RELATION OF THE WAR OF ORMUS, AND THE TAKING OF THAT PLACE BY THE
ENGLISH AND PERSIANS, IN 1622.[302]
"In the Pilgrims of Purchas, vol. II. pp. 1785-1805, there is a long
confused account of this business, contained in four several sections;
to which many letters and certificates on the subject are subjoined.
The _first_ is a brief historical memoir of the foundation of Ormus, from
a chronicle in the Arabic, said to have been composed by _Pacha
Turunxa_, perhaps Pacha Turun Shah, one of the kings of that petty
sovereignty. The _second_ is a relation of the Ormus war, by Mr W.
Pinder, who appears to have served under Andrew Shilling, during the
preceding voyage, and sailed as master of the Andrew on this occasion.
The _third_ is an account of the earlier part of this war of Ormus,
written by T. Wilson, a surgeon serving in the expedition. The fourth is
a more particular relation of the whole events of this expedition,
extracted by Purchas from the journal of Mr Edward Monoxe, agent for the
East Indian merchants trading in Persia. This last has been chosen, as
best adapted to give a distinct view of the expedition, but some
freedoms have been assumed with it, by assisting the narrative from the
other documents in Purchas, already specified."--E.
[Footnote 302: Purch. Pilgr. II. 179s.]
* * * * *
At a consultation held in Swally roads on the 14th November, 1621, a
commission was given by Mr Thomas Rastell, president, and the rest of
the council, of our factory at Surat, to Captains Richard Blithe and
John Weddell, who were bound for Jasques, with five good ships and four
pinnaces. The ships were the London, Jonas, Whale, Dolphin, and Lion,
and the pinnaces the Shilling, Rose, Robert, and Richard. They were
directed to sail with the earliest opportunity for Jasques, keeping
together for their mutual defence against the enemy; and, as the
Portuguese had disturbed the trade, and made sundry assaults on our
ships, killing, maiming, and imprisoning our men, they were authorized
to chase and capture any vessels belonging to the ports or subjects
under the viceroy of Goa; as likewise, if they met any ships belonging
to Dabul, Chaul, or other ports of the Deccan, or to the subjects of the
Zamorin of Calicut, to arrest them, in replacement of goods robbed and
spoiled by these powers, without embezzling any part of their cargoes,
that restitution might be made, after due satisfaction rendered on their
parts. A sixth part of the goods taken from the Portuguese were to be
distributed as prize, the ship and the rest of the goods to remain to
the company; and all the prisoners to be retained, that they might be
exchanged for our countrymen, held by them in miserable bondage. They
were directed to hasten their business and dispatch at Jasques, if
possible within thirty days. And as our enemy under Ruy Frere de
Andrada, was reinforced to six galleons, with other small vessels,
waiting on the coast of Persia in all likelihood to attack our fleet,
they were authorized, both defensively and offensively also, to use all
opportunities or advantages against the Portuguese fleet, even in their
own ports, if approved by a general council of war.
We arrived in Costack roads on the 23d December, about twenty-seven
leagues from Jasques, Ormus being in sight about ten leagues W.N.W. by a
meridional compass. Our factors here informed us, that after our
sea-fight in the former year, the Portuguese governor of Ormus had
erected a fort on Kismis, an island within sight of Ormus, to which the
Persians had laid siege for seven or eight months ineffectually, and had
lost eight or nine thousand men in the siege; wherefore the Khan or
prince of Shiras had, by his ministers, demanded the aid of our ships
against the common enemy, the Portuguese, otherwise threatening to
detain all the goods and money belonging to the company in Persia. In a
consultation held on the 26th December on board the Jonas, in which were
present, Captain Richard Blithe, John Weddell, Edward Monoxe, William
Baffin, and many others, articles of agreement for giving our aid to the
Persians against the Portuguese were drawn up, and being translated into
the Persian language, were forwarded by the governor of the province of
Mogustan to the Khan of Shiras, then on his way towards Mina, near the
mouth of the Persian gulf.
