) Alexander Kirpitchnikoff,
clerk, performing in Tobolsk the duties of janitor; (37) Alexis
Nicholaevitch Dimitrieff, barber; (38) Rojkoff, in charge of the wine
cellars; after our arrival in Tobolsk we were joined by (39) Vladimir
Nicholaevitch Derevenko, physician; (40) Mr. Sidney Ivanovitch Gibbes.
Our life in Tobolsk went on peacefully. The restrictions were the same
as in Czarskoe-Selo and all felt even freer than in Czarskoe-Selo.
The officer of the day kept to his room and nobody interfered with the
private life of the imperial family. Everybody got up early, except the
empress, as I told you when I was describing the life in Czarskoe-Selo.
In the morning, after breakfast, the emperor usually took a walk and
always had some physical exercise. The children also had their walk.
Everybody did what he or she wanted to do. In the morning the emperor
used to read and write his diary. The children took lessons. The empress
read and embroidered or painted. Lunch was served at eleven o’clock.
After lunch the family usually had a walk. Frequently the emperor used
to saw logs with Dolgoruky, Tatischeff or Gilliard; sometimes the grand
duchesses took a part in this exercise. Tea was served at four o’clock
and usually during this time everybody was at the window watching the
outside life of the town. Six o’clock was dinner time. After dinner came
Tatischeff, Dolgoruky, Botkin and Derevenko. Sometimes they played
cards. Of the family the only card players were the emperor and the
Grand Duchess Olga. Sometimes in the evening the emperor used to read
aloud while everybody listened. Sometimes plays were staged, usually
French or English. Tea was served at eight o’clock and a conversation
always took place until about eleven but never as late as twelve
o’clock. After that everybody retired. The czarevitch retired at nine
o’clock, or at a time very close to it.
The empress always dined upstairs and sometimes the czarevitch dined
with her. The rest of the family ate in the dining-room.
All the members of the suite and the servants could go out of the house
when and where they wanted to. They were not under any restrictions in
this way. The movements of the imperial family were, of course, limited,
the same as in Czarskoe-Selo. They could go only to church. Divine
service was conducted in the following manner: If it was a late service
it took place in the house and was there performed by the clergy of
Blagoveschensky church. The priest, Father Vasilieff, officiated. The
imperial family went to church only for the early service. For the
purpose of going to church they had to go through the garden and across
the street. Sentries were placed all the way leading to the church, and
there was no admittance to church for strangers.
As far as you could judge, even from the list of the servants attached
to the imperial family, the government tried to conserve the condition
of life that was appropriate to the position of the imperial family.
When we left Czarskoe-Selo I was told by Kerensky: “Don’t forget that
this is the former emperor and neither he nor his family must be in need
of anything.” The guard of the house was under my command. After the
family arrived at Tobolsk I think they got used to me, and as far as I
understand, they did not have any feeling against me. I can state that
because before our departure I was received by the empress who gave me a
holy picture, with which she blessed me.
This peaceful and quiet life did not continue very long.
I see some resemblance between the first periods of life in
Czarskoe-Selo and Tobolsk. The relatively easy conditions of life in
Czarskoe-Selo at the beginning gradually got worse. At that time the
government was gradually losing ground. At the same time agitation grew
amongst the soldiers whose state of mind got worse and worse. Finally,
seeing the necessity of fighting for power and at the same time wishing
well towards the family, the Kerensky government made up its mind to
transfer the imperial family from the centre of the political struggle
to a quiet and peaceful place. This turned out to be absolutely right.
The population of Tobolsk was very well disposed towards the imperial
family. When we were approaching Tobolsk, all the inhabitants turned out
on the piers and when the family was proceeding towards the house it was
apparent that the population had kindly feelings towards them. At this
time the people were afraid to show their sympathies openly, so they
tried to show their feelings in a secret way. Many donations were made
to the imperial family, mostly food and sweets, though I must say that
the imperial family received very little of it, as most of it was eaten
on the way by the servants.
Soon the general agitation struck Tobolsk, as special attention was
given to this town by all sorts of politicians, solely because of the
fact that it was the residence of the imperial family.
I had the command over my men only till September. In September there
came a commissar of the government by the name of Vasily Semenovitch
Pankratoff. This man brought a letter signed by Kerensky which stated
that from now on I would have to be subordinate to Pankratoff and
therefore obey all his orders. Pankratoff told me himself that when aged
eighteen, defending a woman, he killed a gendarme in Kiev. For that he
was court-martialled and imprisoned in Schüsselburg fortress, where he
was placed in solitary confinement for fifteen years. After that he was
exiled in the Yakout district, where he lived for twenty-seven years.
His assistant was Ensign Alexander Vladimirovitch Nikolsky, who was also
exiled in the Yakout district for being a member of the
Social-Revolutionary party. During this time he got friendly with
Pankratoff. When Pankratoff was appointed commissar to the imperial
family he asked Nikolsky to be his assistant.
Pankratoff was a clever man with a well-developed mind, and an
extraordinarily mild disposition. Nikolsky was tough; he was graduated
from a seminary and had hardly any manners. He was as obstinate as a
bull, and the moment he decided anything he went towards his object
breaking everything in his way. After they had arrived and seen how
things were getting along, Nikolsky immediately announced to me his
surprise about the way that “Everybody is so freely coming and going
(the suite and servants). It can’t be done in such a way. This way they
can let in an outsider. Photos have to be taken of everybody.” I started
to persuade him not to do it, as the sentries knew everybody’s
appearance very well. Nikolsky responded: “We were ordered to have our
pictures taken in front view and profile, so their pictures should be
taken.” He ran to the photographer and pictures were taken of a number
of people and suitable inscriptions were placed on each photo. Alexis
Nicholaevitch, being a very playful and mischievous boy, on one occasion
peeped through the fence. After this was learned by Nikolsky he came and
made a huge fuss about it. He reprimanded the soldier who was on duty
and spoke in a very sharp tone to the czarevitch. The boy got offended
and protested to me that Nikolsky was shouting at him. The same day I
asked Pankratoff to cool down Nikolsky’s zeal.
As I stated before, Pankratoff personally would not have done any harm
to the imperial family, but nevertheless it turned out that, both being
politicians, they were the cause of a lot of trouble. Not understanding
life, and being true members of the Social-Revolutionary party, they
insisted upon everybody joining the party and began to convert the
soldiers to their faith. They started a school where they taught
soldiers literature and all sorts of useful knowledge, but after every
lesson they talked politics to their pupils, telling them the program of
the Social-Revolutionary Party. The soldiers listened and understood it
in their own way. The results of these lectures were that the soldiers
were converted to Bolshevism. They also wanted to print a newspaper and
call it _Zemliai Volia_ (Land and Freedom).
There was a man by the name of Pisarevsky who lived during this period
in Tobolsk. He was a wild social democrat and therefore an enemy to the
S. R.’s. This Pisarevsky started his campaign among the soldiers against
Pankratoff and Nikolsky. Pisarevsky was publishing a Bolshevik newspaper
called _Rabotchaya-Gazeta_ (Workmen’s Newspaper). Seeing that Pankratoff
had a certain influence amongst the soldiers, Pisarevsky began to invite
the soldiers to his home and demoralise them. Shortly after the arrival
of Pankratoff and Nikolsky our detachment was divided into two
groups--the Pankratoff party and the party of Pisarevsky--in other
words, Bolsheviks. This Bolshevik party was composed of the soldiers of
the second regiment who were the poorest and had a very low morale. A
very small number of men formed a third group, I should say, neutral,
and most of its members were soldiers that were mobilised in 1906 and
1907.
The result of these political campaigns was the demoralisation of the
soldiers, who began to act like ruffians. Formerly they did not want to
make trouble for the imperial family. Now they did not know what next
they should demand for themselves. They followed only their own
interests, but the result of it was always that either a member of the
imperial family or some of the persons attached to them had to suffer.
At first the soldiers came to me under the influence of the political
struggle and said: “We have to sleep in bunks, our food is bad, but
‘Nicholashka’ (a slang name for the emperor that was popular during the
revolution) who is arrested, has such an amount of food that his cooks
throw it in the waste bucket.” At this time life in Tobolsk was not
expensive. Though Kerensky had not fulfilled his promise and we received
Omsk allowances and not those of the Petrograd district, the allowances
were large enough to obtain very good food for the men. For the purpose
of avoiding new protests from the soldiers it was necessary to take up
money matters with Pignatti, the district commissar, and increase the
allowance to one thousand roubles, substituting the good food of the
soldiers for the unnecessary and luxurious.
As I said before, Kerensky promised the soldiers some pay additional to
their previous daily allowance. The month of November came and no
additional money was forwarded to us. Again the soldiers came to me and
said: “They promise us everything and give us nothing. We are going to
procure for ourselves the daily pay. We intend to demolish the shops and
to obtain daily pay in this manner.” Once more I had to visit Pignatti
and borrow from him fifteen thousand roubles. In this way I distributed
to the soldiers daily pay to the amount of fifty kopeks, and shut their
mouths for a time. At the same time the soldiers made up their mind to
[Illustration:
GRAND DUCHESS OLGA
]
[Illustration:
GRAND DUCHESS TATIANA
]
[Illustration:
GRAND DUCHESS MARIA
]
[Illustration:
GRAND DUCHESS ANASTASIA
]
send delegates to Moscow and Petrograd to settle this question of pay.
They chose for their mission Matveieff and Lupin. After some time they
both returned (Matveieff returned as an officer); they said that they
were promised that the money would be forwarded. Again I had to go to
Pignatti and beg him once more for fifteen thousand roubles, as the
soldiers did not believe any more in promises, and being out of my
control, could create an unbelievable amount of trouble.
When the soldiers learned from the newspapers that the men called to the
colours in 1906-1907 were demobilised, they demanded their
demobilisation also. After I got on my side the soldiers who were not to
be demobilised the others were persuaded to stay.
Then came the Bolshevist revolution. The wild movement that spread
throughout Russia caused us many sufferings. It was about this time that
the following incident took place: Father Vasilieff, the clergyman who
performed divine service, was not a man of great tact. Although he was
very well disposed towards the imperial family, he rendered them very
poor service by his behaviour. On October 24th (before the Bolshevist
revolution), the day of the anniversary of the accession of the emperor
to the throne, the imperial family was having its communion. (The day
before, during the night service held in the house the imperial family
had made their confessions.) Nobody took any particular notice of
divine service on this day, but Father Vasilieff permitted a very
foolish thing to happen: when the imperial family left the church, the
church bells rang continuously until the family entered the house.
At Christmas, on December 25th, the imperial family was present in
church during the early service. As was the custom, after the service a
thanksgiving prayer took place. On account of the cold weather I
relieved the sentries from their posts before the end of the service,
leaving only a small number on duty by the church. Some of the remaining
soldiers entered the church, the older ones, to pray, but the majority
to warm themselves. Usually the total number of soldiers in the church
at any one time was very small. On entering the church on this day I
noticed that there were more soldiers present than usual. I could not
explain how it happened. Maybe the reason was that Christmas was
considered a big holiday. When the thanksgiving service was coming to an
end I left the church and ordered a soldier to call the guard. After
that I did not enter the church and I did not hear the end of the
service. When the imperial family left the church, Pankratoff, who was
there too, said to me: “Do you know what the priest has done? He has
read the prayer for the prolongation of the life of the emperor, the
empress and the whole family, mentioning their names in the prayer.
After the soldiers heard it they started grumbling.” This useless
demonstration of Father Vasilieff resulted in much trouble. The soldiers
started an uprising and made up their minds to kill, or at least to
arrest the clergyman. It was very difficult to persuade them not to take
any aggressive steps and to await the decision of an investigating
committee. The bishop, Hermogen, immediately transferred Father
Vasilieff to the Abalaksky monastery for the time being, the situation
was so strained. I went to the bishop personally and requested that
another clergyman be appointed. After that Father Hlynoff performed the
services for the imperial family.
The results of these troubles with the clergyman was that the soldiers
lost all faith in my word. Their comment was: “When the service takes
place in their home, probably a prayer for the prolongation of the life
of the imperial family is always made.” So the men decided not to allow
the imperial family to go to church, and to permit them to pray only in
the presence of a soldier. The only thing I could obtain for them was
permission for the imperial family to visit church on the
“Dvounadesiaty-Prasdniky” (very important holy days in the orthodox
church). I had to submit to their decision that a soldier should be
present at divine service at home. In this way the tactlessness of
Father Vasilieff was the reason why the soldiers were permitted to enter
the house, which, prior to that time, they were not allowed to do.
Another incident happened a little later. A soldier by the name of
Rybakoff was present at divine service and heard the clergyman during
his prayer using the name of Queen Alexandra (a saint). A new fuss was
started. I had to call up Rybakoff, find a calendar, and explain to him
that during the prayers they did not speak of the Empress Alexandra
Theodorovna, but only of a saint by the name of Queen Alexandra.
When the demobilisation of the army took place my sharpshooters began to
take their discharge. Instead of the old soldiers who were departing,
some young ones were sent from the reserves of Czarskoe-Selo. And those
soldiers that came, having previously been located in the centre of the
political struggle, were vicious and corrupt.
The Pisarevsky group increased in number and was strengthened by new
Bolsheviki arriving. Finally, Pankratoff, due to the propaganda of
Pisarevsky, was declared to be “counter-revolutionary” and expelled by
the soldiers. He departed and so did Nikolsky.
The soldiers sent a telegram requesting the presence of a Bolshevik
commissar in Tobolsk, but for some reason the commissar did not arrive.
Not knowing what other objections could be made, the soldiers decided to
forbid the persons of the suite to leave the house. I explained how
ridiculous this demand was. They changed their mind and decided to let
them go out, but only in the company of a sentry. Finally they got sick
of that and changed their minds so as to let everybody out of the house
twice a week, and each time for not longer than two hours, but without
the company of a sentry.
On one occasion, wishing to say good-bye to a large number of departing
soldiers, the emperor and empress ascended a small hill formed of ice
for the amusement of the children. The remaining soldiers, feeling very
angry about it, levelled the little hill to the ground, saying that
somebody might shoot at the imperial family when they were on the top of
the hill, and the guard would be responsible for it.
One day the emperor dressed himself in a “tcherkeska” (uniform of a
tribe) and wore a dagger in his belt. Tumult started amongst the
soldiers: “They must be searched, they carry weapons.” I made great
efforts to persuade them not to make the search. Personally I went to
see the emperor and, explaining the situation, asked him to give me the
dagger (later it was taken by Rodionoff). Dolgoruky and Gilliard handed
me their swords and these were all hung up on the wall of my office.
I have quoted the words of Kerensky spoken before our departure from
Czarskoe-Selo. The imperial family was in no need of anything in
Tobolsk, but money vanished and no more arrived. We began to live on
credit. I wrote about this to Lieutenant General Anitchkoff, who was
charged with the intendency of the court, but with no results. Finally,
Haritonoff, the cook, told me that he was no longer trusted and that it
looked as if they wouldn’t give him anything more on credit. I went to
the director of the Tobolsk branch of the national bank and he advised
me to speak to a merchant X, who was a monarchist, and had some money
free in the bank. By virtue of a letter of exchange endorsed by
Tatischeff, Dolgoruky and myself, the merchant gave me twenty thousand
roubles. Of course I asked Tatischeff and Dolgoruky to remain silent
about this loan and by no means to mention it to the emperor or any one
of the imperial family. All these events were very trying to me. This
was hell and not life. My nerves were strained to the limit of their
endurance. It was very hard for me to look for and beg money for the
maintenance of the imperial family, so one day when the soldiers made a
resolution that the officers should take off their shoulder straps, I
could stand no more. I understood that I had lost absolutely all control
of the men and realised my impotence. I went to the house and asked
Tegleva to report to the emperor that I begged to be received by him.
The emperor received me in Tegleva’s room and I said to him: “Your
majesty, authority is slipping out of my hands. They took off our
shoulder straps. I can’t be useful to you any more. I wish to resign, if
you will not object to it. My nerves are strained. I am exhausted.” The
emperor put his arm over my shoulder, his eyes were filled with tears.
He said to me: “I beg of you to remain, Evgenii Stepanovitch, for my
sake, for the sake of my wife and for the sake of my children. You must
stand it. You see that all of us are suffering.”
Then he embraced me and we kissed each other. I resolved to remain.
It happened once that Dorofeef, a soldier of the fourth regiment (the
appearance of the detachment changed completely), came and told me that
at a meeting of the soldiers’ committee it was decided that the emperor
must take off his shoulder straps and he was charged to go with me and
take them off. I tried to persuade Dorofeef not to do it. He behaved
aggressively, calling the emperor “Nicolashka” and was extremely angry
during the conversation. I pointed out to him that it would be very
embarrassing if the emperor were to refuse to do it. The soldier
answered: “If he refuses to do it I will tear them off myself.” Then I
said: “But suppose he strikes you in the face?” He replied: “Then I will
strike him also.” What more could I do? I tried again to persuade him,
saying that things are not always as easy as they look and that the
emperor was a cousin of the king of England, and that very serious
complications might follow. I advised the soldiers to ask instructions
from Moscow. I caught them on that point--they left me and wired to
Moscow. Then I went to see Tatischeff, asking him to beg the emperor to
refrain from wearing shoulder straps in the presence of the soldiers.
After that the emperor wore a black fur Romanoff overcoat that bore no
shoulder straps.
Swings were made for the children. The grand duchesses used them. The
soldiers of the second regiment while on sentry duty carved out on the
board of the swings with their bayonets the most indecent words. The
emperor saw them and the board was removed. This was done when Sergeant
Shikunoff was the captain of the guard. He was a Bolshevik.
I do not remember what day it was when I received a telegram from
Karelin, a commissar in charge of the former ministry of the imperial
court. It stated that the nation had no more means to maintain the
czar’s family, that they ought to support themselves and the soviets
would give them only a soldier’s ration, quarters and heat.
This was one of the worst hardships inflicted by the Bolsheviki on the
imperial family. It was also said in the telegram that the family could
not spend more than six hundred roubles monthly per person. Naturally,
after this order, the quality of the food served to the family
deteriorated. It acted detrimentally also on the position of the persons
belonging to the suite. The imperial family could not any longer
maintain the persons belonging to their suite, so those who had no money
of their own were obliged to leave. A number of servants were
discharged: (1) The waiter, Gregory Ivanoff Solodouhin; (2) The waiter,
Ermolai Guseff; (3) Dormidontoff, the waiter; (4) Kisseleff, the waiter;
(5) Vereschagin, the cook; (6) Semen Michailoff, the cook’s assistant;
(7) Francis Purkovsky; (8) Stepan Makaroff, Tchemodouroff’s assistant;
(9) Stupel, the valet (I forgot to mention his name before as having
been among the servants); and there were some others.
The soldiers still having their minds occupied with the question of
their daily pay sent to Moscow a man by the name of Loupin, a Bolshevik.
Having returned, he described the situation in Moscow in rosy hues and
brought the very encouraging news to the soldiers that instead of the
fifty kopeks per day they received at the time of the provisional
government, they were to get three roubles per day. This news quickly
made all the soldiers Bolshevik. “This shows what a good sort commissars
really are. The provisional government promised us fifty kopeks per day,
but did not pay it. The commissars will give us three roubles per day.”