In this consultation, it was considered, as it was required of us by the
Persians, that we should give them aid with our ships and people in this
war, not only for the purpose of vanquishing the Portuguese navy, but
for conquering the island and castle of Ormus; and as we were confident
they would endeavour to force us into this service, by embargoing our
goods, the governors having already refused to give us camels for their
carriage from Mina to the ports: Wherefore, the foresaid proposition
being maturely considered, together with the commission from the factors
at Surat, warranting us to right ourselves for the great losses and
hindrances suffered from the Portuguese, by interrupting our trade both
in India and Persia, and their attack last year against the fleet under
Captain Shilling; we therefore agreed to proffer the following articles
to the Khan, for the public benefit and the securing a peaceable and
profitable trade.
_First_.--In case of conquering the island and castle of Ormus by the
Persians with our aid, one half of the spoil and purchase of both to
belong to the English, and the other half to the Persians.
_Secondly_--The castle of Ormus shall be delivered up to the English,
with all the ordnance, arms, and ammunition thereunto belonging; and the
Persians to build another fortress there for themselves, at their own
charges. _Thirdly_.--The customs of Ormus shall be equally divided
between the English and the Persians, and the English shall be for ever
free from customs. _Fourthly_.--All Christians made prisoners in this
war shall be given up to the disposal of the English, and all Mahomedan
prisoners to the Persians. _Fifthly_.--The Persians shall be at half the
charges of the ships employed in this enterprize, in victuals, wages,
wear-and-tear, and shall furnish all necessary powder and shot at their
sole expence.
These were the chief articles, besides which several others were agreed
upon, to be proposed to the Khan. After his arrival at Mina, Mr Bell and
Mr Monaxe were sent to wait upon him, on the 8th January, 1622, and were
entertained at a sumptuous banquet. A great feast and triumph was also
made, in consequence of intelligence that the Shah had conquered a
great country in Arabia, with its capital Aweiza.[303] Next day, the
Khan sent his vizier and two other principal officers to give an answer
to our proposed articles. The _first_ was granted. For the _second_, it
was substituted that the castle of Ormuz was to be occupied by both
nations till the King's pleasure was known. The _third_ was granted,
provided also, that the goods from India belonging to the king and the
Khan were to pass free of duty. In regard to the _fourth_, reservation
was made as to the two principal Portuguese captains, Ruy Frere, captain
of Kismis Castle, and Simon de Mela, governor of Ormus, till the king's
pleasure were known. Other articles were agreed upon; such as that no
change was to be made in regard to religion, and the expence of military
stores was to be divided. The Khan and Mr Bell signed these articles;
and presently our goods were laden upon the Khan's own camels at free
cost, which could not be procured before for any money.
[Footnote 303: This assuredly alludes to Ahwas in Khosistan, to the N.W.
of the lower Euphrates, opposite to Bussrah, which, though not in
Arabia, is in its immediate neighbourhood, and principally inhabited by
people of Arabian origin.--E.]
The 10th of January we returned to Costack, and going on board,
acquainted our commanders with the success of our mission. When the news
of this agreement became known among the several ships companies, they
consulted among themselves, and with one voice refused to take any share
in the business. This broke out first in the London, in which ship fifty
or sixty of her crew took part in refusing to have any thing to do with
this warlike measure; but, after taking much pains to reconcile them to
the propriety and necessity of joining with the Persians, Captain Blithe
at last prevailed with them, and they promised to go with him wherever
he chose to lead them. In a day or two, the flame of discontent and
opposition spread among the other ships, alleging that it was no
mercantile business, and that it might lead to a breach of the peace
between our nation and Spain; but formal protests being taken against
the crews, what with the fear of forfeiting their wages, and a promised
gratification of a month's pay, they all at last yielded.
We set sail for Ormus on the 19th of January, and anchored on the night
of the 22d before the town, about two leagues from the castle, expecting
that the enemy's armada would come out to fight us, consisting of five
galleons, and some fifteen or twenty frigates, or armed barks; but they
hauled in so near the castle, that we could not get nigh them. For which
reason, and because our avowed enemy, Ruy Frere de Andrada, was in his
newly-erected castle of Kismis, we sailed to that place, where we
arrived the next day, and were just in time to save the lives of the
Portuguese, who were no longer able to hold out against the Persians,
and were willing rather to yield to us than them. After many meetings
and treaties, they yielded up both themselves and their castle into our
hands on the 1st February, it being concluded that the whole garrison
was to depart with their private property to any place except Ormus,
their commander only remaining in our hands as a pledge for the
fulfilment of the capitulation. In this service two of our people were
slain, one of whom was Mr Baffin.[304]
[Footnote 304: Mr Baffin was a mathematician and mariner, to whom our
northern and north-western voyages are much indebted.--_Purch_.
Hence almost certainly the person to whom Baffin's bay, in the
north-east of America, owes its name.--E.]
There were about a thousand persons of all sorts in this castle, of whom
the Portuguese and some Mahometans were sent away: But the Khan required
certain Mahometans to be given up, who he pretended had revolted from
him. They were accordingly delivered up, and, though he had formerly
promised them mercy, he put them all to death. This castle had seventeen
pieces of ordnance, one of which was a brass pedro, two iron
demiculverins, four brass sackers, two iron minions, and six iron
falcons.[305]
[Footnote 305: On a former occasion, we have given an account of the
various kinds of ordnance used about the 17th century. The _pedro_ was
probably a gun of large calibre for throwing _stone_ bullets. In modern
times, cannon are designated by the weights of their respective balls,
in combination with their being long or short, land or sea, field or
garrison, single or double fortified, iron or brass.--E.]
Leaving some Englishmen to assist in keeping possession of this fortress
along with the Persians, according to agreement, we set sail on the 4th
February for Gambroon, on the mainland of Persia, within three leagues
of Ormus, and directly opposite. Ruy Frere de Andrada, the late
commander of Kismis, was sent off for Surat, in the Lion, accompanied by
the Rose and Richard. The London, Jonas, Whale, and Dolphin, with the
two prizes of 250 tons each, remained to transport the Persians in
safety to Ormus. We were royally feasted at Gambroon by the Khan, who
was much dissatisfied that Andrada and some of the Moors had not been
delivered up to him, yet dissembled his discontent, in regard of his
farther need for our ships in the enterprise against Ormus. After the
feast, all the English gentlemen present were presented with vests, each
according to his rank.
On the 9th of February we set sail for Ormus, having about two hundred
Persian boats of all sizes, besides two frigates or barks, and our
ships, having in them about 2500 or 3000 Persian soldiers, of various
sorts. We anchored that night about two leagues from the castle; and
next forenoon all the Persians were landed on the island of Ormus, a
little way from the town, to which they marched in a confused manner,
penetrating as far as the Meidan, or market-place, without resistance.
The market-place was barricadoed and defended for some time by the
Portuguese with shot and pikes; but the Persians soon made way, with
small loss, and drove the Portuguese before them into the castle, like
so many sheep. One Persian only, who first entered, was slain by a pike,
and he who slew him soon lost his head, his heels being too heavy to
carry it away.
On first entering the city, the Persian general, named Einam Culi Beg,
placed captains with detachments of soldiers in various quarters,
proclaiming that each officer was to be answerable for the safety of the
quarter assigned to him, and threatening death to all who were found
pillaging. Some infringing these orders were severely punished, some
being hanged, others having their ears or noses cut off, and others
bastinadoed even for trifles. Yet, in two or three days after, the shops
and houses were forced open, and every man so wearied with carrying away
plunder all day long, and sleeping so securely at night without any
proper military precautions, that the Portuguese might easily have slain
many, if they had ventured upon making a sally.
On the night of our landing, I took possession of a very commodious
house for a factory, which, for convenience and goodness of its rooms,
exceeded, as I think, any factory belonging to the Honourable Company.
But it proved too hot for me on the 13th, in the night, as one of the
master's mates of the Whale, with others of his companions, after I was
in bed, by carelessness of candles, while searching for plunder, set a
room on fire in which were some goods given me in charge by the general.
Fortunately the wind favoured us, so that the house was not consumed.
Considering the strength of this city, and that every house was as it
were a little castle, I was astonished the Portuguese should have
abandoned it so soon. But it seems they were afraid of being intercepted
by the Persians in their retreat to the castle, and dreaded that the
Mahometan inhabitants might have betrayed them.
The Persians began presently to throw up trenches, and daily approached
nearer the castle, and, with our help, erected batteries for ordnance,
and sconces or redoubts for securing their men, and protecting the
trenches. With the cannon from our ships, we sore galled the Portuguese
ships, forcing them to haul in as close as possible to the castle. On
the 24th of February, four of our boats set fire to the San Pedro,
formerly admiral of Andrada's fleet, which put all the rest in great
danger, but the tide carried her out to sea, and her relics were towed
on shore at Gambroon by the Arab and other country boats, some iron
ordnance and shot being got out of her burnt carkass. The Khan was much
rejoiced at this exploit.