Joyfully they told this news to one another.
Loupin brought the paper that contained the order to put Tatischeff,
Dolgoruky, Hendrikova and Schneider under arrest. He also brought the
news that our detachment would soon be relieved and a new commissar sent
with a fresh detachment of men. I suppose the soldiers were afraid of
the arrival of the new commissar. All persons belonging to the suite
they decided to transfer to the Governor’s house and to put them under
guard there. All these persons were moved to the house except Gibbes
(the Englishman did not like to live with anybody else, so he was
allowed to live outside).
New partitions were made in the house, in the entrance room adjoining
Tchemodouroff’s room, thereby providing space for Demidova, Tegleva and
Ersberg. Demidova’s room was divided by a curtain, and Tatischeff and
Dolgoruky were quartered there. In the room where Ersberg and Tegleva
previously lived, Schneider and her two maids were placed. The room
previously occupied by Toutelberg was given to Hendrikova and
Nikolaieva. Toutelberg was placed under the main stairway behind the
partition. In such a manner we were able to avoid intruding upon the
privacy of the imperial family.
Gibbes was settled in a small house near the kitchen. So all persons,
including the servants, were under arrest. Only in cases of the utmost
necessity were a few of the servants allowed to go to town.
As I said, Loupin brought news of the coming of a new commissar. The
commissar arrived, but he was not the same man that Loupin had been
speaking about. The commissar who was sent from Omsk to supervise the
life of the imperial family, was a Jew named Dutzman. He took up his
quarters in Korniloff’s house. He did not play any active part, and
never came to the house. Very soon he was elected to be secretary of the
district soviet and stayed there permanently.
During this time the leaders of the soviet were: Dutzman, a Jew named
Peissel and a Lett named Disler. Zaslavsky also apparently took part in
the soviet activities. He was, as I understand, the representative of
Yekaterinburg, or, properly speaking, Ural district soviet. The reason
for his arrival was not clear to me. It seemed that at this time the
Omsk Bolsheviki were quarrelling with those of Yekaterinburg. The Omsk
Bolsheviki desired to include Tobolsk under their jurisdiction in
Western Siberia; but the Yekaterinburg people wanted to include it in
the Ural district. Dutzman was an Omsk Bolsheviki representative, and
Zaslavsky was a representative of Yekaterinburg Bolsheviki. I presume
that Zaslavsky came to Tobolsk because, even at this time, the
Yekaterinburg Bolsheviki intended to move us from Tobolsk to
Yekaterinburg. Matveieff, a Bolshevik, whom I have mentioned many times,
used to visit the soviet frequently. Once he told me that the soviet
asked that two soldiers selected from each company should call on them.
Six soldiers were delegated. They informed me that the soviet had
decided to transfer all the czar’s family “To the Hill,” which meant
prison.
(The Tobolsk prison was situated on a height, so it was called “The
Hill”). I pointed out that the czar’s family were under the authority of
the central soviet and not of the local soviet, but this did not help. I
advanced another argument, saying that it was impossible to execute
their order or demand, as with the imperial family it would be
necessary also to transfer to the prison all the soldiers of our
detachment--which was not practicable, and that we could not do
otherwise, as in case of an attack on the prison there would be no force
left to defend it. Our soldiers began to get boisterous, and the soviet
was obliged to change their opinion and announced that no decision had
yet been arrived at, but that the soviet merely mentioned this
suggestion in a tentative way.
All of us were awaiting the arrival of the new commissar. It was
rumoured that it was Trotzky himself who was coming. Finally the
Commissar Iakovleff arrived. He came to Tobolsk in the evening of
February 9th and stayed in Komiloff’s house. He was accompanied by a
certain Avdeieff (I considered him to be Iakovleff’s assistant), a
telegraph operator, who was transmitting Iakovleff’s telegrams to Moscow
and to Yekaterinburg, and a young boy.
Iakovleff appeared to be thirty-two or thirty-three. His hair was of jet
black colour; he was taller than the average; thin, but strong and
muscular, apparently Russian; gave the impression of being very
energetic; he was dressed like a sailor; his words were short and
abrupt; but his language was suggestive of a good education; his hands
were clean and his fingers thin; he gave one the impression of being
cultivated and having acquired a training and experience usually
associated with those who have lived abroad for a long time. Leaving
Gilliard, he said: “Bon jour, Monsieur.” (This showed some knowledge of
French.) Iakovleff told me that he lived in Finland, where for some
reason or other he had been sentenced to be hanged. He succeeded in
escaping, and later lived in Switzerland and in Germany. As far as I
remember his Christian names were Vasily Vasilievitch, Iakovleff being
his surname.
Avdeieff appeared to be about twenty-six or twenty-seven years of age,
medium height, rather thin, dirty, uncultivated; he wore soldier’s
clothes. His face was round but not fat and bore no signs of
drunkenness.
Iakovleff said that he was born in Ufa or perhaps somewhere in the Ufa
district. A detachment of Reds came with him. They were cavalry and
infantry and all young soldiers. Iakovleff’s idea was to make us
understand that he was quite popular in Ufa, that he knew there quite a
large number of people; and for this reason he had organised his
detachment there. His men were quartered partly in Korniloff’s house and
partly in the apartment occupied by my soldiers. On the morning of April
10th Iakovleff came to me together with Matveieff and introduced himself
as extraordinary commissar. Three documents were in his hands. All these
documents bore the imprint of the “_Russian Federated Soviet Republic_,”
and were signed by: Sverdloff and Ovanesoff (or Avanesoff). The first
document was addressed to me and contained an order for me to execute
without delay all the requests of the extraordinary commissar,
Tovarisch (comrade) Iakovleff, who was assigned to perform a mission of
great importance. My refusal or neglect to execute these orders would
result in my being killed on the spot. The second document was addressed
to the soldiers of our detachment. It contained the same orders as the
first, and carried also a threat of the same penalty--court-martial by a
revolutionary tribunal and instant death. The third document was an
identification of Iakovleff that stated the fact of his having been
appointed for an extraordinary mission, but no details of the character
of the mission were given. Without explaining to me the reason of his
arrival, Iakovleff told me that he wanted to talk to the soldiers. At
eleven o’clock I assembled the men of my detachment. Iakovleff announced
to them that their representative “Tovarisch” (comrade) Loupin, had been
in Moscow, where he petitioned for an increase in their daily allowance.
Now Iakovleff had brought the money with him. Every soldier was to get
three roubles per day. After that he exhibited his identification.
Matveieff read it aloud. The soldiers started to examine the document.
They paid great attention to the seal on it. It appeared as if they did
not have very much confidence in Iakovleff. Iakovleff understood this
and began speaking about daily allowances, the time for the relief of
our detachment, and things of the same sort. Apparently he knew very
well how to handle a mob and how to play upon their weak points. He
spoke eloquently and earnestly. At the conclusion of his speech he dwelt
on the misunderstanding between the soldiers and the local soviet that
occurred on account of the soviet’s decision to imprison the imperial
family, and he promised to settle this question. After that he went with
me to see the house. He looked first at the exterior view; then he
entered the lower floor, and then the upper. As far as I can remember,
he saw from a distance the emperor and the grand duchesses, who were at
that time in the court. I suppose he did not see the empress, but, as I
remember, accompanied by Avdeieff, he visited the czarevitch. I had the
impression that Iakovleff tried to persuade Avdeieff that the czarevitch
was ill. I remember that this day the officer on duty was Ensign
Semenoff. Avdeieff wished to remain in the room of the officer of the
day, but Semenoff protested and succeeded in drawing Avdeieff away.
Nothing else happened during this day.
On April 11th Iakovleff again requested that the soldiers be assembled.
There came to the meeting with him, Zaslavsky, a representative of the
soviet, and Degtiareff, a student. The student was sent from Omsk, so he
represented the Siberian interests in the Tobolsk soviet. Zaslavsky
represented the interests of the Ural district. The student began to
speak to the soldiers. He accused Zaslavsky of upsetting the nerves of
the soldiers, of spreading false rumours about the danger threatening
the imperial family, and of saying that somebody was digging a tunnel
under the house. Such rumours were really afoot, and once we passed a
very disturbed night awaiting trouble. These rumours originated in the
soviet. I had learned about them when I went to the soviet the time they
resolved to imprison the imperial family. At this time the main argument
for their decision was the “danger for the imperial family in remaining
in the Governor’s house.” Such was the substance of the student’s
speech. Zaslavsky vainly tried to defend himself. He was hissed and went
away. Zaslavsky came to Tobolsk about a week before Iakovleff’s arrival
and left Tobolsk about six hours before Iakovleff’s departure. Later I
will tell you the motive of this performance in assembling the soldiers
and why Iakovleff had to do it.
The same day at eleven o’clock in the evening, Captain Aksiouta came to
me and reported that Iakovleff had assembled the detachment’s committee
and announced his intention of taking the czar’s family out of Tobolsk.
Iakovleff said that not only the emperor but also the whole family would
have to leave. In the morning on the 12th of April Iakovleff came to me
and said that according to the decision of “the central executive
committee” he must take the family out of Tobolsk. I asked him: “Why?”
and “What will you do with the czarevitch? He can not travel as he is
sick.” Iakovleff answered me: “This certainly is the trouble. I have
talked this matter over through direct wire with the C. E. C. and
received the order to leave the family in Tobolsk and to transfer only
the emperor.” (Usually he called him “the former emperor.”) “When could
we go to see them? I intend to leave the town tomorrow.” I told him he
might see the family after lunch--around two o’clock. Then he left me. I
went to the house and asked, as far as I remember, Tatischeff, to ask
the emperor at what time he could receive Iakovleff and myself. The
emperor made an appointment at two o’clock, after lunch was over. At two
o’clock Iakovleff and I entered the hall. The emperor and empress stood
in the middle of the hall. Iakovleff stopped a little distance from them
and bowed. Then he said: “I have to tell you” (he was talking to the
emperor only), “that I am the special representative of the Moscow
Central Executive Committee, and my mission is to take all your family
out of Tobolsk, but, as your son is ill, I have received a second order
which says that you alone must leave.” The emperor answered: “I will not
go anywhere.” Upon which Iakovleff said: “I beg you not to refuse. I am
compelled to execute the order. In case of your refusal I must take you
by force or resign. In the latter case they would probably decide to
send a less scrupulous sort of man to take my position. Be calm, I am
responsible with my life for your security. If you do not want to go
alone you could take with you the people you desire. Be ready, we are
leaving tomorrow at four o’clock.”
Then Iakovleff again bowed to the emperor and the empress and left. At
the same time the emperor, who did not reply to Iakovleff’s last words,
turned abruptly and accompanied by the empress, went out of the hall.
Iakovleff went down. I followed him, but when we were going out the
emperor made a sign to me to remain. I went down with Iakovleff and
after he left, returned upstairs. In the hall I saw the emperor,
empress, Tatischeff, and Dolgoruky. They stayed by the round table in
the corner. The emperor asked me where they intended to take him. I
replied that personally I did not know, but that it was possible to
understand from some hints made by Iakovleff that it was intended to
take the emperor to Moscow. The following reasons made me think of that:
In the morning on the 12th of April, Iakovleff came to me and said that
he would go at first with the emperor, then return to get the family. I
asked him: “When do you intend to come back?” Iakovleff answered: “Well,
in four or five days we will reach our destination. I will remain there
a few days and start back. I will be here again in about ten days or two
weeks.” This is the reason why I told the emperor that Iakovleff
intended to take him to Moscow. Then the emperor said: “I suppose they
want to force me to sign the Brest-Litovsk treaty, but I would rather
give my right hand to be cut off than to sign that treaty.” “I shall
also go,” said the empress giving evidence of deep emotion. “If I am not
there they will force him to do something in the same way that it was
done before,” and added something about Rodzianko. Obviously the empress
referred to the emperor’s abdication.
Thus ended the conversation and I went to Korniloff’s house to see
Iakovleff. He asked me who were the persons going. And he repeated (for
the second time), that anybody could go with the emperor on condition
that he did not take much baggage.
I returned to the house and asked Tatischeff to let me know who were the
persons who intended to go. I promised to call in an hour’s time for the
answer. I came back and Tatischeff said to me that the following persons
were leaving Tobolsk: the emperor, the empress, the Grand Duchess Maria,
Botkin, Dolgoruky, Tchemodouroff, Sedneff, the waiter, and Demidova, the
maid. When I reported the names to Iakovleff he answered: “It’s all the
same to me.” I suppose Iakovleff’s only idea was to get the emperor out
of Tobolsk as soon as possible. When he noticed the emperor’s
unwillingness to go alone, Iakovleff thought: “That’s all the same to
me; let him take whom he likes; but do it quickly.” That was the reason
why he repeated so often: “That’s all the same, let them take anybody
they want”--not expressing the second part of this thought--“Do it
quickly.” He did not mention it but all his actions indicated that that
really was his desire. He was also in a great hurry and for this reason
too he gave the order to limit the amount of baggage. I did not enter
the house any more on this day. I thought that they would feel better if
they were left to themselves, so I did not go there. The family at this
time was making preparations for the departure. As Gilliard told me, the
empress was extremely downhearted. Though a very reserved woman, she
nevertheless worried much about her decision to go with the emperor,
which involved leaving her beloved son behind. If the empress knew that
they were going to take her to Yekaterinburg, why should she have been
depressed? Yekaterinburg is not so far from Tobolsk. But she felt from
all of Iakovleff’s actions, and so did everybody else in the house, that
he was not taking them to Yekaterinburg, but to some other distant
place, such as Moscow. And that they were not taking them away in order
to advance their interests in any way, but for something else, that was
connected with the state’s interest, and that once in Moscow the emperor
would be compelled to make some very serious and responsible decisions.
The emperor had the same ideas and apprehensions. He expressed them when
he spoke of the Brest-Litovsk treaty.
I did not sleep all that night. According to the order of Iakovleff, in
the evening I assembled the soldiers again. Iakovleff explained to the
men that he intended to take the emperor out of Tobolsk; he did not name
the place he was taking him to, and asked the soldiers to keep the
matter secret.
From whom was Iakovleff hiding his intentions? I explain it in this way:
In the local soviet (Pessel, Disler, Kagomitzky, Pisarevsky and his
wife) there were two factions--the Siberian, that considered Tobolsk in
their sphere of influence; and the Uralian, that considered Tobolsk to
be in their region. Zaslavsky represented the second. What was the
reason for his arrival in Tobolsk? I could not explain that. Many things
are still a mystery to me. I don’t know whether he came to Tobolsk
because we were there or not. It was perfectly clear from Iakovleff’s
speeches that he, Iakovleff, represented a third power, the central
Moscow authorities. After he came to Tobolsk he began to fear an
opposition to the removal of the imperial family from the Tobolsk
soviet. However, he settled this matter with the Tobolsk soviet.
Zaslavsky was opposed to the removal, so I think that Iakovleff asked
the soldiers to keep the departure of the imperial family secret because
he feared that the local authorities would interfere. So I felt
persuaded that Iakovleff, being a representative of the third power,
worked in accordance with its desires, fulfilled the instructions he got
from them in Moscow, and that that was the place where the imperial
family was to be taken.
It appeared that the soldiers were confused and disturbed by Iakovleff’s
declarations and by his anxiety for secrecy. I noticed they were afraid
for themselves, for fear some evil might befall them in consequence of
all this. They said it was necessary for them to go with the emperor,
and told Iakovleff this.
Iakovleff at first refused this demand, saying that his own detachment
was quite reliable. But finally he made a compromise and a small
detachment of six men from our soldiers was selected to escort the
emperor.
At four o’clock a.m. the Siberian carriages (Koshevy) were prepared. One
carriage had a cover; the seat was made of straw, which was tied with
strings to the body of the carriage. The emperor, the empress and all
other persons left the house. The emperor embraced and kissed me. The
empress gave me her hand. Iakovleff seated himself in the same carriage
as the emperor. The empress took her seat with the Grand Duchess Maria;
Dolgoruky with Botkin, Tchemodouroff with Sedneff. There were some
carriages containing soldiers at the head and some in the rear. The
departing detachment was composed partly of our soldiers, but mostly of
Iakovleff’s. Two machine guns were with the detachment. A number of
cavalrymen from Iakovleff’s detachment accompanied the party. There were
also some carriages with the baggage. They all started on their trip
about four o’clock. After their departure everybody in the house was
distressed and sad. I noticed that even the soldiers had the same
feeling. They began to behave in a more humane way towards the emperor’s
children. Later, when I was in Tumen, I was told by one of the coachmen
who accompanied the imperial party that as soon as they reached the
stage posts, the horses were immediately changed and the journey
continued without any delay. Once the horses were changed in the village
of Pokrovskoe, where the stage post was situated, opposite to a house
formerly belonging to Rasputin. I was told that his wife was standing by
the house and his daughter was looking out of the window. Both of them
made the sign of the cross to the czar’s family.
I had asked two soldiers, Lebedeff and Nabokoff (who were a good sort of
men from our detachment), to telegraph to me along the route how things
were proceeding. I got a telegram from Lebedeff that was sent from the
village Ivlevo. Nabokoff telegraphed me from Pokrovskoe. Both of their
telegrams were very brief. “Proceeding safely.” One telegram was sent
from a railway station: “Proceeding safely. God bless you; how is the
little one? Iakovleff.” Of course the telegram was written by the
emperor or empress, but sent by Iakovleff’s permission.
On the 20th of April the committee of our detachment received a telegram
from Matveieff who informed them of the arrival at Yekaterinburg, I can
not remember the exact words, but we were all surprised at its contents.
We were all thunder-struck, as we were previously convinced that the
emperor and empress would be taken to Moscow. We began to await the
return of the soldiers from the escorting detachment. After they
returned Loupin made a report to our soldiers. He scored the
Yekaterinburg Bolsheviki. Labedeff and Nabokoff told me the following:
Having arrived at Tumen, the emperor, the empress and the other persons
were placed in a passenger car (I can not tell you anything about the
arrangement in the car); this car was guarded by our six soldiers. From
Tumen they proceeded in the direction of Yekaterinburg. In one station
they learned that they would not be allowed to proceed beyond
Yekaterinburg, where they would be held up. (This was a mistake of
Iakovleff’s. Zaslavsky left Tobolsk a few hours before him, and I
suppose, informed the Yekaterinburg soviet of the departure of the
imperial family from Tobolsk.) Having learned this news Iakovleff turned
the train back to Omsk, in order to go forward via Ufa, Cheliabinsk,
etc. As I understood Nabokoff, the train was approaching Omsk, when it
was stopped a second time. Iakovleff went out in order to find what was
happening. He learned that Yekaterinburg informed Omsk that Iakovleff
was declared to be an outlaw on account of his intention to take the
czar’s family to Japan. Iakovleff went to Omsk personally and had a talk
with Moscow by a direct wire. After returning he announced: “I have
orders to go to Yekaterinburg.”