The Persians having succeeded in constructing a mine under one of the
bastions, which was charged with upwards of forty barrels of powder, it
was exploded on the 17th of March, by which a practicable breach was
made in the salient angle of the bastion. The Persians made immediately
a fierce assault, and Shah Culi Beg got possession of the bastion with
200 of his bravest men, and maintained himself there for at least three
hours; but the Portuguese made a brave defence, and with powder-pots,
scalding lead, and other devices of fire, did much hurt to the
assailants, burning, scalding, and slaying many of them, so that the
Persians were at last driven out with considerable loss, most of them
being wounded, scalded, or scorched. On the same day, the city was set
on fire in several places, by the command of the Persian general, as was
reported, because his Arab soldiers lurked among the houses, and could
not be got forth to do any service in the siege.
To the number of four or five thousand men, we were now cooped up in a
barren island without shelter, producing nothing in itself except salt;
and I know not by what mistaken policy the general had been induced to
send away all the rice and other victuals, by which means we were
reduced to depend upon the continent for a daily supply of provisions,
and even water; so that, if a fleet of Portuguese frigates had come, as
was expected, we must have been famished, as the country boats durst not
have ventured to us from the main. The rain water in the open cisterns
was daily wasted, and became brackish, no care being taken to fill the
jars and private cisterns in almost every house, while it remained good.
The Persians are quite ignorant in the art of war, for they entered the
breach without fear, precaution, or means of establishing themselves;
and they lost with shame what they might have defended with honour. I
observed other defects in their management, even of the very sinews of
war; and I am astonished that Shah Abbas, the wonder of our age, should
have sent his army on this expedition so weakly provided with money,
arms, ammunition, ships, and all other necessaries. I am even satisfied
that all the money belonging to the khan was consumed in one month's pay
to our ships, and I fear we shall have to wait for the rest till the
plunder is converted into money. In regard to arms and ammunition, they
have only small pieces, with bows and arrows, and swords, some of their
chiefs having coats of mail. They were so scarce of powder, that after
blowing their mine, they had hardly enough to supply the small arms for
entering the breach, though furnished with twenty or twenty-five barrels
from our ships. They had not a single scaling-ladder to assist their
entry. Were we to forsake them, they would soon be completely at a
stand, yet they have already broken conditions with us in several
things, and I much fear, when all is done, we shall be paid with
reversions, and what else they themselves please.
Our ordnance so galled the Portuguese ships from the shore, that a
galleon was sunk on the 19th of March, and two more on the 20th and 23d.
The last come ship from Goa, which was their admiral, and one of the
others, were, I think, sacrificed by the policy of the governor, that
the garrison might have no means of escape, and might therefore defend
themselves manfully to the last, in hopes of relief from Goa, though
some thought they went down in consequence of injuries from sunken
rocks, in hauling them so near the castle to get them out of the range
of our battery.
On the 27th, news was brought me that some of the Portuguese were come
from the castle to treat of peace, upon which I repaired to the
general's tent, where I could well perceive, by the countenances of our
two English commanders, that I was by no means welcome: But, to requite
them in their own coin, both they and I soon saw that none of us were
acceptable to the Persians, for they long delayed bringing in the
Portuguese messenger, in hopes we would have gone away, but at length,
seeing we remained, he was brought in. The drift of his speech was to
the following effect:--"His captain had sent him to kiss the hands of
the general, and to ask the reason of making war upon the Portuguese,
who were friends to the Persians, and thought it strange, considering
their ancient league and friendship, that so great a war should be made
only for one or two wells of water. Besides, that the governor and
people of Ormus were not to blame for what had been done at Kismis by
Ruy Frere de Andrada; yet were they willing, so far as might consist
with the honour of their sovereign, to purchase peace, which they needed
not to do either from fear or weakness, having above a thousand
able-bodied men in the castle, with provisions and water for many
months; besides which, they were in daily expectation of succours from
Goa. He concluded by saying, that the Persians would find it a hard
matter to win the castle, as they were resolved to defend themselves to
the last man."
The latter part of this speech, consisting of bravado, was by no means
pleasing to the Persian general, who desired the messenger to declare
the purpose of his coming. On which he said, the governor wished to know
what the Persian general would have? To this the general answered, that
he would have the castle; and with that answer the messenger was
dismissed, without even the offer of a cup of wine, if I had not caused
one to be given him. I suspect he brought a more substantial message,
which was omitted on account of our presence, having been so instructed
by Shah Culi Beg, in whose house he was at least for an hour before he
was brought before the general. I fear therefore some sinister designs
of the Persians, which a few days will discover.
Our captains, by means of their interpreters, now moved their own
affairs with the general, to which he gave no great heed, but desired
that business might be deferred for some time; yet had he that very day
earnestly entreated them to send him a quantity of powder from the
ships, meaning that night to attempt blowing up the castle, for which
the mines were all ready, and he wanted nothing but powder. They had
accordingly sent him thirty-four barrels, for which forwardness I fear
the Company at home will give them little thanks.
The 28th March, understanding that two chief men of the Portuguese
garrison were in Shah Culi Beg's house, where they had been four or five
hours in conference with the Persian general, without sending to us,
which increased our suspicions that the Persians meant to deal
fraudulently with us; the two English commanders and I went together to
the tent of the Persian general, and expressed our dislike of this
underhand manner of proceeding. We stated, that we were partakers with
them in this war, in which we had hazarded ourselves, our ships, and our
goods, besides the hindrance we sustained by losing the monsoon, and
that we ought to be equal participators in all treaties and proceedings,
as well as in the war, and desired therefore to know what they had
concluded, or meant to conclude, with the Portuguese. To this he
answered, that nothing had been done, neither should any thing be
concluded without acquainting us. This was a mere empty compliment,
which all his actions belied. We must, however, be content to suffer all
with patience: Yet, were it not for our merchants and woods in Persia,
we could easily have remedied this affair, and have brought the
Portuguese to such terms as we pleased. As matters stand, however, we
are so tied down, we must be patient, and I fear things will turn out
very ill, though they pretend all things shall be done to our
contentment.
About noon this day, seeing many Arabs in the Meidan armed with pikes
and guns, whom I did not usually see so armed, I at length observed them
ranged upon both sides of the market-place, and presently afterwards two
Portuguese gentlemen passed, attended by six or eight pages and
servants, one of whom carried an umbrella over their heads. They were
accompanied by Shah Culi Beg, and other chief Persians, who conducted
them to the house of Agariza of Dabul. Though uninvited, I went there
also, and intruded into their company, where I found the Persian general
and other chiefs, his assistants and counsellors. The general gave me a
kind welcome, and made me sit down next himself, which I did not refuse,
that the Portuguese might see we were in grace and favour. Having made
my obeisance to the Persians, I then saluted the Portuguese officers,
who returned the compliment, after which I had some general conversation
with them, not pertaining to the great purpose in hand, of which I did
not presume to speak, till the general gave me occasion, which was not
until after a collation of _pilaw_, and other dishes, after the fashion
of Persia.
The collation being ended, the general asked them what was now their
desire. They answered, that the captain of the castle had given them
written instructions, but had desired them to make their proposals to
the Khan himself, who now resided at Gombroon, if they might be
permitted to wait upon him. To this the general answered, that he durst
not allow them, unless the Khan were first made acquainted with their
desire. I could plainly perceive that this proceeded only from affected
delays on both sides, to give time for attaining their several purposes.
The Portuguese then proceeded to complain, as formerly, against Ruy
Frere, as if he durst have presumed to seize and fortify Kismis without
orders from the king his master. They alleged also that the affair was
in itself of no moment, being only a barren island with a well or two.
To this the Persian general replied, it was of no matter what might be
its value, but they had gone to war against the king of Persia and his
subjects, for which their castle of Ormus must make satisfaction;
wherefore, if they would surrender the castle without any more
bloodshed, they should have good quarter and kind usage. The Portuguese
said they had no commission to treat of any such matter, and so the
conference ended, and they were dismissed.