Arriving in Yekaterinburg, the emperor, empress, Grand Duchess Maria,
Botkin, Tchemodouroff, Sedneff and Demidova were placed in Ipatieff’s
house. Dolgoruky was taken to prison. All our soldiers were kept in the
car, and later disarmed and arrested. They were kept under arrest for a
few days and then released. Each of our arrested soldiers received
different treatment. Lebedeff and Nabokoff were treated worse than the
others. Matveieff and some of the others a little better. They were
released at different times. On one occasion Matveieff went (for what
purpose I do not know), to see Goloschekoff and Beloborodoff. When all
of them were released and placed in a railway car in order to go back to
Tobolsk, Iakovleff came to them and said that he had resigned and was
going to Moscow, and that the soldiers should go with him and report
about everything that had happened. It was clear that Iakovleff regarded
the stoppage of the train at Yekaterinburg as an act of insubordination
of the Yekaterinburg Bolsheviki to the orders of the central
authorities. What was the matter? Why could Iakovleff not proceed to
Moscow? (The soldiers said that he finally left them and went to Moscow
alone.) I explain those events in this way: Yekaterinburg was a centre
of widespread Bolshevism. It was the capital of the whole Ural region:
“The Red Yekaterinburg.” I heard that Moscow reproached the
Yekaterinburg Bolsheviki for spending too much money and threatened that
they would stop sending them money altogether if they did not expend it
more economically in future. Following their local interests, the
Yekaterinburg Bolsheviki detained the imperial family in Yekaterinburg
as hostages, in order to converse with Moscow in a freer manner and make
Moscow more amenable to their demands. Possibly I am mistaken, but that
is my idea.
Further, the telegraph operator who remained after Iakovleff’s departure
received a telegram that read as follows: “Take the detachment with you
and depart. I have resigned and am not responsible for the
consequences.” A part of Iakovleff’s detachment was still remaining in
Tobolsk; and that is why Iakovleff sent the telegram. The telegraph
operator, a very young man, and the soldiers of the detachment departed.
I don’t know where they were going. Avdeieff left Tobolsk before
Iakovleff, as he was sent by Iakovleff in order to prepare a train for
the imperial family.
Some time elapsed when our detachment committee received a telegram from
Moscow (I don’t know from whom it came.) It announced that Iakovleff was
replaced by Hohriakoff. About the appearance of Hohriakoff in Tobolsk I
will tell the following: There were no real Bolsheviki in the Tobolsk
soviet. The leaders were mostly social revolutionists. So it was even at
the time when almost everywhere the soviets consisted of communists.
There was a time when even Nikolsky was temporary chairman of the
soviet. Later, Dimitrieff, an extraordinary “Commissar,” came from Omsk
to Tobolsk. His intention was to organise the Bolshevik power. A
special detachment of soldiers arrived with him from Omsk. At the same
time Yekaterinburg claimed that Tobolsk was in their jurisdiction, so
another detachment arrived from Tumen. But Dimitrieff, as representative
of Siberian opinion, had the upper hand and the Tumen detachment left.
Having organised the Bolshevik power, Dimitrieff returned to Omsk.
During this period of organisation of the soviet rule in Tobolsk
Hohriakoff was the first chairman of the soviet. In those days various
Bolshevik detachments arrived from different places at Tobolsk. A
detachment of Letts was also formed there. Long before the imperial
family had all left Tobolsk, the Letts were already there, and created
considerable disorder, as for example, when they searched Baroness
Buxhoevden. I do not know who was their commander, but he apparently did
not please Hohriakoff, and was relieved by Rodionoff who came from
Yekaterinburg. A short time after Hohriakoff took his appointment,
replacing Iakovleff as commissar, he received a telegram from someone in
Moscow that instructed him to remove all the remaining members of the
family to Yekaterinburg. I must not forget to mention that Hohriakoff
after being appointed commissar, ordered Rodionoff to come from
Yekaterinburg to Tobolsk. When asking for Rodionoff from Yekaterinburg,
Hohriakoff had in mind that he would be in charge of the imperial
family, but not of the Tobolsk district. Hohriakoff did not act as the
chairman of the district soviet, but in the capacity of an extraordinary
commissar having supervision of the imperial family. Some time after he
was appointed commissar, however, before our detachment was relieved by
Letts, I went to the house. Our soldiers were on sentry duty. They did
not allow me to enter, saying that that was Hohriakoff’s orders. I
applied to Hohriakoff. “They did not understand me,” he answered. For
several days after this incident took place I continued to visit the
house. But shortly after Rodionoff arrived our guards were relieved by
the Letts, who occupied all the sentry posts simultaneously and I was
not allowed to enter the house. It was just a few days before the family
left. How things went after this I can tell you, as I heard from people
who remained in Tobolsk. I remember also that Rodionoff on his arrival,
came to the house, assembled the members of the family, and made a
regular roll call. This surprised me very much. Shortly afterwards,
unexpectedly for me, the Letts assumed the sentry duties and I was not
allowed to enter the house. I was told that the Letts behaved in the
following fashion. Once divine service took place in the house. The
Letts searched the priest. They searched the nuns in a very indecent
manner and touched everything in the sanctuary. Rodionoff placed a Lett
by the sanctuary in order to supervise the priest. It created such an
unhappy effect that the Grand Duchess Olga wept, and said that if she
had known beforehand that conditions were to have been like this she
would never have made a request for divine service.
After I was not allowed to enter the house any more, my nerves gave way,
I became ill and had to remain in bed. The family left Tobolsk on the
7th of May. I was unable to leave my bed and could not bid them
“Farewell.” The following persons went to Yekaterinburg: (1) Tatischeff;
(2) Derevenko; (3) Hendrikova; (4) Buxhoevden; (5) Schneider; (6)
Gilliard; (7) Gibbes; (8) Tegleva; (9) Ersberg; (10) Toutelberg; (11)
Mejantz; (12) Katia; (13) Masha; (14) Volkoff; (15) Nagorny; (16)
Ivanoff; (17) Tutin; (18) Youravsky; (19) Troupp; (20) Haritonoff; (21)
Kokicheff; (22) Leonid Sedneff.
Soon after we were transferred to Tobolsk from Czarskoe-Selo two maids,
Anna Utkina and Anna Pavlovna Romanova, joined us. The soldiers did not
allow them to enter the house. They remained at Tobolsk and did not go
to Yekaterinburg. I do not know where Hohriekoff came from. He was not
educated and his capacities were not of a very high order. Previously he
had been a stoker on a battle ship, the _Alexander II_. He usually wore
a black leather suit.
Neither do I know the origin of Rodionoff. He was about twenty-eight or
thirty years of age, below medium height, not educated and produced an
unpleasant impression. He seemed to be a cruel and cunning man.
Baroness Buxhoevden assured us that she had seen him during her travels
abroad. She met him on one occasion at a frontier station in the uniform
of a Russian gendarme. I should say we still felt the gendarme in him,
though he was not a good type of gendarme soldier, but that of a cruel
man with the manners of a secret service agent. After his arrival
Rodionoff searched Nagorny when the latter returned to the house from
the train. He found a letter from Dr. Derevenko’s son to the czarevitch
and reported it to Hohriakoff, saying: “That is a nice sort of man; he
said that he had nothing, and I found this letter.” Then addressing me
he added: “I am sure that during your time numbers of things were
smuggled in.” Hohriakoff was very pleased, saying: “I have been watching
this rascal quite a time, he is a disgrace to us.” That is what the
sailor Hohriakoff was saying about the sailor, Nagorny. It could not be
otherwise. One was “The beauty and the pride of the Russian
Revolution.”[1] The other was a man devoted to the imperial family, who
loved the czarevitch, and who was loved by him, and for this reason he
perished. Sedneff surely also perished for being “a disgrace,” as he was
also a sailor and also devoted to the imperial family.
After the departure of the imperial family I was cut off for a long
time from all news and nobody could tell me anything about them. In June
Omsk was taken from the Reds. The Omsk Bolsheviki escaped from Omsk on
steamers and came to Tobolsk. Our Tobolsk Bolsheviki also ran away with
them. Power in Tobolsk was taken into the hands of officers. Tumen
continued to remain in the hands of the Bolsheviki. A fighting line
separated us. Then I got news about Hohriakoff. He appeared to be in
command of something on the river near Pokrovskoe (being a sailor, I
suppose). They say that Matveieff was also in command. Tegleva told me
afterwards that Hohriakoff was not permitted to go into the Ipatieff
house, even though he was sure to be a commissar while there. After
Tumen was taken, most of the people who left Tobolsk with the imperial
family returned, except the following: (1) Dolgoruky; (2) Tatischeff;
(3) Derevenko; (4) Hendrikova; (5) Botkin; (6) Schneider; (7) Tegleva;
(8) Ersberg; (9) Toutelberg; (10) Volkoff; (11) Nagorny; (12)
Tchemodouroff; (13) Sedneff; (14) Troupp; (15) Haritonoff; (16) Leonid
Sedneff; (17) Ivanoff.
They told us the following: During the journey of the imperial family
they were treated in a disgraceful manner. While they were on a steamer
Rodionoff forbade them to lock their cabin doors from the inside, but
Nagorny and the czarevitch were locked in by him from the outside.
Nagorny got very angry and quarrelled with Rodionoff, telling him that
it was inhuman to a sick child. (Even here in Tobolsk Rodionoff
displayed the same attitude, and would not allow the Grand Duchess Olga
to lock the door of her bedroom or even to shut it.)
When the train arrived at Yekaterinburg the czarevitch, the Grand
Duchesses Olga, Maria, Tatiana and Anastasia were transferred to the
house. The emperor and empress were transferred also, with all the
persons who accompanied them, except Dolgoruky, who was taken to prison.
When the children came to Yekaterinburg the following persons were
immediately arrested: Tatischeff, Hendrikova, Schneider and Volkoff.
Lately I heard from Gilliard that Sedneff and Nagorny were also removed
from the house. Gilliard and Gibbes witnessed that. Derevenko remained
in Yekaterinburg. Tegleva, Ersberg and Ivanoff stayed in Tumen;
Toutelburg at Kamyshloff. The following persons remained in the Ipatieff
house with the imperial family: Tchemodouroff, Sedneff (a boy), Troupp,
Haritonoff, Demidova and Botkin.
Some time after Yekaterinburg was taken Tchemodouroff came to Tobolsk. I
saw him and talked with him. He came to Tobolsk absolutely destitute, a
very aged man, suffering mentally and broken down. He died recently. His
conversation was incoherent. He could only answer questions, but his
answers were sometimes contradictory. I will tell you here the
outstanding points of his conversation that I can recall: After the
arrival at Ipatieff’s house the emperor, empress and the Grand Duchess
Maria were searched in a very rough manner. The emperor lost his temper
and protested. He was rudely informed that he was merely a prisoner and
that he therefore had no right to protest. Tchemodouroff noticed that
Avdeieff was the senior. The meals were very bad. The dinner was brought
from a cheap lunch room, and they always brought it late, at three or
four o’clock instead of one. They dined together with the servants. The
pan was put on the table. There was a lack of spoons, knives and forks.
The Red soldiers sometimes participated in the dinner. Sometimes a
soldier came in and helped himself to the soup, saying: “Enough for you,
I will take some myself.” The grand duchesses slept on the floor as
there were no beds for them. Roll calls were frequently made. When the
grand duchesses went to the lavatory the Red soldiers followed them,
saying it was on purpose to guard them. Even according to Tchemodouroff,
who was not able to give the whole account, being so extremely
depressed, it was clear that the august family was constantly subjected
to intense moral tortures. Tchemodouroff did not believe that the family
had been killed. He said that Botkin, Haritonoff, Demidova and Troupp
were killed, but the family itself was taken away. He said that by
killing the aforementioned people they simulated the murder of the
family. He said that for the same reason the house was devastated, also
some things were burned and others thrown into the waste basket. I
remember he told me that somebody had found pieces of a holy image and
an Order of St. Vladimir which was always worn by Botkin.
In a short time after this Volkoff came to Tobolsk. He said that
Hendrikova, Schneider and himself were taken from the railway car in
Yekaterinburg and sent to prison. From there they were transferred to a
prison in Perm. Afterwards they were taken out of the Perm prison, and
led out to be shot, but he fled on the way and escaped. The others were
executed.
In Tobolsk I heard for the first time about the murder of the imperial
family. I saw it in the Omsk newspaper _Zaria_, or may be in a Tobolsk
newspaper _Narodnoe-Slovo_. The Bolshevik communication described the
“execution” of the Emperor Nicholas “the sanguinary.” In regard to the
character and private life of the members of the imperial family, I
state the following: The emperor was a very clever man, well informed,
and very interesting to talk with; he had a remarkable memory. He was
very fond of physical labour and could not keep well without it. He was
very modest in his needs. Even in Czarskoe-Selo I saw him wearing old
trousers and worn boots. He drank very little. During dinner he drank
not more than one glass of port wine or Madeira. He liked the simple
Russian dishes, borsch, shchy and kasha. I remember very well one day he
came to the wine cellar and seeing some cognac, ordered Rojkoff to give
it over to me and said: “You know, I don’t drink it myself.” I never saw
him drinking anything except Port or Madeira. He was very religious. He
hated, and could not stand Germans. The particular characteristics of
his personality were kindness and a mild disposition. He was
exceptionally kind. Of his own will as a man he would never cause any
pain to anybody. This quality made a very strong impression upon other
people. He was kind, modest, straight and frank. He behaved himself in a
very modest and natural manner. In Tobolsk he played checkers with the
soldiers. I am sure that many soldiers had very kindly feelings towards
the imperial family. For example: when the soldiers (good regular
soldiers) were leaving Tobolsk they went secretly to the emperor to wish
him farewell and kissed him. The emperor’s idea was that the Russian man
was a mild, kind-hearted fellow; he did not understand many things, but
it was easy to impress and influence him by kindness. The czar himself
was of this type. I often pitied him, for the soldiers frequently
permitted themselves to act with rowdy manners, generally in the absence
of the imperial family. They often made a number of dirty jokes in
reference to the imperial family. Perhaps they were afraid to do it in
their presence. And that was the reason why the august family did not
realise the danger of their position.
The czar loved Russia and more than once I heard him express his fear
of being taken abroad. He did not understand art, but liked nature and
hunting extremely. It was painful for him to abstain from hunting for
any length of time, and he disliked to have to spend his time indoors. A
weak character was his fault and therefore he was influenced by his
wife. I noticed that even in trifles, when he was consulted on some
details, the usual answer was: “As my Wife wishes. I will ask her.”
The empress was very clever, extremely reserved and had a strong
character, and her main feature was her love of power. Her looks were
majestic. When you spoke to the emperor there were moments when you
forgot you were speaking to the czar, but when you spoke to the empress
the feeling that she belonged to a royal family did not leave you for a
moment. Owing to her character she always took the leading part in all
family affairs, and subdued the emperor to her opinion. Certainly she
felt more keenly than he did their humiliating position. Everybody
noticed how rapidly she was aging. She spoke and wrote Russian very
correctly and loved Russia very much. She feared, as the emperor did, to
be taken abroad. She had a talent for painting and embroidery. Not only
was the German in her unnoticeable, but you might have thought that she
was born in a country opposed to Germany. This was explained by her
education. After her mother’s death, being still very young, she was
educated in England by her grandmother, Queen Victoria. I never heard a
single German word from her. She used to speak Russian, English and
French. There was no doubt of her illness. Dr. Botkin explained to me
the nature of it. Being the daughter of the Grand Duke of Hesse, it was
something that she inherited from that family--weakness of the blood
vessels. This malady produced paralysis following a bruise, from which
the czarevitch was suffering. The men got rid of this illness after
arriving at maturity, when this trouble entirely disappeared. With women
the illness only started after their climacteric and from this stage
hysteria was progressive. It was clear that the empress was suffering
from hysteria. Botkin explained to me that this was the origin of her
religious ecstasy. All her manual activities and all her thoughts were
led by religious motives, and there was a touch of religion in her work.
When she was making a present to anybody it always bore the inscription:
“God bless you and protect you,” or something similar to that. There is
no doubt that she loved her husband, but she loved him not in the way a
woman loves a man, but as the father of her children. She loved all her
children, but her son she adored.
The Grand Duchess Olga was a nice looking young blonde, about
twenty-three; her type was Russian. She was fond of reading, capable and
mentally well developed; spoke English well and German badly. She had
some talent for art, played the piano, sang, (she learned singing in
Petrograd; her voice was soprano), and she painted well. She was very
modest and did not care for luxury.
Her clothes were modest and she restrained her sisters from extravagance
in dress. She gave altogether the impression of a good, generous-hearted
Russian girl. It looked as if she had had some sorrows in her life and
still carried traces of it. It seemed to me that she loved her father
more than she loved her mother. She also loved her brother, and called
him “The Little One” or “The Baby.”
The Grand Duchess Tatiana was about twenty. She was quite different from
her sisters. You recognised in her the same features that were in her
mother--the same nature and the same character. You felt that she was
the daughter of an emperor. She had no liking for art. Maybe it would
have been better for her had she been a man. When the emperor and
empress left Tobolsk nobody would ever have thought that the Grand
Duchess Olga was the senior of the remaining members of the imperial
family. If any questions arose it was always Tatiana who was appealed
to. She was nearer to her mother than the other children; and it seemed
that she loved her mother more than her father.
The Grand Duchess Maria was eighteen; she was tall, strong, and better
looking than the other sisters. She painted well and was the most
amiable. She always used to speak to the soldiers, questioned them, and
knew very well the names of their wives, the number of their children,
and the amount of land owned by the soldiers. All the intimate affairs
in such cases were always known to her. Like the Grand Duchess Olga, she
loved her father more than the rest. On account of her simplicity and
affability she was given the pet name by the family of “Mashka.” And by
this term she was called by her brother and by her sisters.
The Grand Duchess Anastasia, I believe, was seventeen. She was
over-developed for her age; she was stout and short, too stout for her
height; her characteristic feature was to see the weak points of other
people and to make fun of them. She was a comedian by nature and always
made everybody laugh. She preferred her father to her mother and loved
Maria Nicholevna more than the other sisters.
All of them, including Tatiana, were nice, modest and innocent girls.
There is no doubt they were cleaner in their thoughts than the majority
of girls nowadays.
The czarevitch was the idol of the whole family. He was only a child and
his characteristic features were not yet worked out. He was a very
clever, capable and lively boy. He spoke Russian, French and English,
and did not know a word of German.
In general, I could say about the whole imperial family that they all
loved each other and were so satisfied with their family life that they
did not need nor look for intercourse with other people. Never before in
my life have I seen, and probably never again shall I see, such a good,
friendly and agreeable family.
Now I can say that the time will come when the Russian people will
realise what terrible tortures this very fine family was subjected to,
especially when they consider how from the first days of the revolution
the newspaper men insinuated a lot of scandalous stories about their
intimate family life. Take, for instance, the story about Rasputin. I
had many talks about it with Dr. Botkin. The empress was suffering from
hysteria. This illness induced a religious ecstasy in her. Besides that,
her only and beloved son was ill and there was no one who could help
him. A mother’s sorrow, on the basis of religious ecstasy, created
Rasputin. Rasputin was a saint to her. Having a great influence over her
husband, she converted him to her ideas in this matter. After I had
lived with this family and been closely associated with them, I fully
understood how unjust were the stories and the insults that were heaped
upon them. They ought to have known that the Empress Alexandra, as a
woman, had long ago ceased to exist. One can imagine how they all
suffered in reading the Russian newspapers in Czarskoe-Selo.
They were even accused of treachery in favour of Germany. I explained to
you before the feelings the emperor had towards the Germans. The empress
also hated Wilhelm. She often said: “I am always accused of liking and
helping the Germans, but nobody knows how I hate Wilhelm for all the
evil he has brought to my native country.” She had Germany and not
Russia in mind when she said that. Tatischeff told me as an example of
her broad vision that once when she was talking about the confusion in
Russia, she prophesied that the same thing would happen in Germany. The
grand duchesses had the same bitter feeling towards the Emperor Wilhelm.
I remember that once the grand duchesses distributed amongst the
servants the presents they received from Wilhelm during his visit on
their yacht.
I can not remember anything else. Well, yes, I remember the emperor used
to keep a diary, though I could not say whether the empress kept one or
not. All the grand duchesses used to keep diaries, but before their
departure from Tobolsk, Maria and Anastasia destroyed theirs.
I read in a newspaper that while the emperor was in prison in
Yekaterinburg somebody came to him and offered to save him, on certain
conditions. After the emperor learned that the man was sent by the
Emperor Wilhelm, he refused to parley with him. I can not say from
whence the Letts came who arrived at Tobolsk. But I draw your attention
to the fact that the Lett detachment which took the children from
Tobolsk, never returned. Hohriakoff also failed to return.
Miss Hitrovo visited Tobolsk. She was a young girl, and adored the Grand
Duchess Olga. Her arrival created a whole story that was picked up and
exaggerated by all the newspapers. She was searched but nothing was
found.
My testimony has been read to me and it is written correctly.
(_Signed_) EUGENE STEPANOVITCH KOBYLINSKY,
N. SOKOLOFF.
IV
EXAMINATION OF PHILIP PROSKOURIAKOFF
[_The deposition of Philip Proskouriakoff possesses a certain
amount of psychological interest as the testimony of a lad of
seventeen who was suddenly confronted with death in one of its most
violent and terrible forms. Proskouriakoff appears to have been a
clever, restless youth with a distaste for settled employment, and
who probably enlisted in the Workmen’s Guards solely in the spirit
of adventure._
_His story of the murder of the imperial family is more horrible
than the accounts given by the older men. Proskouriakoff’s love of
the morbid, and his slightly decadent mentality, is plainly shown
in his account of the events of the night, when he was awakened
from a drunken sleep and ordered to proceed to that sinister
bullet-riddled room on the ground floor of Ipatieff’s house. But
his minute attention to many of the ghastly and often irrelevant
details is valuable as documentary evidence, as it goes to prove
most conclusively that these things actually happened and were
retained as they happened in the mind of a person whose neurotic
temperament enabled him to remember them accurately and
vividly._--Editor’s Note.]
From the first to the third day of April, 1919, the Investigating
Magistrate for Cases of Special Importance of the Omsk Tribunal, N. A.
Sokoloff, in conformity with Paragraphs 403-409 of the Code of Criminal
Procedure, conducted an investigation in the town of Yekaterinburg, in
which the man named below, speaking as the accused, deposed: I am
Philip Poliektoff Proskouriakoff. At the time that the crime was
committed I was seventeen years old; I am a Russian peasant, belonging
to the Orthodox Church, and single. For three years I went to the
Sissert five-class school. My specialty is electrical fittings. In
answer to your questions, I reply as follows:
For many years my father had been a foreman in the iron works, and
resided all the time in the Sissert Iron Works. This was also my
birthplace. I did not complete my studies in the Sissert school, and
attended classes only during three years. It was very difficult for me
to learn; at the same time my father got sick and took me away from
school. At first he placed me in the blacksmith’s shop of the factory,
so that I might learn the trade. I was instructed by Vasily
Afanasievitch Belonosoff. I left after I had worked for about a year in
the shop: this work was too hard for me. My eldest brother found me a
position in the Palais Royal Theatre where I began to study for a
position of electrician. I stayed there for about a year, learned
something about electricity and started in a business of my
own--installing electric wires in town. Later I got a position in the
central electric plant in Yekaterinburg. I worked there for about a
month and, before Easter 1918, went home.
I remember quite well that on May 9th I met in the bazaar a friend of
mine, Ivan Semenoff Talapoff. He told me that a certain commissar,
Mrachkovsky, had started recruiting amongst our factory workmen for a
special detachment that was intended to guard the czar. Personally, I
did not see Mrachkovsky. I heard only that he was in command of some
troops fighting against Dutoff--from whence he had come. I related to my
father Talapoff’s words. Both my father and my mother advised me not to
enlist. My father’s words were: “Philip, don’t go, think it well over.”
I was anxious to see the czar so I ignored my father’s advice and on the
next day enlisted. The enlistment took place in the house of Vasily
Erkoff, which is on the Tzerkovnaia Street, close to the soviet. The
enlistment was conducted by one of our Sissert workmen, Paul Spiridonoff
Medvedeff. Medvedeff told me that we should be paid four hundred roubles
per month, that we should have to perform sentry duty, but that we
should not be allowed to sleep while doing so! Such were the conditions
explained to me, so I enlisted at once.
I heard at the time that thirty Sissert workmen altogether had enlisted.
Later, some of them withdrew, but the number of those who did so was
small and they were replaced by others, also workmen from our factory.
Eleven of these first thirty men, as I was told, belonged to the
Bolshevik communist party.
In the second half of May we arrived altogether at Yekaterinburg. At
first we were all quartered in the new “Gostiny-Dvor” (bazaar house),
where the soldiers of the Red army also were located. We stayed there a
few days without doing any work. At the end of May we were transferred
to the Ipatieff house, where the czar’s family lived. We were placed in
the rooms of the lower floor.
Alexander Moshkin, a workman from the Zlokasoff’s factory, was in charge
of the house and our guard detachment was under his orders. Medvedeff
was the senior in our party. He was our chief. Nobody had elected him,
but he was in charge of the enlistment of our party from the beginning;
he paid the wages and changed the sentries. Our salary was four hundred
roubles per month; Medvedeff received six hundred. Avdeieff remained all
the time in the house and occupied the commandant’s room. Generally he
arrived at nine o’clock a.m. and left at nine o’clock p.m. Moshkin
stayed all the time in the commandant’s room, where he lived. Medvedeff
also always stayed with those two in the same room and spent the night
there.
The sentry posts were as follows: (1) By the sentry-box near the gate.
(2) By the sentry-box near the chapel. (3) Between two fences, by the
window of the house. (4) In the front court, near the entrance to the
house. (5) In the back court. (6) In the garden. (7) In the entrance
room of the upper floor, by the commandant’s room. (8) Near the
lavatory, where the watercloset and bath room were located. Besides that
there were three sentry posts with machine guns: (9) Beside the window
of the attic. (10) On the terrace that faced the garden. (11) In the
middle room of the lower floor.
We were performing our duties for about a week when Avdeieff brought up
about fifteen more men--all workmen of the Zlokasoff factory. I suppose
he did it because he thought we were overworked, as we were obliged to
be on duty four hours at a time; it was raining, and we were not
accustomed to this sort of duty.
The Zlokasoff workmen lived with us in the upper floor. There were not
any women in our detachment. We had our own male cooks, who prepared our
food. At first Ivan Kategoff was the cook, later he was replaced by
Andrew Starkoff.
At the end of June or maybe at the beginning of July Moshkin was
arrested by Avdeieff, as he was suspected of stealing a small gold cross
belonging to the czar. At the same time Avdeieff was also dismissed and
replaced by Iourovsky. Nikoulin was appointed as his assistant.
Positively I do not know who Iourovsky and Nikoulin were. Both of them
arrived at the house together. They always remained in the commandant’s
room. Iourovsky arrived in the morning at eight or nine o’clock and left
at five or six in the afternoon. Nikoulin practically lived in the
commandant’s room and spent the night there. Medvedeff also continued to
spend the night in the same room. About a week after Iourovsky and
Nikoulin assumed their duties all the Sissert and Zlokasoff workmen
were transferred to Popoff’s (or Oboukoff’s) house, which was opposite
the Ipatieff house. Instead of us the lower floor of the Ipatieff’s
house accommodated Letts, who were about ten in number.
Before the arrival of the Letts all the sentry duties were performed
exclusively by the Sissert workmen. After their arrival all the posts on
the upper floor, where the czar’s family lived, were taken up by Letts.
We, Russian workmen, were not allowed to go to the upper floor. Such
were the orders of Iourovsky.
The machine gun teams, who performed no other duty than at the machine
guns, were composed of our Sissert workmen.
At the time when Avdeieff was the chief all the other posts were
occupied by the rest of the workmen. But after the arrival of Iourovsky
and of the Letts, we workmen began to occupy only the posts outside of
the house. All posts inside of the house were assigned to the Letts.
Before the arrival of the Letts I, as well as other workmen, performed
my sentry duties inside the house about six times, keeping guard by the
commandant’s room and the lavatory. I performed this duty in the
morning, daytime, evening and night. During this time I saw all the
imperial family: The emperor, the empress, czarevitch, as well as the
daughters: Olga, Tatiana, Maria and Anastasia. I saw them very closely
when they went for a walk or to the lavatory or passed from one room to
another. They all used to walk in the garden, except the empress. I
never saw her walking in the garden. The czarevitch I saw only once, as
he was carried by the oldest daughter of the emperor--Olga. The
czarevitch was ill all the time.
I can tell about the way they spent their time from the words of
Medvedeff, who of course saw them more frequently than I did. They got
up about eight or nine o’clock in the morning. They had family prayers.
They all assembled in one room and sang prayers. They had dinner at
three o’clock. They all dined together in one room; I mean to say that
they dined with the servants that were with them. At nine o’clock in the
evening they had supper and tea, after that they went to bed. According
to the words of Medvedeff they occupied themselves in the following way:
The emperor read, the empress also read, or sometimes embroidered or
knitted something together with her daughters. The czarevitch, when he
could, made little wire chains for his toy ship. They walked every day
for about an hour or an hour and a half. They were not allowed to take
any other physical exercise. I remember that Pashka Medvedeff once said
that the Czar Nicholas Alexandrovitch once asked Iourovsky’s permission
to clean the garden. Iourovsky forbade it.
I heard their singing several times. They sang only sacred songs. On
Sundays they had divine service, performed by a clergyman and a deacon,
who I think were from the Verhne--Vosnesensky church.
At first the food was brought to them from a soviet dining-room; two
women brought it; their cook heated it. Later, they were allowed to
prepare their meals in the house.
Besides the imperial family on the upper floor of the house there lived
with them the following persons, whom I have personally seen. There was
a doctor, a stout man, with grey hair, aged about fifty-five. He wore
spectacles, that had, as far as I remember, gold rims. There was a
waiter, aged thirty-five, tall, slim, and dark. A cook stayed with them.
He was aged forty, was short, thin, a little bald, he had black hair and
small black moustache. There was also a maid with them, aged about
forty, tall, thin, and dark; I did not see the colour of her hair,
because she always tied a handkerchief on her head. There was also a boy
with them. The boy was about fifteen, his hair was black and he wore it
parted, his nose was long, his eyes black.
Two other men stayed with the imperial family. As Medvedeff explained to
me, they also were servants. One of them was tall, thin, about
thirty-five; his hair was light red, and cut short. He shaved his beard
and trimmed his moustache; his nose was of medium size and straight; I
don’t remember his other distinguishing marks, but his skin was clear
and looked as delicate as a woman’s. The other was also tall, about
thirty, his hair was black and parted. He was clean-shaven. The first
man wore a black jacket, trousers and shoes. The second man wore a
jacket, a stiff shirt, with a tie, trousers and shoes. I also saw the
first man carry away a rubber pillow with the urine of the czarevitch.
These two men I saw only once, when I was on guard in the house during
the first days. After that I did not see them. Medvedeff told me that
both of them were taken to Number Two Prison, but what reason there was
for imprisoning them I was not told and I was not interested either in
knowing. On several occasions I have seen the Bolshevik Beloborodoff,
who came to the house probably to inspect the life of the imperial
family. Anyhow I was told by Medvedeff that such was the reason of his
visits. Beloborodoff I recall very distinctly. He looked about
twenty-five. He was of medium height, thin, his face was pale.
Beloborodoff visited the house while Avdeieff was on duty there, as well
as when Iourovsky was on duty.
Regarding the restrictions and treatment of the emperor and his family
by the executives and the guards, as a matter of conscience I can say
this: Avdeieff was a simple workman, very poorly developed, mentally.
Sometimes he was intoxicated. But neither he nor the guards during his
time offended or did any wrong to the imperial family. Iourovsky and
Nikoulin behaved themselves differently. During their time the imperial
family suffered more. They both used to drink in the commandant’s room
and while intoxicated they sang. Nikoulin played the piano (that was in
the commandant’s room). Sometimes as Nikoulin was playing and
Iourovsky’s eyes were bleared with drink they both started yelling out
songs, as: “Let us forget the old world; Let us shake its dust from our
feet. We do not need a golden idol. We abhor the czar’s palace.” And so
on. Or sometimes they sang: “You died as the victim of a struggle....”
Moshkin also sometimes allowed himself to sing these songs but only in
the absence of Avdeieff, who did not know anything about it; but the
first two took things easy. In the time of Avdeieff women never entered
the house, but Nikoulin had a mistress who came to see him and stayed
with him after Iourovsky’s departure. She was about twenty, was short,
stout and blonde; her eyes were brown, her nose was small and straight.
I do not know her name. I don’t know either where she lived or from
whence she came. Medvedeff told nothing about her. In the time of
Iourovsky divine service was performed less often.
As a result the guards under the command of Iourovsky began to behave
much worse. Fayka Safonoff began to behave indecently. There was only
one lavatory for the imperial family. On the walls near this lavatory
Fayka Safonoff began to write all sorts of bad words, that were very
much out of place. He was seen writing those words on the wall near the
lavatory by Alexeeff, who was on duty on the upper floor together with
Fayka (Fayka occupied the post near the lavatory and Alexeeff near the
commandant’s room). After Alexeeff returned from duty he told us all
about it. Once Fayka climbed up a fence which was quite close to the
windows of the emperor’s rooms and began to sing all sorts of vulgar
songs.
Andrew Strekotin drew on the walls of the lower room numbers of indecent
pictures. Belomoin participated in the drawing and he laughed and taught
Strekotin how to draw better. I have personally seen Strekotin drawing
those things.
Once I was walking near the house when I saw the youngest daughter of
the emperor, Anastasia, look out the window. When the sentry on duty
noticed it he fired his rifle at her. The bullet missed her and lodged
above her in the wood-work of the window frame.
All of these unbecoming deeds were known to Iourovsky. Medvedeff
reported to him about Podkorytoff but Iourovsky only answered: “They
must not look out of the window.”
As I said before, from the time that the Letts entered and joined the
guards, they lived in the lower floor of the Ipatieff house, and we,
workmen, were all transferred to the house opposite, belonging to Popoff
(or Obouhoff). In this house we occupied all the rooms of the upper
floor; the lower floor was taken up by tenants.
The Zlokasoff workmen were placed in the same rooms with us.
The last time I saw the imperial family, except the emperor, was a few
days before they were murdered. On that day they all went for a walk in
the garden--all of them walked--except the empress. There were the
emperor, his son, his daughters: Olga, Maria, Tatiana and Anastasia;
there were also the doctor, the waiter, cook, maid, and the boy. I
observed distinctly that the heir was dressed in a shirt and had a black
leather belt, with a small metal buckle, around his waist. I saw that
very distinctly because the Grand Duchess Olga carried him close past
me. The heir was ill and the boy pushed his roller-chair. I could not
tell you exactly the date when I saw them walking in the garden. But it
was not long before their death. The murder took place the night between
Tuesday and Wednesday. I do not remember the date. I remember that we
received our wages on Monday. So it must have been the 15th of the month
of July, reckoning by the New Style. The day after we received the
wages, at ten o’clock in the morning of July 16th, I was standing on
duty by the sentry-box near to the Vosnesensky Prospect and Vosnesensky
Lane. Egor Stoloff, with whom I lived in the same room, was at the same
time on duty in the lower rooms of the house. After we finished our
shift of duty, together with Stoloff we went to get some drinks in the
house number eighty-five of the Vodotchnaia street.
We returned at dusk, as we had to resume our duties at five o’clock.
Medvedeff noticed that we were drunk and put us under arrest in the
bathhouse, which was situated in the yard of Popoff’s house. We fell
asleep and slept till three a. m. At three o’clock in the night we were
awakened by Medvedeff who said: “Get up and follow me.” We asked him
where and he answered: “They call you, so you must go.” I am quite sure
that it was three o’clock because Stoloff had a watch with him, and when
I looked at this watch it was exactly three o’clock. We got up and
followed Medvedeff. He brought us to the lower room of the Ipatieff
house. All the workmen guards were there, except those on duty. There
was a cloud of powder smoke in the room and it smelt of powder. In the
rear room that had a barred window, which is situated close to the
store-room, the walls and floor were pierced by bullets. In one wall
there were an especially large number of bullet holes, but there were
also bullet marks in the others. There were no marks of bayonet strokes
on the walls. In the places where the walls and floor showed bullet
holes, there was blood around them; there were splashes and spots of
blood on the wall and small pools on the floor. There were drops and
spots of blood in other rooms that had to be passed on the way from the
room that had the bullet marks, to the court yard. There were also
traces of blood on the pavement of the court yard on the way to the
gate. It was obvious that quite recently before our arrival a large
number of people had been shot in the room with the barred window. After
I witnessed all that I began to question Medvedeff and Strekotin about
what happened. They told me that just a few moments before, the whole
imperial family and the people attached to them had been shot, except
the boy.
Medvedeff ordered us to clean up the rooms. We began to wash the floor;
several mops were brought in to remove the traces of the bloodstains. I
can not tell who brought them. Medvedeff ordered that some sawdust be
brought. We washed the floor with cold water and sawdust, removing the
bloodstains. The bloodstains on the wall we washed off with a wet rag.
All the workmen participated in the cleaning except those that were on
duty. A number of men did the cleaning in the room where the imperial
family was killed. Amongst others I saw there Medvedeff and two Letts. I
also helped to clean this room. In the same manner, using water, we
washed the blood from the pavement of the court yard. I did not find any
bullets. If any bullets were found by other people or not I don’t know.
When Stoloff and myself came down to the lower room we did not find
anybody there except a few Letts. Medvedeff and our workmen were absent.
Nikoulin at that time, as it was said by Medvedeff, was in the upper
room, the door of which leading to the lower rooms was locked from
inside.
I saw no gold or any other valuable articles taken from the bodies of
the murdered people in the lower rooms. I now remember that on Tuesday
morning, when I was on sentry duty, I personally saw Iourovsky come to
the house at eight o’clock in the morning. Some time after his arrival
Beloborodoff entered the house. I left my post at ten o’clock in the
morning; but Medvedeff told me that afterwards Iourovsky and
Beloborodoff went for a ride in an automobile. At this time Nikoulin
remained in the house. They returned before evening. During the evening
Iourovsky told Medvedeff that in the night time the imperial family
would be shot, and ordered him to notify the workmen and to take the
revolvers from the sentries.
All this was not clear to me then. I can not tell if it was true or not,
as I did not think of questioning any of the workmen whether Medvedeff
took their revolvers or not. Personally I don’t understand why it was
necessary; according to Medvedeff’s words the imperial family were shot
by the Letts and they all had Nagan revolvers. At this time I did not
know that Iourovsky was a Jew. Being the instigator of the crime he may
have selected the Letts to do the actual killing, having more confidence
in them than in us Russians. Perhaps for the same reason he also wanted
to disarm the Russian workmen that were on duty. Medvedeff faithfully
performed Iourovsky’s order, took the revolvers from the sentries,
forwarded them to Iourovsky and at eleven o’clock in the evening
notified the workmen that the imperial family were going to be shot. At
twelve o’clock midnight Iourovsky awoke the imperial family, requesting
all of them to dress and to go down to the lower room. According to
Medvedeff, Iourovsky explained to the imperial family that there would
be danger during the night and that in case firing were to take place on
the streets it would be dangerous to remain in the upper floors. So he
insisted that everybody should come down. They complied with the demand
and descended to the lower room, accompanied by Iourovsky, Nikoulin and
Beloborodoff. There were the emperor, the empress, the heir, the four
daughters, the doctor, the waiter, the maid, and the cook. The boy by
order of Iourovsky about a day and a half before that, was transferred
to the rooms where we were quartered, and I saw him there personally
before the murder. All of them were brought into the room that bore the
marks of bullets. They stood in two rows. Iourovsky started to read to
them a paper. The emperor did not hear well, and asked: “What?”
According to the words of Medvedeff, Iourovsky lifted his hand with the
revolver and showing it to the emperor, answered: “This is what,” and
afterwards added: “Your race must cease to live.”
I remember also that when telling about the paper which Iourovsky read
to the emperor, Medvedeff called it a “protocol.”
As soon as Iourovsky finished speaking he, Beloborodoff, Nikoulin,
Medvedeff and all the Letts fired at the emperor and directly afterwards
began to shoot at everybody else. They all fell dead on the floor.
Medvedeff told me himself that he shot two or three times at the emperor
and other persons whom they were executing.
After all of them were shot, Alexander Strekotin, as he told it to me
himself, took all the precious things from the bodies; these were at
once taken away from him by Iourovsky and carried upstairs. After that
all the bodies were loaded on a motor truck and taken out somewhere. On
this truck, along with the bodies of the killed, went Iourovsky,
Beloborodoff and a number of Letts. No one from our workmen went with
them.
After the cleaning of the rooms was over, together with Stoloff, we went
to town, and sauntered about until evening. We did not meet any of our
acquaintances and did not tell anybody about the murder. In the evening
we came back to our quarters, had some food, and slept. At six o’clock
in the morning on Thursday, July 18th, Medvedeff ordered me on duty on a
post inside of the house by the commandant’s room. Up to this time,
after the arrival of the Letts, not a single workman ever was allowed to
do sentry duty inside of the house while the imperial family was still
alive. Now, after they were killed, we were again ordered on duty inside
the house.
There was no sentry near the lavatory. Iourovsky, Nikoulin, Medvedeff
and the Letts were already in the house when I took up my post. There
was nobody from our or Zlokasoff’s workmen. I remember very well that
when I came to my post Iourovsky was already in the house. Probably he
spent the night in the house. They were all ransacking the emperor’s
belongings; they were in a great hurry and were packing all the things
that could be packed. I could not hear the conversation between
Iourovsky, Nikoulin and Medvedeff. They were all calm but I had the
impression that Iourovsky and Nikoulin were a little drunk.
During this day nothing was taken out--only packing was going on.
After I left my post I went to the guardroom, slept, ate, and went to
see my brother Alexander who served in the militia. I did not tell
anything about the murder to my brother. Until the evening I sauntered
around the town and in the evening I returned to the guardroom. In the
guardroom Medvedeff announced that we all had to leave Yekaterinburg.
On July 19th we were sent to the station Yekaterinburg First. Our party
was assigned to guard the staff of the third Red army. The staff was in
railway cars and we were posted by them. At this time I saw the
emperor’s belongings, loaded on trucks, being shipped to the station.
There were the same things that had been previously packed in handbags
and trunks. They were all brought to the station and loaded in a train
of cars. The cars were big, of the American type.
I personally saw Iourovsky depart. As I remember, he left during the
night of July 21st and proceeded towards Perm. His family and Nikoulin
accompanied him. I also personally saw all the Letts who lived in the
Ipatieff house and killed the imperial family, departed with Iourovsky.
We all left Yekaterinburg when the staff of the third army departed, at
the time when the town was already being occupied by the Siberian
forces. We went to Perm, but when the troops of General Pepelaieff were
taking Perm the staff of the third army and all the workmen of our party
left Perm and proceeded towards Viatka. I remained in Perm and after
Perm was taken, returned to Yekaterinburg and stopped with my brother
Alexander. The secret service learned of my presence and I was ordered
to come to the police station. An elderly official started to question
me. I got very much afraid and began to lie to him, saying that I had
never been amongst the guards of the imperial family. Afterwards, I
confessed that I was amongst the guards, but I denied knowledge of
anything. Now I have told you everything I know about this matter.
I fully realise how wrong I was not to follow the advice of my father
and mother and to have enlisted in the guards. Now I realise what a
wicked action it was to kill the imperial family and I understand that I
was also wrong in washing out the bloodstains resulting from the crime.
I am not a Bolshevik and I never was one. All that I did, I did because
of my youth and stupidity. If at present I could help in any way to find
and get hold of the people who committed the murder, I would spare no
effort to do it.
All the workmen that performed duty had Nagan revolvers that were
distributed by Medvedeff a few days before the murder. Iourovsky carried
a Browning pistol; Medvedeff, a Nagan revolver.
I don’t know what happened to the boy who was waiting on the imperial
family and who was transferred to our quarters before the murder. He
slept on my bed and I spoke to him. I don’t know if he knew about the
murder of the imperial family. He did not cry and we did not talk with
him about the murder. He told me that the commandant intended to send
him home and mentioned to me some district or other, but I have
forgotten its name. At the same time he complained to me that Iourvosky
took his clothes from him. I can not name a single man among the Letts.
When I performed duty inside the house I never saw the empress enter the
commandant’s room. I do not think it ever happened, as Iourvosky treated
them badly. The empress’s rosary, which was found in the commandant’s
room, was probably forgotten there at the time of the packing after the
murder.
Usually I saw the emperor wearing a grey or black jacket with a standing
collar and brass buttons. He wore boots and grey hair was noticeable in
his beard. When the grand duchesses walked in the garden they wore
summer clothes, usually blouses and skirts of various colours.
I can not explain anything more. My statement has been read to me and is
written correctly.
_Signed_: PHILIP PROSKOURIAKOFF.
N. SOKOLOFF.
Present at the examination:
IORDANSKY, PUBLIC PROSECUTOR.
V
EXAMINATION OF ANATOLIE IAKIMOFF
[_Anatolie Yakimoff whose deposition is now given, was a workman,
who became one of the senior guards of the imperial family during
their last days in Yekaterinburg. His statement bears the impress
of truth, and one gathers from it that he possessed some education
and was more enlightened and tolerant in his views than were his
fellows. Although Yakimoff never spoke to any of the members of the
imperial family, we are able to see them vividly by his crude
descriptions of their daily life. This workman-guard denies that he
was present at the actual execution, but he insists that he and the
others to whom it was related, were convinced that the czar and his
family met their deaths in the manner described by Medvedeff._
_It is curious to notice the respect with which this
peasant-workman always mentioned the imperial family. Avdeieff, so
he says, referred, to the imperial family as “They,” and Yakimoff
follows his example, but it is apparent that this implies no
disrespect on his part._--Editor’s Note.]
In 1919 from the 7th to the 11th of May, the Investigating Magistrate
for Important Cases of the Omsk Tribunal sitting in the town of
Yekaterinburg, examined, in accordance with Articles 403-409 of the Code
of Criminal Procedure, Anatolie Alexandrovitch Iakimoff, peasant,
thirty-one years old, belonging to the Orthodox Church, married. The
accused deposed as follows:
I am a workman.
I specialised in work on milling machines; my father was also a workman.
He was born in the Ugovsk factory of the Perm District. My mother’s name
was Maria Nicholaevna. I am the eldest son of the family.
When I was born my father worked at Motoviliha works. At eight I began
my studies in a school that was attached to the ecclesiastical seminary.
I went to school for three years. When my father died I was twelve. My
mother sent me to the public school, but having passed the third grade,
I left the school; we had no money to live on and at the same time I was
not ambitious enough to study. I wanted to get some occupation and
mother sent me to the Motoviliha works, where I was accepted as a bell
boy in the drafting room. When I was sixteen I was transferred to the
machine shop and began to learn to work on milling machines. In 1906 I
married the daughter of a workman of the Motoviliha factory. In 1916 I
volunteered in the army and was recruited in the 494th Vereisky Regiment
of the 124th Division. Our regiment fought on the Roumanian front. I
participated in several battles but I was never wounded. In July, 1917,
after the revolution, I was elected to the regiment’s committee. You ask
me the reason why I was chosen? I was chosen for the regiment’s
committee, as I understand, because I was better mentally developed than
the rest of the soldiers. I never joined any of the political parties,
but my sympathies were with the social democrats.
At the beginning of November, 1917, I got a position in Zlokasoff’s
factory in Yekaterinburg. The factory was still in the hands of its
owners, the Zlokasoffs, but a committee of workmen existed and a
commissar was commissioned to the factory also. The position of
commissar was taken by Alexander Dmitrieff Avdeieff, a locksmith by
trade. He was about thirty-four or thirty-five, was taller than the
average, thin, his face was thin and pale.
In December Avdeieff took to prison the owner of the factory, Nicholas
Theodorovitch Zlokasoff. The owners were replaced by an “executive”
soviet. This soviet began to rule the factory. The leading man of the
factory was Avdeieff. The following workmen were the nearest to him: the
brothers Ivan, Vasily and Vladimir Loginoff, Sergius Ivanoff Luhanoff
and his son Valentine. The Loginoffs were from the Kishtym factory of
the Yekaterinburg district. All those people were in extremely close
relations with Avdeieff and occupied the privileged positions. They were
either members of the factory’s committee and executive soviet or had
some other “easy” jobs, but did not work. Alexander Michailoff Moshkin
was also on good terms with Avdeieff. As far as I remember, Moshkin was
born in Semipalatinsk. He was twenty-seven or twenty-eight, short and
husky. He was a locksmith. In April it became known in town that the
czar had been brought to Yekaterinburg. This was explained by the
workmen to be quite necessary, as somebody wanted to abduct the czar
from Tobolsk and, therefore, they had to transfer him to a reliable
place such as Yekaterinburg. Such were the conversations amongst the
workmen. In the first days of May, shortly after we heard of the arrival
of the czar, we learned that our Avdeieff was appointed to take charge
of the house occupied by the czar. At that time for some reason or other
they used to call this house “The House of Special Purpose.” It was said
also that Avdeieff was appointed to be commandant of the house.
Shortly afterwards Avdeieff confirmed to us this news at a meeting. I
can not explain the reason for this appointment. Avdeieff was a true
Bolshevik. He considered that the ideal life could only be realised
under Bolshevism. On many occasions he openly said that the Bolsheviki
had destroyed the rich bourgeoisie, and had taken the power from
Nicholas the “Sanguinary,” etc. He always associated in town with the
leaders of the local soviet. I believe that for this reason, being a
violent Bolshevik, he was appointed by the local soviet to be commandant
of the house of “Special Purpose.” During the meeting which was
assembled by him at that time he told us that together with Iakovleff he
went to bring the czar from Tobolsk. Personally I do not know who
Iakovleff was, but Avdeieff told us at the meeting that Iakovleff was a
workman from the town of Zlatooust. Avdeieff said very bad things about
him; that Iakovleff wanted to take the czar out of Russia and,
therefore, took him to Omsk. But somehow the Yekaterinburg Bolsheviki
learned about his intentions and also notified Omsk about them. Avdeieff
raged when he spoke about the czar. He slandered him as much as he
could, calling him: “The Blood Drinker.” War was the main point of his
denunciation; he said that the czar wanted this war and for three years
spilled the blood of the “workmen” and that during this war a great
number of workmen were shot for striking. In general he said the things
which were always said by Bolsheviki. It could be understood from his
words that for his merits before the “Revolution,” in other words,
because he did not let Iakovleff take away the czar, he was appointed
commandant of the house of “Special Purpose.” It was seen that Avdeieff
was very glad of his appointment. He was much pleased when he addressed
us at the meeting and promised the workmen to show them the czar,
saying: “I will take you all to the house and will show you the czar.”
Judging by the words of Avdeieff, at the time when he was appointed
commandant of the “House of Special Purpose,” the guards of this house
consisted of Magyars. Avdeieff spoke definitely about this and said he
intended to relieve the Magyar guard by Russians. He spoke particularly
about Magyar guards and not any others. Avdeieff kept his word to “show
the czar to the workmen.” Always workmen used to visit the house, but
not all of them--only those that were chosen by Avdeieff. He used to
choose only the workmen who were friendly with him, who did not perform
guard duties at the house of “Special Purpose,” but only “helped”
Avdeieff, as his assistants. They never came to the house all together,
but only one or two at a time. They did not stay in the house for a long
time, just a day or two. I think that their main ambition was money. For
their being at the house brought them a special salary, amounting to
four hundred roubles a month, excluding allowance for rations. Besides
that they received salary in the factory, being members of the factory
or business soviet. Altogether these workmen enjoyed their connection
with Avdeieff and drew from it a lot of advantages.
On May 30th our factory committee received a letter from Oukraintzeff
(the same Oukraintzeff who previously had been one of our workmen), the
chief of the central staff of the Red army, wherein it was requested to
detail ten men to perform guard duty in the “House of Special Purpose.”
Among the number I was selected.
When we arrived at the Ipatieff house the Magyar guard had already left.
The guards that were there were workmen from the Sissert factory as well
as workmen from various other works and factories: the Makaroff factory,
Isset works and the mint. After our arrival the Sissert workmen remained
in the house, but all the other workmen left. Together with the Sissert
workmen we all took quarters in the lower room of Ipatieff’s house. One
could enter the upper floor from the lobby.
At the time of our arrival at Ipatieff’s house there was no special
chief amongst us Zlokasoff workmen or Sissert workmen. There were only
seniors. During the first week I was the senior of the Zlokasoff
workmen. The seniors of the Sissert workmen were Medvedeff and another
man. It looked as if Medvedeff was altogether a leading man amongst the
Sissert workmen, and I should say that it was he that gave them the
orders; different questions were addressed to him; nevertheless he had
no special power. Previous to this Nikiforoff occupied this position but
soon he got ill and was relieved by Medvedeff. Such was the state of
affairs only during the first days after our arrival at Ipatieff’s
house. About a week later this order was changed. To begin with we were
transferred to Popoff’s house. Medvedeff became Chief of All of Us, in
fact, of Zlokasoff’s and Sissert’s workmen. Three seniors were elected
whose duties were shifting the guards. I was such a senior, as well as
Benjamin Safonoff and Constantine Dobrynin. When shortly before the
murder Safonoff became ill, he was relieved by Ivan Starkoff. In this
manner, up till the time of the murder of the imperial family, the
seniors were: Ivan Starkoff, Constantine Dobrynin, and myself.
The following were the duties of the seniors: We were eight hours on
duty: from six a. m. till two p. m.; from two p. m. till ten p. m.; and
from ten p. m. till six a. m. When on duty we shifted the guards and now
and then inspected the sentries. Outside of that we were obliged to stay
in the commandant’s room and meet all the visitors to the house. Their
arrival was announced to us by a bell rung by the sentry.
At the time of our arrival at Ipatieff’s house there were altogether ten
posts which were numbered as follows:
Post number one was situated in the first room of the upper floor
adjoining the lobby.
Post number two was in the corridor that led to the bathroom and
lavatory.
Post number three was situated in the court yard facing the street by
the fence gate. The gate was always closed and had a little window to
enable the sentry to see who came to the gate.
When we arrived at Ipatieff’s house the house was already surrounded by
two fences. The first fence was very close to the wall of the house. It
began on the side of the Vosnesensky Lane, right from the wall of the
house and separated the house from the Vosnesensky Lane, turning at an
angle at the place where the Lane crossed the Vosnesensky Prospect;
after that it separated the house from the Vosnesensky Prospect and
finished near the entrance leading to the upper part of the house. In
this way the fence made a little court yard in front of the house which
could be entered only from the main entrance of the house which was
facing the Vosnesensky Lane. In this court yard, just by the
intersection of Vosnesensky Lane and Vosnesensky Prospect, stood an old
sentry box.
The second fence also began near the Vosnesensky Lane. It started at the
first fence and went further, also turning at an angle and separating
the house from the Vosnesensky Prospect. It passed the gate, and finally
ran into the wall of the house on the side that faced Vosnesensky
Prospect. In this manner the second fence covered the main entrance of
the upper floor of the house, as well as the gate and the wicket. This
second fence had two gates--one facing the Vosnesensky Lane, the second
right opposite them, in the opposite side of the fence, close to the
gate of the house.
Both gates were shut from the inside of the fence.
There was only the gate which was near to the door of the house at the
time we began to perform guard duty. At that time the gates that faced
Vosnesensky Lane did not yet exist. They were built when we were there,
as it was found that automobiles had much difficulty in leaving through
the first entrance on account of a steep hill. That was the reason why
the gates facing the Vosnesensky Lane were constructed. The motor cars
entered through both gates, but they left only through the gate facing
the Vosnesensky Lane.
The fence which was near the gate, and was built before our arrival,
had a wicket with a little window.
On both angles of the exterior fence sentry boxes were constructed.
Post number four was situated outside of the outer fence by the wicket
of the gates which were constructed at first.
Post number five was situated by the sentry box, near to those gates, in
a way that the sentry might observe the whole Vosnesensky Prospect.
Post number six was situated at the other sentry box, which was outside
of the fence at the intersection of Vosnesensky Lane and Vosnesensky
Prospect, just by the chapel.
Post number seven was situated by the old sentry box in the outer yard,
between the walls of the house and the first fence.
Post number eight was in the garden. The sentry had to walk around the
whole garden.
Post number nine was on the terrace, where a machine gun was mounted.
Post number ten was situated in a room of the lower floor.
At the time when we arrived at Ipatieff’s house there were altogether
ten posts.
We were transferred to Popoff’s house at our own request. The Sissert
workmen were especially insistent upon it. Their houses were far from
town, so they were visited by their wives. At the same time, as
strangers were not allowed at Ipatieff’s house, the wives could not
stop there. For this particular reason we were all transferred to
Popoff’s house.
Up to the second half of June we--Zlokasoff’s and Sissert’s
workmen--performed guard duty on all the ten posts. From the second part
of June a certain change took place. The reason was that a feeling of
discontent towards Avdeieff grew very strong at that time amongst the
Zlokasoff’s workmen, so finally he was discharged from the position of
Commissar to the factory. He remained only commandant of Ipatieff’s
house. His group, consisting of the above-mentioned people, was also
discharged from all the positions they occupied. After that Avdeieff
took them all to Ipatieff’s house. All the people mentioned by me came
here: The three brothers Loginoff, Mishkevitch, Soloviev, Gonihkevitch,
Koriakin, Krashensnnikoff, Sidoroff, Oukrainzeff, Komendantoff,
Labousheff, Valentine Luhanoff and Skorohodoff. All of them, except
Skorohodoff, who got sick and was removed to a hospital, took their
places in the commandant’s room and the lobby.
From their arrival at Ipatieff’s house they began to perform duty on
posts number one and two. They all quartered in the commandant’s room
and the lobby and slept on the floor, for which purpose they took two or
three mattresses from the storeroom.
In this way we performed duty until the first days of July,
approximately until the third or fourth of July, when Avdeieff, Moshkin
and the others were discharged.
This happened in the following way:
Avdeieff was a drunkard. He liked drinking and did not miss an
opportunity. He drank a sort of yeast paste which he obtained at the
Zlokasoff’s factory. He drank in Ipatieff’s house. His followers drank
also. When the latter moved to the Ipatieff house they began stealing
the emperor’s belongings. Often they used to go to the storeroom and
take out various things in sacks or bags. The bags they took away in a
motor car or on horses. They took the things to their houses or flats.
The fact of these thefts soon became the subject of gossip. Our guards
also began to speak about the stealing going on and especially Paul
Medvedeff spoke about it. Thefts in the Zlokasoff’s factory were also
investigated and Avdeieff and Luhanoff were pointed to as the thieves.
This was certainly right, as Avdeieff and his gang were suspected by the
workmen at the time they were in the factory. Even at this time all of
them stuck to easy jobs in the committee or business soviet. They got
plenty of money and drank yeast. They continued this behaviour after
they moved to the Ipatieff house: drank yeast and stole the czar’s
belongings.
About the third or the fourth of July, at the time I was on duty,
Avdeieff went somewhere out of the house. I suppose he was called by
telephone to the district soviet. Shortly after Moshkin also left. I
know that he went to the district soviet whither he was called by
telephone. Vasily Loginoff remained in place of Avdeieff. Some time
after Avdeieff and Moshkin departed, Beloborodoff, Safaroff, Iourovsky,
Nikoulin and two other men entered the house. Beloborodoff asked us who
remained in the house instead of Avdeieff. Vasily Loginoff answered that
he was staying instead of Avdeieff. At that Beloborodoff explained to us
that Avdeieff was not a commandant any longer and that he and Moshkin
were arrested. The reason of the arrest was not explained by
Beloborodoff. As far as I remember the same thing was told by
Beloborodoff to Medvedeff, who at this time came from the Popoff house.
Beloborodoff also explained to us that Iourovsky was the new commandant
and Nikoulin his assistant. From this moment Iourovsky began to give
orders in the house in the capacity of commandant. He immediately
ordered Loginoff and others of Avdeieff’s party--I can’t remember which
of them, at this moment, were in the house--to “get out.”
I remember that all the people mentioned: Beloborodoff, Safaroff,
Nikoulin, Iourovsky and the two men unknown to me, visited all the rooms
of the house; they were in the rooms occupied by the czar and his
family, but I did not accompany them to those rooms. They did not stay
for a long time. I believe that Beloborodoff informed the family of the
appointment of Iourovsky and Nikoulin. At that time Iourovsky questioned
Medvedeff about the man who performed guard duty on posts numbers one
and two. (Inside the house.) After he learned that those posts were
kept by the “privileged” of Avdeieff’s party, Iourovsky said: “For the
present you will have to perform duty on those posts; later I will
request men from the extraordinary committee for them.”
In a few days the men from the extraordinary investigation committee
arrived at the Ipatieff house. They were ten in number. Their baggage
was brought on a horse. I could not identify the horse or tell the name
of the coachman; but everybody at that time knew that the men came from
the “Tchresvytchayka” (Institution of Secret Political Police) in the
American hotel.
I can not say why, but we used to call all those men Letts. But whether
they were Letts none of us knew. It is quite possible that they were not
Letts, but Magyars.
They took their quarters in the lower floor of the house, and had their
meals in the commandant’s room. They were in a privileged position in
comparison with us. I think it would be right to say that we had three
parties: the so-called Letts, the Zlokasoff and Sissert workmen. The
Letts Iourovsky treated as equals. The Sissert workmen he treated a
little better than us, and us worst of all. I account for the difference
in his manner towards the Sissert workmen by the fact that he considered
us as workmen from the Zlokasoff factory who had been discharged
together with Avdeieff. Medvedeff also influenced his attitude. He
ingratiated himself with Iourovsky and Nikoulin and made an effort to
be very affable. That is why they had a better attitude towards the
Sissert workmen.
At the beginning he increased the number of posts. He mounted another
machine gun in the attic of the house and established a post in the rear
yard. This post in the rear yard was number ten, the post by the machine
gun, eleven, and the post in the attic twelve. Duties on posts numbers
one, two and twelve, after the arrival of Iourovsky, were performed
exclusively by Letts.
You ask me why I volunteered to guard the czar? I did not see at that
time anything wrong in doing so. As I told you before, I read a little,
different books. I read party pamphlets and had an idea about the views
of the different parties. For example, I know the difference between the
ideas of the social revolutionists and the Bolsheviki. The former
believe that the peasants are a working-class and the latter consider
them as bourgeoisie and believe that only workmen are real proletarians.
My sympathies were with the Bolsheviki, but I did not believe that the
Bolsheviki could build up by their methods of violence a “good” and
“just” life. I still believe that a “good” and “just” life will exist
only when there are not so many rich and so many poor people as there
are at present; and this will only come when all the population are
educated to the point where they understand that the life they are
leading at present is not the true one. I believed the czar to be the
first capitalist who would always play into the hands of capital and not
into those of the workmen. For this reason I did not want a czar and
thought that he ought to be kept under guard, or at least imprisoned,
until the time when he could be judged by the nation and punished by it
according to his crimes, after deciding: “Was he guilty before his
people, or not?” I thought his imprisonment was necessary for the safety
of the revolution, and if I had known before that he would be killed in
the way he was, I never would have gone to guard him. I believed that he
could be judged only by the whole of Russia, as he was the czar of the
entire Russian nation. All that happened I consider a wicked deed,
“unjust and cruel.” The murder of the rest of his family I consider
still worse. For what reason were his children murdered? I must also
state that I joined the guards as I wanted to earn money. At that time I
did not feel well and joined the guards because I thought it an easy
job.
In this way we kept guard of the Czar Nicholas Alexandrovitch and his
family. They all lived in Ipatieff’s house--I mean to say the Czar
Nicholas Alexandrovitch, his wife Alexandra Theodorovna, his son Alexis
and his daughters, Olga, Tatiana, Maria and Anastasia.
Of the others who lived with them there were: Dr. Botkin, Demidova,
“Freylina” we used to call her, Haritonoff, the cook, and Troupp, the
waiter. The name of the waiter I remember very well because the list of
all the people who lived in Ipatieff’s house was hung up in the
commandant’s room.
Botkin was an aged man, stout, grey-haired and tall. He wore a blue
suit: jacket, waistcoat and trousers, stiff shirt and tie; he always
wore shoes.
Demidova was a tall and stout blonde; she was thirty to thirty-five,
dressed herself very cleanly and nicely, not like a servant, wore a
corset; and it was seen by her figure that she was very tight-laced.
The cook was about fifty. He was small, strong and had brown hair.
The waiter was about sixty; he was tall and thin.
There also lived with the imperial family a boy about fourteen, whose
name I don’t know. He was tall for his age, thin and his face was pale.
He wore a dark grey jacket, with a high collar.
I can not tell you anything as to how the imperial family lived and
spent their time. I never entered the rooms where they lived, and I
could not see anything from a distance, as the door from the lobby to
their first room was always shut.
I don’t know how the imperial family spent their time in the house.
Dinner was brought for them by some women from the soviet dining-room
that is located at the crossing of Vosnesensky and Glavny Prospects, in
the place occupied now by the motion pictures and the Café Lorange. But
later, during Avdeieff’s time, permission was given to them to prepare
their dinner in the house. For this purpose the provisions were brought
to them from the district soviet by some special man. Nuns used to
bring them from the monastery milk, eggs and bread. The only thing I
personally observed in the life of the imperial family was their
singing. I heard sometimes sacred songs which they sang. They sang the
“Herouvimskaya” (cherubims) song. But they sang also a secular song. I
could not get the words, but the tune was sad. This was the name of a
song: “A Man Died in a Soldier’s Hospital.” I never heard men’s voices
singing--only women’s.
The divine service was performed in the house, but during the whole time
I was there divine service was performed only three times. Twice the
clergyman Storogeff officiated at the service and once the clergyman
Meledin. But there were services also before our arrival. I know this
because I had to get a priest to officiate at the service. The first
time I was sent to get a priest by Avdeieff he named the church from
which the clergyman was to be asked. He did not give me the name of the
priest. At the church I learned that it was Meledin who officiated. I
wanted to get him but at this time he was busy. After that I called up
Storogeff. I called him also later a second time. When I was looking for
a priest I used to address myself to the churchwarden who stood near the
candle-box. I can not tell who he was. But once he asked me if he
couldn’t officiate instead of a deacon, saying: “I would like so much to
see the czar.” In the time of Avdeieff, when I was in the house, two
services were held. While Iourovsky was there, only one. Personally I
was never present at divine service. We were not allowed in the room.
Avdeieff and Iourovsky were present at the service. From the distance I
heard men’s and women’s voices during the service; probably they sung
themselves. I saw all the members of the imperial family, as well as all
the people who lived with them.
I saw them in the house when they passed to the toilet room, or went for
a walk in the garden, as well as during the walk itself. They passed
near the commandant’s room and close to post number one as they went to
the toilet room. They could also go to the toilet room through the
kitchen. I don’t know the reason, but they never did it. If the heir was
not with them, they used to go for their walk by the staircase that led
down from the toilet room, through the lobby that led into the yard and
from the yard to the garden. Sometimes when the heir went with them to
walk they all went through the main entrance of the house to the street,
then through the gate (and not the wicket) to the yard, and then to the
garden. He was probably ill and he was carried out to his roller chair,
which was brought up to the main entrance. The czar used to carry him
personally. I never saw him carried by anyone else.
Personally I could not observe the attitude of other people towards the
emperor and his family, though I watched Avdeieff, who had to deal with
them. Avdeieff was a rough and uncouth man and a drunkard; his soul was
not kind. If on any occasion during the absence of Avdeieff any member
of the imperial family asked Moshkin for a favour, he always used to
answer that they would have to wait the return of Avdeieff. When
Avdeieff returned and their plea was made to him, Avdeieff’s answer was:
“Let them go to hell.” Sometimes returning from the imperial family’s
room, Avdeieff used to say that they asked him for something or another
and he refused. Apparently the process of refusal gave him much
pleasure. He spoke about it, looking very happy. For example, I remember
that he was asked once for permission to open the windows--telling us
about it, he said that he forbade it. I can not say how he addressed the
czar, but in the commandant’s room he referred to the imperial family
as: “They”; the czar he used to call “Nikolashka.” I have told you
already that as soon as he got into the house he began to bring in his
favourite workmen, who moved into the house altogether, after being
discharged from the committee and soviet. All those people had a merry
time with Avdeieff in the Ipatieff house. They drank and stole the
emperor’s belongings. Once Avdeieff got so tight that he fell in one of
the lower rooms of the house. At the same time Beloborodoff arrived and
called for him. Someone of Avdeieff’s favourites lied to Beloborodoff
that Avdeieff had gone out of the house. It appeared that he fell drunk
in the lower floor directly after he had visited the imperial family,
whom he went to see in that state. The drunkards made a great noise in
the commandant’s room; they shouted, slept one on the other as they
toppled over and were very dirty in their habits. The songs they chose
for their singing, of course, could not have been agreeable to the czar.
They all sang: “You fell as a victim in the struggle,” “Let us forget
the old world,” “Get cheerfully in step, comrades.” Oukrainzeff could
play the piano which was in the commandant’s room and accompany the
singers. Knowing Avdeieff was a Bolshevik and also a harsh man, who was
always drunk, I believe that he treated the imperial family badly. He
could not treat them well, as it was against his nature and behaviour.
After I watched him in the commandant’s room I believed the way he
treated the imperial family was insulting. I also remember that Avdeieff
spoke with his friends about Rasputin. He spoke about the same things
which other people discussed and which were written a number of times in
the newspapers.
Not a single time did I speak with the czar or anyone of his family. I
met them only occasionally, and we never spoke. Only once I saw and
heard the czar speaking to Moshkin. They were walking in the garden. The
czar walked in the garden. Moshkin sat in the garden on a bench. The
czar approached him and said something about the weather.
Though I did not speak when I met them I still got an impression, that
entered my soul, of all of them. The czar was not young any more; he
had grey hair in his beard. I have seen him wearing a “gimnasterka”
(soldier’s shirt), an officer’s belt, with a buckle, around his waist.
The buckle was yellow and the belt was yellow, not of a light yellow
color, but of a dark one. The color of the gimnasterka was khaki. His
trousers were the same colour and he had old worn-out boots. His eyes
were kind and he had altogether a kind expression. I got the impression
he was a kind, modest, frank and talkative person. Sometimes I felt that
he would speak to me right away. He looked as if he would like to talk
with any one of us.
The czaritza was not a bit like him. Her look was severe. She had the
appearance and manners of a haughty and grave woman. Sometimes we used
to speak about them amongst ourselves, and we all thought that Nicholas
Alexandrovitch was a modest man, but that she was different and looked
exactly like a czaritza. She seemed older than he was. There was grey
hair on her temples and her face was not the face of a young woman. He
looked younger when they were together. I can not describe the way she
used to dress.
Tatiana looked like the czaritza. She had the same serious and haughty
look as her mother. The other daughters: Olga, Maria and Anastasia, had
no haughtiness about them. One had the impression that they were modest
and kind. I also can not describe the way they dressed, as I did not
notice it.
The czarevitch was sick all the time. I can tell you nothing about him.
The czar used to carry him up to his roller chair, and there he lay
covered with a blanket. I cannot describe his clothes either.
I thought a great deal about the czar after I stayed a certain time
amongst the guards. After I personally saw them several times I began to
feel entirely different towards them: I began to pity them. I pitied
them as human beings. I tell you the entire truth. You may believe me or
not. I had the idea in my head to let them escape, or to do something to
allow them to escape. I did not tell anybody about this, but I had an
idea to tell it to Dr. Derevenko, who visited them at that time, but I
was doubtful of him. I can not tell you why I was doubtful. I just
thought: “I don’t know what type of man he is.” When he left them his
face did not express anything, and he never spoke a single word about
them, so I got doubtful. I am relating to you the exact truth. I had in
my head the thoughts I am expressing now. Previously, when I first
entered into the guards, I did not see them and did not know them. I was
also a little guilty before them. When Avdeieff and the “Tovaristchy”
(comrades) used to sing the revolutionary songs, I also used to join a
little in the chorus, but after I learned how the matter stood, I
stopped it and all of us, or if not all then a great number, condemned
Avdeieff for his behaviour.
In the time of Iourovsky we were not allowed into the house. I never
used to stay longer than necessary in the commandant’s room, as I did
during the days of Avdeieff. Whenever a bell rang (an electric bell was
connected with the commandant’s room and Popoff’s house), one used to
come to the commandant’s room, get an order and immediately retire. We
seniors did not have to go to the commandant’s room to answer the bell
ring. It was always Medvedeff who went and we were asked for through
him. Iourovsky was always with Nikoulin; Medvedeff also made his best
efforts to be in their company. The Letts from the Tchresvytchayka were
also near to them. That is why I can not describe to you how Iourovsky
felt about the czar. Avdeieff was nearer to us, as he was the same sort
we were--a workman, and he lived with us. Iourovsky behaved himself like
a chief and did not let us in the house.
I can only say that immediately after he got in command of the house he
mounted a machine gun in the attic and established a new post in the
rear yard. He stopped all drunkenness and I never saw him drunk or
intoxicated. Nikoulin was visited by a girl whose name was “Seveleva”
but she was never let into the commandant’s room. But on one occasion
Iourovsky either changed or forbade altogether the donation of the nuns
to the imperial family; he did something that made the position of the
imperial family worse, but what he changed or forbade, I do not
remember. Something that I could not understand happened also in regard
to the priest. As I remember, in the time of Iourovsky there was only
one divine service. I was called by Iourovsky, who ordered me to get
“any” priest. At first he asked me who were the priests that officiated.
I named Father Meledin and Father Storogeff. After that he ordered me to
get one of them. As Father Meledin happened to be the nearest, I called
him up the same day, on Saturday evening. In the evening I told
Iourovsky that I called up Meledin. Next day, in the morning, Iourovsky
called me up and again asked me the name of the priest I had told to
come. I answered that I called up Father Meledin. Hearing that,
Iourovsky asked me: “Is that the one who lives on the Vodotchnaya in the
place where Dr. Tchernavin lives?” I answered that it was the same one,
after which Iourovsky sent me to inform Meledin that he should not come.
“Go and tell Meledin that there won’t be any service, service is
postponed. If he should ask you who postponed the service, you will say
that they did it and not myself. Instead of Meledin, fetch Storogeff.”
Well, I went to Meledin and told him there would be no service. He asked
me why? I answered in the way I was ordered by Iourovsky: that “they”
postponed it. Directly after I went to Storogeff and asked him to come.
What the reason was for all that, and why Iourovsky preferred Storogeff
to Meledin, I don’t know. Towards me also he acted very arbitrarily,
neglecting the desires of the men. On July 12th the men elected me
instead of Medvedeff to be chief. On Sunday, July 14th, I returned
after my leave later than it was allowed, so Iourovsky dismissed me and
appointed Medvedeff instead to be chief. So it continued till the end.
The last time I saw the czar and his daughters was on July 16th. They
were walking in the garden about four o’clock. I don’t remember whether
I saw the heir. The czaritza, I did not see, as she did not walk at that
time.
On Monday, July 15th, the boy who lived with the imperial family and
used to push the roller chair, appeared in our quarters at Popoff’s
house. I specially noticed this fact. Probably the other guards also
noticed it. But nobody knew why the boy was transferred to our house.
There is no doubt that it was done on Iourovsky’s orders. On July 16th I
was on duty. My hours at that time were from two p. m. up till ten p. m.
At ten o’clock I placed the sentries on all the eight posts (duties on
posts numbers one, two, eleven and twelve were not performed by us). The
sentries that I placed at ten p. m. had to be relieved at two a. m. by
the new senior, Constantine Dobrynin, to whom I shifted my duties. After
I was relieved I went to our quarters. I remember that I had tea and
afterwards, at about eleven o’clock, went to bed. Klescheeff, Romanoff
and Osokin were in the same room with me. About four a. m., when it
began to be daylight, I was wakened by Klescheeff’s voice. Romanoff and
all the other men, including Osokin, who slept in the same room with
me, were also awakened. Klescheeff was saying in a nervous voice: “Get
up, fellows, I will tell you the news; get out into the other room.” We
got up and followed him to the next room where there were more men, and
when we all got assembled, Klescheeff announced: “Today the czar was
shot.” We all started to ask how it happened and he and Deriabin told us
the following, mutually completing each other’s narrative.
At two a. m. a notice was given to them by Medvedeff and Dobrynin whilst
they were standing on their posts, that they would have to perform their
duty longer than two o’clock a. m., as during the night the czar was
going to be shot. After receiving the notice Klescheeff and Deriabin
approached the windows: Klescheeff, to the window of the lobby of the
lower floor which was opposite to the door that led to the room where
the murder took place; and Deriabin to the window of the room that faced
the Vosnesensky Lane. Shortly afterwards, they say it was a little past
midnight by the Old Time, or a little past two by the New Time
(instituted by the Bolsheviki, who changed the time two hours ahead),
some persons entered the lower room and proceeded to the room where the
murder took place. The procession was seen very well by Klescheeff.
Iourovsky and Nikoulin went ahead and were followed by the emperor,
empress and the daughters--Olga, Tatiana, Maria and Anastasia, as well
as by Botkin, Demidova, Troupp and Haritonoff, the cook. The heir was
carried in the arms of the emperor. Behind them went Medvedeff and the
Letts, the ten men that lived in the lower room and were requested by
Iourovsky from the “Tchresvytchayka.” Two of the number carried rifles.
When the imperial family were in the room, they placed themselves as
follows: In the middle of the room stood the czar; the heir was seated
on a chair to the right of the czar; to the right of the heir stood Dr.
Botkin; behind them against the wall stood the empress with her
daughters; at one side of the empress stood the cook and the waiter; on
the other Demidova.
Besides them, the following people were in the room: Iourovsky,
Nikoulin, and the Letts. Behind the Letts stood Medvedeff.
Deriabin couldn’t tell the words with which Iourovsky addressed the
family, he didn’t hear them, but Klescheeff positively affirms that he
heard Iourovsky’s words and that Iourovsky said to the czar: “Nicholas
Alexandrovitch, your relatives are trying to save you, therefore we are
compelled to shoot you.” The same minute several shots were heard. All
the revolvers were fired.
A woman’s scream and loud cries of several women’s voices were heard
after the first shots. They executed the victims one after the other.
The emperor fell first, after him fell the heir. Demidova was tossing
herself about, but was dispatched by bayonets. After they all fell they
were examined and some of them who gave signs of life were again shot
and pierced by bayonets. Of the members of the imperial family they
mentioned Anastasia as being pierced by bayonets. After that they again
started to examine the dead: unbuttoned their clothes, looking for
jewelry. All the things found on the dead persons, Iourovsky took
himself and carried upstairs. Somebody brought from the upper rooms a
few bed sheets and the dead were wrapped in those and carried out into
the yard through the same rooms through which they had passed to their
execution. From the yard they were carried to a motor truck which was
standing behind the gate of the house. All of them were transported on a
truck; some cloth was taken from the store room and spread on the truck;
the bodies were put on the cloth and covered with the same cloth.
Sergius Luhanoff was the driver. The truck with the bodies was taken out
by Luhanoff through the gates that opened on the Vosnesensky Lane.
Iourovsky and about three Letts went out with the bodies. After the
bodies were taken out of the house two Letts began to mop up the blood
and wash it with water and sawdust.
The narratives of Klescheeff and Deriabin about the murder sounded so
much like truth and they both were so excited by everything they had
seen, that nobody had even a shadow of a doubt that they were speaking
the truth. Deriabin felt especially upset about it; he swore and called
them murderers, butchers, and spoke about them with profound disgust.
On one of the following days, either Medvedeff or somebody who heard
him, told me that Luhanoff took the bodies to the Verkh-Issetsk Works.
The truck went through a wooded country. The ground began to get soft
and swampy. The car was proceeding with difficulty, as its wheels sank
into the mud. With many difficulties the automobile arrived at its
destination, where a hole was already dug. All the bodies were laid in
the hole and covered.
All that I am telling is the exact truth. Neither myself nor any other
of our Zlokasoff workmen knew anything in the evening about the intended
murder. After that evening Medvedeff did not come to our quarters and
did not explain anything to us. I admit that some of the Sissert workmen
may have known about it through Medvedeff, but the Sissert workmen were
holding themselves aloof from us, and we from them. Among the Sissert
workmen there was a greater number of Bolsheviki than among us.
Regarding the weapons, I can say the following: Iourovsky had two
revolvers; one of them was a big Mauser and the other a Nagan. Besides
that I have seen a big revolver in the commandant’s room and it is
possible that it was a Colt. All the Letts had revolvers and judging by
the holsters they had Nagans. Besides that a few more revolvers were
brought from some place at the time Iourovsky was commandant.
The description of the murder of the czar and his family impressed me
very much. I was sitting trembling. I did not go to bed, and at eight
o’clock in the morning I went to see my sister, Kapitolina, with whom I
was on very good terms. So I went to her to share my feelings with her.
I was deeply pained in my soul. I found my sister alone; her husband was
working in the commissariat of justice. When my sister saw my distressed
expression she asked me: “What is the matter?” I answered her: “The czar
is shot.” My sister asked me: “Is it possible that you were there?” I
told her the same thing I am telling you, but not in such detail. I told
her the imperial family were shot by decision and order of the “district
soviet of workmen deputies.” I have the same opinion at present; it
could not be possible that Iourovsky did it on his own decision. As at
that time all the power was in the hands of the district soviet, I
believe that the murder was done by the order of the soviet.
Previously among the Red Guards there was the following conversation:
“What will happen if the Czechs enter the town? What will they do with
the imperial family?” Some suggested that they would execute the family.
I remember that Deriabin said that Demidova had about thirty bayonet
wounds. I told that to my sister.
At about ten o’clock in the morning I returned from my sister’s to the
Popoff house. I do not remember what I did until two p. m., when my duty
commenced. I placed the guards on all the posts and entered the
commandant’s room. There I met Nikoulin, two Letts and Medvedeff. They
were not gay, any of them; they looked preoccupied and depressed. None
of them was speaking. A large number of precious things were placed on
the table. They were pins, stones, ear-rings, beads and all sorts of
jewels. A part of them lay in boxes, which were all open. The door from
the lobby leading to the rooms where the imperial family used to live
was closed as before, but there was nobody in the rooms; not a single
sound was heard. Before, when the imperial family used to live there,
sounds of life were always heard in those rooms. There was not any life
there at present. Only their little dog was standing near the door in
the lobby, waiting to be let into those rooms. I remember very well that
I thought at the time: “You are waiting in vain.” Before the murder
there was a bed and a couch in the commandant’s room. On this day at two
o’clock of July 17th, when I came to the commandant’s room, I noticed
there two more beds, on one of which a Lett was lying. Later Medvedeff
told us that the Letts did not want to live any longer in the room where
the murder took place (they had lived before in this room). Obviously
this was the reason why the two beds were transferred to the
commandant’s room.
From two o’clock p. m. up till ten o’clock p. m. on July 17th I
performed duty. On this day I did not see Iourovsky in the house.
The same day Medvedeff told us that all of us guards would be sent to
the front. So, on July 18th, I went in the morning to the Zlokasoff
factory for the purpose of drawing the money that was due me. At two
o’clock of the same day I again went on duty. On this day the czar’s
belongings were being taken from the Ipatieff house and loaded on an
automobile. Beloborodoff was sitting in the automobile. A number of
things were also taken away on carriages.
On July 18th I saw Iourovsky in the house about six o’clock in the
evening; he was constantly coming and going. At about eight o’clock in
the evening he called up Medvedeff and gave him the money for our wages.
On July 18th all the things had been taken out of the house.
On July 20th, during the night, together with the other guards, I was
sent to the station Yekaterinburg First. A part of the guard remained in
the Ipatieff house.
At the end of July we arrived at Perm and about a week after our arrival
we were joined by the remainder of the guards from the Ipatieff house.
All were assigned to the command of the commissar of supplies of the
third army, by the name of Gorbounoff, and taken on a steamer to
Levshino. Klesscheeff alone did not go with them to Levshino as he had
to stay in Perm owing to illness from venereal disease.
For about a month I was guarding the steamer and railroad cars of the
commissar Gorbounoff. On
[Illustration: EMPRESS ALEXANDRA FEODOROVNA IN TOBOLSK]
[Illustration:
X
THE IPATIEV HOUSE IN EKATERINBURG (GENERAL VIEW)
(X) The Basement room in which the murders took place.]
[Illustration: YANKEL YUROVSKY, THE MURDERER
He shot the Tsar and the Tsarevich with his own hand.]
[Illustration: THE IPATIEV HOUSE: SHOWING THE STOCKADE AROUND THE HOUSE
The above photograph was taken in May, 1918, directly after the arrival
of Nicholas, Alexandra and Maria. Their jailers had had time to put up
only the inner fence. The outer stockade, erected later, inclosed the
gateway and approaches to the house. Machine-guns were mounted at
different points within the inclosure and in the garret. Note the shrine
on the left.]
[Illustration: THE TSAR SAWING WOOD IN THE COURTYARD OF THE governor’s
PALACE, TOBOLSK
It is winter. He wears the papaha (military fur hat) and felt boots.]
[Illustration: BED-ROOM OF THE EMPEROR AND THE EMPRESS IN THE IPATIEV
HOUSE]
November 1st, of my own will, I went to Motoviliha and remained there.
After the place came under the rule of the supreme ruler I was
mobilised, participated in battles with the Reds and finally was
arrested.
I remember another fact in the life of the emperor. On one occasion I
entered the commandant’s room and met there Nikoulin and Kabanoff. I
heard Nikoulin asking Kabanoff what he spoke about with the czar during
the time of his walk. Kabanoff replied that the emperor asked him if he
had not been previously in a certain cuirassier regiment. Kabanoff
answered that he had been and added also that once, during the time he
was in the regiment, the regiment was reviewed by the czar. We were all
surprised at the czar’s memory.
I can not say what became of the boy who stayed with the imperial
family. On one of the days immediately following the murder I saw the
boy from a distance; he was sitting in the room where the Sissert
workmen were dining and was weeping bitterly so that his sobs were heard
by me. I did not go towards him, nor did I ask him any questions. I was
told that the boy learned about the murder of the imperial family and
began to cry.
On July the 17th, after I became calmer, I went to Medvedeff’s room. In
this room I met another man who had previously obtained the supplies for
the imperial family and the guardsmen. I began to question Medvedeff
about the murder. Medvedeff told me that shortly after twelve in the
night, Iourovsky woke up the imperial family and said to the czar: “An
attack is being prepared on the house, I must transfer you all to the
lower room.” They all came down. In reply to my question who did the
shooting, Medvedeff answered that it was the Letts. When I asked where
the bodies were taken, he told me that the bodies were taken by
Iourovsky and the Letts on an automobile to the Verkh-Issetsk Works and
there in a wooded place by the swamp all the bodies were put in one hole
that was previously prepared and covered with earth. I remember he said
that the automobile sank and only with great difficulty arrived at the
grave.
I know that Avdeieff, before being appointed commandant of the Ipatieff
house, went to Tobolsk to get the czar and his family. He was
accompanied by Hohriakoff, who was afterwards killed at the front and
buried with great ceremony in Perm by the Bolsheviki.
I also remember that when I went to Yekaterinburg I heard in the car two
workmen saying that the czar had left Yekaterinburg. All of us who were
of the guards began to tell them that the czar had been shot.
I can’t explain anything else. My testimony has been read to me, and is
correct.
(_Signed_)
ANATOLIE ALEXANDROVITCH IAKIMOFF.
N. SOKOLOFF.
VI
EXAMINATION OF PAVEL MEDVEDEFF
[_The deposition of Pavel Medvedeff, the former workman at the
Sissert Factory, reveals a more hardened character than that of
Yakimoff. He regards events in the cold light of reason, and offers
no comment either of pity or of dislike. As he informed the member
of the District Court, the fate of the czar and his family did not
“interest” him. But it is worthy of notice that this unemotional
workman insists that he took no part whatever in the actual murder,
which implies that the tragedy was repugnant even to a man of his
type._
_His account also bears the imprint of truth. It is evident from it
that Medvedeff possessed no imagination, and he describes the
blood-stained room, and the bleeding corpses exactly as everyday
occurrences. There is no attempt to impress his interrogator. His
standpoint is: “I saw these things, this is how they happened. I
have nothing more to say.”_
_His account of the disposal of the corpses differs from that of
Yakimoff. It agrees, however, that the route taken by the motor
lorry was in the direction of the Verkh-Issetsk Works._--Editor’s
Note.]
On February 21, 1919, in the town of Yekaterinburg, a member of
Yekaterinburg district court, J. Sergeeff, examined the person named
below as one of the accused, in accordance with Article No. 403-409 of
the Code of Criminal Procedure. The accused deposed as follows:
I am Pavel Spiridonovitch Medvedeff, thirty-one years of age, and
belong to the Orthodox Church; able to read and write; born a peasant of
the Sissert factory of the Yekaterinburg district. I have a house
belonging to me at the factory.
In September, 1914, I was mobilised and assigned to the Opolchenskaia
Drujina (33rd territorial battalion), located in the town of
Verhotourie. I stayed with the battalion for two months. I was then
discharged and exempted from military service, on account, I believe, of
being employed as a munition worker.
After the February revolution, in April, 1917, I joined the Bolshevik
party, as the majority of the workmen in our factory did. During three
months I paid to the party treasury one per cent of my wages. Then I
ceased to pay because I was not willing to participate in the activities
of the party.
After the October revolution, in January, 1918, I was enlisted in the
Red army and in February they sent me to the front to fight against
Dutoff. Commissar Sergius Mrachkovsky was in command of my detachment.
We were fighting in the vicinity of Troizk, but our fighting was not a
success, as we did more wandering on the steepes than actual fighting.
In April I came home on leave and spent three weeks there. In the second
half of May the above-mentioned Commissar Mrachkovsky came to our
factory and began to recruit workmen for a special detachment which was
assigned to guard the house where the former emperor, Nicholas II, and
his family lived. The conditions appeared attractive to me and I
enlisted. Altogether thirty workmen were enlisted.
On May 19, 1918, the detachment recruited by Commissar Mrachkovsky came
to Yekaterinburg and was quartered in the Novy Gostiny Dvor (new market
house), where we lived till May 24th. According to the order of the Ural
district soviet, we elected from amongst our number two seniors. Alexis
Nikiforoff and I were elected. On May 24th our detachment was
transferred to new quarters, to the lower floor of the Ipatieff house.
The same day the former emperor with his family arrived. They were
placed in the upper floor of this same house. The whole upper floor of
the house was at their disposal, except one room (to the left from the
entrance), which was occupied by the commandant of the house and his
assistant. Alexander Avdeieff, workman of the Zlokasoff factory, was the
commandant. Moshkin (I don’t remember his Christian name) was his
assistant. Two other men were also quartered in the commandant’s room. I
do not know their names, but I know they were Zlokasoff workmen.
As soon as our party arrived at the Ipatieff house the commandant
ordered me, as I was senior, to receive the prisoners. Together with
Avdeieff and Moshkin I entered the corner room (the czar’s bedroom). The
following persons were there: The emperor, his wife, son, four
daughters, Dr. Botkin, the cook, the waiter and a boy. (I do not know
their names.) After having counted the party and finding that they were
twelve in number, we left, without having spoken to them. In the room
adjoining the czar’s bedroom were placed the czar’s four daughters. At
first there were no beds for them. After two or three days the beds were
put in. The commandant was in charge of the internal life in the house;
the guards performed only sentry duty. At first the guards were on duty
in three turns, but later in four. We stayed in Ipatieff’s house two or
three weeks, after which we were transferred to Popoff’s house, which
was exactly opposite Ipatieff’s house. In a few days after this the
guard was augmented by fourteen more workmen from the Zlokasoff factory,
which is situated in Yekaterinburg. These Zlokasoff workmen also elected
their senior, by the name of Iakimoff. There were altogether eleven
sentry posts; two were inside the house; two by the machine guns; and
four outside the house.
Every day the czar’s family used to walk in the garden. The heir was
sick all the time and the emperor carried him to his wheel chair. At the
beginning, dinner for the family was brought from the soviet’s
dining-room; but afterwards they were allowed to prepare their own
dinner in the kitchen of the upper floor. The seniors’ (guard captains’)
duties were to take charge of the food and supplies of the guardsmen, to
change the sentries, and supervise them. When on duty the senior had to
stay in the commandant’s room. At first the seniors took turns every
twelve hours in performing their duties. Then the third senior was
elected, Constantine Dobrynin, and after this we did duty in eight-hour
shifts. At the end of June or at the beginning of July (I don’t remember
exactly), the commandant, Avdeieff, and his assistant, Moshkin were
removed (it seems that they were suspected of stealing the czar’s
belongings). A new commandant was assigned; his name was Iourovsky. The
new commandant’s assistant arrived with him. His name I do not remember.
In the evening of July 16th the time of my duty had just begun, when
between seven and eight p. m. the commandant, Iourovsky, ordered me to
take all the Nagan revolvers from the guardsmen and to bring them up to
him. I took twelve revolvers from the sentries as well as from some
other guardsmen and brought them to the commandant’s office. Iourovsky
announced to me: “We will have to shoot them all tonight; notify the
guardsmen not to be alarmed if they should hear the shots.” I understood
that Iourovsky had in mind to shoot the whole of the czar’s family as
well as the doctor and servants who lived with them, but I did not ask
him where or by whom the decision was made. I must tell you that the boy
who assisted the cook, in accordance with Iourovsky’s order, was
transferred in the morning to the guardsmen’s rooms in the Popoff house.
The lower floor of Ipatieff’s house was occupied by the Letts from the
Letts commune who took up their quarters there after Iourovsky was made
commandant. They were ten in number. At about ten o’clock in the
evening, in accordance with Iourovsky’s order, I informed the guardsmen
not to be alarmed if they should hear firing. About midnight Iourovsky
woke up the czar’s family. I do not know if he told them the reason they
were wakened and where they were to be taken, or not. I positively
affirm that it was Iourovsky who entered the rooms where the czar’s
family was. Iourovsky had not ordered me or Dobrynin to waken the
family. In about an hour the whole of the family, the doctor, maid and
two waiters got up, washed and dressed themselves. Just before Iourovsky
went to wake the family up, two members of the extraordinary commission
arrived at Ipatieff’s house. Shortly after one o’clock in the night the
czar, czaritza, their four daughters, the maid, the doctor, the cook and
the waiter left their rooms. The czar carried the heir in his arms. The
emperor and heir were dressed in “Gimnasterkas” (soldiers’ shirts) and
wore caps. The empress and the daughters were dressed, but their heads
were uncovered. The emperor with the heir proceeded first. The empress,
her daughters and the others followed him. Iourovsky, his assistant, and
the two above-mentioned members of the extraordinary commission were
accompanying them. I was also present. During my presence nobody of the
czar’s family asked anybody any questions. They did not either weep or
cry. Having descended the stairs to the first floor, we went out into
the court, and from there by the second door (counting from the gate) we
entered the lower floor of the house. When the corner room, adjoining
the storeroom with a sealed door, was entered, Iourovsky ordered chairs
to be brought. His assistant brought three chairs. One chair was given
to the emperor, one to the empress, and the third to the heir. The
empress sat by the wall with the window, near the back pillar of the
arch. Behind her stood three of her daughters (I knew their faces very
well, because I saw them every day when they were walking, but I didn’t
know them by name). The heir and the emperor sat side by side, almost in
the middle of the room. Dr. Botkin stood behind the heir. The maid, a
very tall woman, stood by the left post of the door leading to the
storeroom; by her side stood one of the czar’s daughters (the fourth).
Two servants stood at the left from the entrance of the room, against
the wall separating the storeroom.
The maid had a pillow. The czar’s daughters also brought small pillows
with them. One pillow was put on the empress’s chair; another on the
heir’s chair. It looked as if all of them guessed their fate, but not a
single sound was uttered. At the same time eleven men entered the room:
Iourovsky, his assistant, two members of the extraordinary commission,
and seven Letts. Iourovsky ordered me to leave, saying: “Go to the
street, see if there is anybody there and if the shots can be heard.” I
went out to the court which was enclosed by a fence, and before I could
get out to the street I heard the firing. Immediately I returned to the
house (only two or three minutes having elapsed), and on entering the
room where the execution took place, I saw all the members of the czar’s
family lying on the floor, having many wounds in their bodies. The blood
was running in streams, the doctor, the maid and the waiters were also
shot. When I entered the heir was still alive and moaned. Iourovsky went
up and fired two or three more times at him. The heir grew still.
The aspect of the murder and the smell and sight of the blood made me
sick. Before the assassination Iourovsky distributed the revolvers; he
gave me one also, but, as I said before, I did not take part in the
murder. After the assassination Iourovsky said to me that I was to bring
some guardsmen to wash up the blood in the room. On the way to Popoff’s
house I met two seniors, Ivan Starkoff and Constantine Dobrynin. They
were running in the direction of Ipatieff’s house. Dobrynin asked me:
“Has Nicholas II been shot?” I answered that Nicholas II and the whole
of his family had been shot. I brought twelve or fifteen guardsmen with
me. These men carried the bodies to the motor truck that stood near the
entrance of the house. The bodies were carried on stretchers that were
made from bed sheets and shafts of sledges taken from the court. When
loaded on trucks they were wrapped in soldiers’ clothing. The driver
was Luhanoff, a Zlokasoff workman. The members of the extraordinary
commission sat on the truck and the truck went away. I do not know in
what direction the truck went, neither do I know where the bodies were
taken.
The blood in the room was washed out and everything was put in order. At
three o’clock in the morning everything was in order. Then Iourovsky
went to his room and I went to the guardroom.
I woke up after eight o’clock and went to the commandant’s room. I met
there the president of the district soviet, Beloborodoff and Commissar
Goloschekin and Ivan Starkoff; the last-named was on duty (he had been
selected to be senior two or three weeks before). All the rooms in the
house were in disorder. Things were scattered. Suit-cases and trunks
were opened. Piles of gold and silver things were laid on the tables of
the commandant’s room. Objects of jewelry which were taken from the
members of the czar’s family just before the murder, were also there; as
well as things that were on them after their death, such as bracelets,
earrings and watches. The precious objects were put into trunks that
were brought from the coach house. The assistant commandant was present.
In one of the rooms I found under the Holy Bible six ten-rouble bank
notes and appropriated them. I took also several silver rings and a few
other trifles.
On the morning of the 18th my wife arrived and I went with her to the
Sissert factory. I was instructed to distribute wages to the guardsmen’s
families. On July 21st I returned to Yekaterinburg. All the czar’s
belongings were already taken from the house and the guards relieved. On
July 21st I left Yekaterinburg together with the commissar, Mrachkovsky.
In Perm the Commissar Goloschokin assigned me to the party that was in
charge of preparations for the destruction of the stone bridge, in case
of the appearance of the White troops. I had not time enough to blow up
the bridge, according to the instructions received by me, and
furthermore I did not wish to do it either, as I was to surrender myself
voluntarily. I received the order to blow up the bridge when it was
under the fire of the Siberian troops and I surrendered voluntarily.
Answering the question as to where the bodies of the killed were taken,
I can say only the following: On the way from Yekaterinburg railway
station to the Alapaievsk I met Peter Ermakoff and asked him where the
bodies had been carried. Ermakoff explained to me that the bodies were
thrown down the shaft of a mine near the Verkh Issetsk works and after
that the shaft was destroyed by bombs or explosives in order to fill it
up. I do not know and never heard anything concerning the wood piles
that were burned near the shaft. I do not know anything more as to where
the bodies are. It did not interest me on whom depended the fate of the
czar’s family and who had the right to dispose of them. I executed only
the order of those in whose service I was.
The above is all that I can tell in reference to the accusation that is
made against me. I can not say any more. My testimony has been read to
me and it is taken correctly.
(_Signed_) MEDVEDEFF.
_Member of the Yekaterinburg District Court_,
J. SERGEEFF.
RESOLUTION:
On February 22, 1919, in the town of Yekaterinburg, a member of the
District Tribunal, Sergeeff, having questioned the peasant, Pavel
Medvedeff, prosecuted as an accomplice in the assassination of the
former emperor and the members of his family, and considering what
measures must be taken to prevent his escape from further inquiry has
found:
(1) That Medvedeff is indicted for a crime that may be punished by a
very serious penalty; (2) that before having been arrested, he was
hiding himself in the Red army; and, previous to that, he escaped from
Yekaterinburg just before the said town was taken by government troops.
On account of the foregoing, it was resolved to put Pavel Medvedeff,
thirty-one years old, under arrest in the Yekaterinburg prison.
(_Signed_)
_Member of the Yekaterinburg District Court_,
J. SERGEEFF.
VII
RECEIPT OF BELOBORODOFF FOR THE ARRESTED RUSSIAN IMPERIAL FAMILY
THE WORKMEN’S AND PEASANTS’ GOVERNMENT
OF THE
RUSSIAN FEDERATIVE REPUBLIC OF SOVIETS
URAL DISTRICT SOVIET
OF THE
WORKMEN’S, PEASANTS’ AND SOLDIERS’ DEPUTIES
Presidio
Yekaterinburg, April 30, 1918.
“On the 30th of April, 1918, I, the undersigned, Chairman of the Ural
District Soviet of Workmen’s, Peasants’ and Soldiers’ Deputies,
Alexander Georgievitch Beloborodoff, received from the Commissar of the
All Russian Central Executive Committee, Vasily Vaselievitch Iakovleff,
the following persons transferred from the town of Tobolsk: (1) The
former czar, Nicholas Alexandrovitch Romanoff; (2) former czaritza,
Alexandra Theodorovna Romanova; (3) former grand duchess, Maria
Nicholaevna Romanova--all of them to be kept under guard in the town of
Yekaterinburg.
(_Signed_) A. BELOBORODOFF,
_Member of District Executive Committee_,
D. DIDKOVSKY.
PART II
_The Narrative of_
MR. ROBERT WILTON,
_Special Correspondent of_ THE TIMES (LONDON)
_Based Upon the Original Dossier of the Investigating Magistrate_
NICHOLAS ALEXEIEVICH SOKOLOV
THE NARRATIVE OF MR. ROBERT WILTON
CHAPTER I
PROLOGUE
The true story of the martyrdom of Nicholas II., ex-Tsar of Russia, and
of his wife and family is told below.
It is based upon evidence obtained by a properly constituted legal
investigation. The signed depositions of eye-witnesses are in the
writer’s possession, but he does not disclose their identity because
many of the deponents are still in the power of the Soviets. The day
will come when the guilty will be called to account, but a long time may
elapse before the day of retribution dawns. The writer has sought to
present the opening for the prosecution, fully confident that the
eventual hearing of the evidence before a Court of law will substantiate
his statement and impose a verdict of “Guilty.”
At Ekaterinburg, on the night of July 16, 1918, the Imperial family and
their faithful attendants--eleven persons in all--were led into a small
room in the house where they had been imprisoned and shot to death with
revolvers. There had been no trial of any kind. Before their death, the
captives were subjected to ill-treatment, amounting to horrible torture,
mental if not physical. After death, the bodies were taken to the woods
and completely destroyed. These acts had been premeditated and the
murders elaborately prepared.
The actual arrangements for the crime began some weeks before the advent
of anti-Bolshevist forces. Neither fear of rescue by the Whites nor
plots to release the captives--the existence of which is doubtful--can
be reasonably alleged in explanation of the slaughter.
The official statement issued by the Moscow Government on July 20--four
days afterwards--spoke of the shooting of Nicholas as an act of
necessity, but categorically affirmed that the ex-Empress and the
children had been conveyed out of the city. These deliberately concocted
reports of the safe removal of the family were intended to circumvent
any investigation--and did so at first.
It is established beyond doubt that the ex-Tsar fell a victim to his
loyalty. He had refused offers from the enemies of Russia’s Allies,
proposing that he should endorse the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk.[2]
Attempts to inveigle him into an unholy alliance undoubtedly preceded
the murder. All the Romanovs who died violent deaths were, like the
Tsar, inconvenient to German as well as to Internationalist plans. So
many tales have been circulated regarding the fate of the Romanovs, in
most cases without the slightest approach to the truth, that I consider
myself bound to relate the circumstances which have (1) placed in my
possession the complete history and documents of the case; and (2)
imposed upon me a moral obligation to publish them to the world.
In March, 1919, returning from Omsk for a short visit to Vladivostok, I
met General Diterichs, an old acquaintance, of the Russian Western
Armies. After the Revolution he had piloted the Czechs to Siberia and
then taken charge of the Uralian front. By one of the fateful blunders
that have marred intervention in behalf of Russia he had been superseded
by inferior leaders, and was devoting his energies to the investigation
of the _Tsarskoe delo_ (Tsar case). Knowing Diterichs, I felt sure that,
sooner or later, he would again become commander-in-chief of the armies,
then fighting the Reds with British and Allied assistance. Personal
regard and journalistic considerations equally prompted me to follow his
fortunes, good or bad. I have not had cause to regret my decision.
General Diterichs was found to be indispensable and recalled to his
command, when it was too late. From the first he had seen only too
clearly the rocks ahead and warned everybody concerned, and he knew that
the fate of Kolchak’s attempt to restore Russia was sealed. Yet he
accepted the leadership. With equal perspicacity he had also long ago
realised the enormous importance of the Tsar case. Thanks to his efforts
much was accomplished before the Reds, having recaptured the Urals,
could obliterate all traces of the crimes committed there. He continued
to follow the case even after his appointment as Commander-in-Chief and
after the _débâcle_.
On my arrival at Ekaterinburg a month later, I met the investigating
magistrate who had been specially appointed by the Supreme Ruler
(Kolchak) to conduct the inquiry into the Tsar case--Nicholas
Alexeievich Sokolov. He had left his home and family in Penza to avoid
service under the Reds, and had managed, after innumerable hardships and
hair-breadth escapes, to cross, disguised as a peasant, into Siberia. He
walked the last twenty-five miles foodless, his feet one mass of sores
and blisters. An ardent sportsman, he had lost an eye through the
carelessness of a comrade. He had made a name for himself in the
investigation of famous criminal cases. He was relentless, tireless,
full of resource in the pursuit alike of murderers and beasts of prey.
The Tsar case called for the exercise of all the skill that the most
genial and courageous of magistrates could display. Sokolov never
faltered. It is thanks to him that an overwhelming mass of evidence has
been built up into a structure that cannot be overthrown--that still
continues to grow.
At all the centres of interest for the investigation--Ekaterinburg,
Perm, Omsk, in field or forest, amid the disused iron mines which hid so
many a gruesome record of Bolshevist “justice”--I was for many months in
constant touch with the course of the inquiry, and personally took part
in the search for the remains of the victims. Besides Sokolov and
Diterichs only two persons signed the more important _procès-verbaux_--I
was one of the two.
When the fall of Omsk appeared to be imminent, N. A. Sokolov departed
eastward, taking with him all the documents, material clues, etc., which
by right could be in no other hands save his. I followed later with
General Diterichs, after he had resigned his command, in despair over
Kolchak’s suicidal decision to defer the evacuation of the city--a
decision that entailed the loss of countless lives and the death of the
Supreme Ruler. We found Sokolov at Chita, persecuted by the myrmidons of
the redoubtable Ataman because they personally desired that the Romanovs
should be alive for certain obscure purposes of their own, and therefore
wished to get rid of Sokolov for proving the contrary. After many
vicissitudes and adventures he reached Harbin, whither I had also made
my way, and was joined by General Diterichs.
The ultimate fate of the _dossier_ there had to be decided. On all
sides were hostile or doubtful organizations. To leave the originals
behind and take away only duplicates was, to say the least, risky.
Sokolov’s life being in danger, he hid the _dossier_ in my car, which
had the protection of the British flag. General Lokhvitsky rendered
invaluable assistance in bringing about a decision. I must express my
feelings of gratitude and personal regard for this very gallant soldier
and gentleman, who here in the midst of a veritable bedlam preserved his
unruffled courtesy and calm just as he had done in the turmoil of battle
in France and of disaster in Siberia.
With the knowledge and approval of the three distinguished men
above-mentioned--representing the Russia that was and that we all hope
will be again--I took charge of the _dossier_, it being understood that,
given certain contingencies, I should be free at my own discretion to
make it public in whole or in part. The contingencies have arisen, and I
am free. But that is not all. I consider the circumstances of today
render it an imperative duty to let the Allies and the Russians know the
truth. Too many hostile interests are served by deliberately concocted
lies and legends regarding the fate of the Romanovs. It is time to let
the light of day into this tragic and gruesome history.
When I first came into personal touch with the Tsar case many points
were still obscure. I refer to the actual circumstances of the murder
itself, not to extraneous aspects--political and international--that
were only vaguely hinted at, and that have since attained extraordinary
proportions. The confusion then existing was due to two causes: first,
to the inexperience of the officials who took charge of the
investigation; secondly, to the activity of Bolshevist agents who
remained in the city or were concealed among the ranks of the White
Administration.
The official version of the events of July 16th-17th, given out by the
Reds before they fled from Ekaterinburg, was that Nicholas Romanov had
been executed “after trial,” but that the family had been removed
“north.” This legend became engrafted upon the minds of a great many
people and still continues to exercise its luring appeal. Every
sympathiser with the Soviets considered himself or herself bound to
foster this version, since no Russian, however hostile to the
ex-Sovereigns, could find the slightest excuse or pretext for
“executing” a whole family of five children who had never taken, or been
able to take, the slightest part in politics. The Russians who still
belonged to the German “orientation” were also--curiously
enough--disposed to credit any tale of a miraculous escape. They seemed
to think that a restoration of the Monarchy--which formed the basis of
their political creed--would be furthered by the “miracle” theory. Some
of them had more practical aims, as will be shown later on.
N. A. Sokolov was not deceived for an instant. If, supposing, the family
had been removed, their death was, to him, none the less a moral
certainty. He had precise information that every other member of the
Romanov kin had been murdered, although they were just as unconcerned in
politics as the boy Alexis and his sisters. But the evidence of
eye-witnesses, coupled with and corroborated by countless material
proofs, could leave no doubt as to the fact of a wholesale murder at
Ekaterinburg. All the efforts of the organisers and the supineness of
the earlier investigators could not completely tangle the threads. But
it became a harder task to assemble the evidence that would secure a
conviction in a Court of law.
I visited the house where the victims had lived. It belonged to a
certain Ipatiev, a merchant who held the rank of captain in the
Engineers. By one of the ironies of Fate he bore the name of the
monastery whence the first Romanov sallied to assume the Crown of All
the Russias. The Ipatiev of Ekaterinburg was, however, of Jewish origin.
The Engineer Department of the Siberian Army was installed in the upper
story. Directly after the occupation of the city by the Czechs General
Gaida had forcibly taken possession of the premises, despite the
vehement protest of the judicial authorities, alarmed by the risk of
losing possible clues. The rooms underwent extensive alterations. This
was, of course, a flagrant violation of the most elementary principles
of criminal investigation.
The lower floor was tenanted by Ipatiev himself, on the understanding
that no strangers should be admitted. The small basement room--the scene
of the murders--was sealed up. I saw it a few days later. Sokolov took
me over the premises, explaining step by step the enactment of the
tragedy. We stood in the little room, noted the trace of the bullets,
the direction of the bayonet thrusts, and the splashes of blood on the
walls. The room had been a shambles, and all the washing and scouring
that, according to the evidence, had followed the murders could not
remove tell-tale signs. We knew from the depositions of witnesses and
the mute, gruesome language of the death-chamber where each of the
victims sat or stood when the assassins fired their revolvers. The
bullet-holes in the walls and in the floor had been carefully cut out;
human blood had been found in the wood and on the bullets.
Obscene drawings and inscriptions covered the upper walls. Obviously
they were the work of uncultured peasants. Their character showed only
too clearly how deeply the conscience of the people had been revolted by
the Razputin scandal. There were other inscriptions--in Hebrew, in
German, in Magyar. Regarding them I was to learn much at a later date.
Soon afterwards I was in the woods, ten miles north of the city, where
the peasants had found jewelry and other relics of the murdered family.
I saw the tracks, still clear, of heavy lorries crashing through the
trees to a group of disused iron-ore shafts. All went in one direction,
ceasing near a pit round which a vast collection of clues had been
discovered; precious stones, pearls, beautiful settings of gold and
platinum, some hacked, broken, bearing traces of fire; metal buckles,
hooks, buttons, corset-frames, pieces of charred leather and cloth, a
human finger intact, a set of false teeth. The character, condition, and
numbers of these various articles were in themselves sufficient to
indicate the sex and ages of the victims and the manner in which their
bodies had been disposed of.
First on the scene had been the peasants. For three days and nights they
were cut off from the city by a cordon of Red Guards placed around the
wood. Knowing that the Whites were at hand, they thought the Reds were
burying arms. Vague rumours had reached them of the death of Nicholas
II. As soon as the cordon had been removed they rushed to the spot.
Woodcraft and native astuteness quickly opened their eyes. “It is the
Tsar that they have been burning here,” they declared. On this very
spot, a year later, I found topaz beads, such as the young Princesses
wore, and other gems, by scratching the surface of the hardened clay
surrounding the iron pit.
Led off on a false scent, the earlier investigator had neglected the
unerring sagacity of the peasants and had even failed to make an
immediate examination of the wood and pits--perhaps afraid to leave the
city, because Red bands were reported to be in the neighbourhood. He was
following the red-herring trailed by Soviet agents, that, to wit, the
family had escaped or been removed. These agents did not know the truth
themselves. They merely related what they had been instructed to say.
The local Soviet had not known the facts. There had been no trial. The
murders had been the work of a separate organization which directed
everything from a distance. Misled by the versions thus spread, the
investigator had lost himself in the maze of conflicting rumour in
Ekaterinburg.
When Sokolov took over the case--in the early months of 1919--it was
almost at a standstill because of the initial mistakes and incapacity of
the investigator. Yet evidence had come from another quarter that should
have compelled him to take the right course. From one of the Imperial
servants who had escaped from a Red shooting squad it became known that
several grand dukes and the Grand Duchess Elizabeth had been murdered
immediately after the Ekaterinburg shooting, and that some of the bodies
had been found in disused iron pits. In no case had there been any
semblance of a trial. It was evident the wholesale extermination of the
Romanovs had been pursued, and that all theories of the miraculous
survival of the children should be abandoned.