Notwithstanding of the Portuguese being refused leave to go to the Khan,
they had licence that same night, and were sent over to treat with him
at Gambroon. I could never know the certainty of the proposed treaty,
but shall here insert what I heard reported on the subject. They
proposed, in the first place, to the Khan, to raise the siege, and
permit them to enjoy their city and castle of Ormus as formerly, in
consideration of which, they offered to pay 200,000 tomans in hand, and
the yearly rent they had formerly paid to the king of Ormus, from the
revenue of the custom-house, which, as I have heard, was 140,000 rials
of eight or Spanish dollars yearly. But some said, besides the 200,000
tomans in hand, they offered as much yearly. [306] It was reported that
the Khan demanded 500,000 tomans in hand, equal to £172,418:10:7
sterling,[307] and an yearly rent of 200,000 tomans.
[Footnote 306: A toman, by the data in the text immediately following,
is about seven shillings; hence 200,000 tomans are equal to £70,000
sterling.--E.]
[Footnote 307: At the former computation, this sum is equal to £175,000;
and the conversion in the text gives 6s. 11-3/4d, and a small fraction
more for each toman, being very near 7s. which is more convenient.--E.]
The 2d April, with the aid of the English, the Persians blew up two
other mines, by which a fair and practicable breach was opened, through
which the besiegers might have entered without much difficulty, yet was
there no assault made. Having noticed this carefully, Captain Weddell
went to the Persian general to learn his purposes; when, to excuse the
backwardness of his people, he pretended that the breach was too
difficult to be assaulted with any hope of success. Yet we knew the
contrary, as an English youth, who was servant to the master of the
Jonas, bolder than any of the Persians, had gone up the breach to the
very top of the castle wall, and told us it was as easily ascendible as
a pair of stairs, and broad enough for many men to go abreast. In
representing this to the general, and asking what were his future plans
of proceeding, he told us he would be ready with another mine in three
days. This I believed to be true, for his mining is to procure gold, not
to make breaches, unless breach of promise to us, which he can easily
do; for of late they have not performed any of their engagements, yet
will not this teach us to look to ourselves.
The greatest hurt done by the Portuguese to the Persians in the assault
on the castle, was by means of powder-pots, by which many of the
assailants were scorched and severely burned. To guard against this, the
Khan has now sent over many coats and jackets of leather, as not so
liable to catch fire as their calico coats, quilted or stuffed with
cotton wool. Yet, according to the English proverb, _The burnt child
dreads the fire;_ notwithstanding their leathern coats, none of them are
hardy enough to attempt this new breach, though much easier to enter
than the former, any farther than to pillage certain bales of _bastas_
and other stuffs which have fallen down from a barricade or breast-work,
thrown up by the Portuguese for defending the top of the breach from the
fire of the Persians.
On the 5th of April the Persian general had news that 100,000 maunds of
powder were arrived from Bahrein. On the 12th, a Portuguese came to the
Persian general, having escaped from the castle, and gave accounts of
the great wants and weaknesses of the garrison, insomuch, that six or
eight died daily of the flux, chiefly owing to their having nothing to
drink, but corrupted brackish water, of which even they have so little
as to be put on short allowance, so that several have died of thirst.
Their only food consists of rice and salt fish, both of which would
require a good allowance of drink. Notwithstanding all this, the Persian
general wastes his time in constructing new mines, of which he has no
less than three in hand at this time, as if he proposed to blow up the
wall all round about, before making any fresh assault. On the night of
the 12th, one of our frigates or barks, which belonged to the London,
being on guard alone, to prevent the escape of the Portuguese frigates,
was clapped on board by two of these at once, but beat them both off. I
know not what might be the loss of the Portuguese on this occasion, but
two of our men were slain, and seven wounded; yet, had not our black
rowers forsaken them, our people might easily have taken the assailants.
The 14th, the Persians sprung another mine, by which a very assailable
breach was made, yet no assault was attempted. On this occasion, the
mine had to be sprung before it was quite ready, because the Portuguese
had already come so near it with a counter mine, that the Persians were
afraid of their mine being rendered useless before they could place
their powder. Another deserter came from the castle on the 15th, who
confirmed the report given by the former, and told us that the two
frigates which had assailed ours had come from Muskat, with the son of
the deceased Don Francisco de Sousa, late governor of the castle of
Ormus, who had come on purpose to carry away his mother and other women
from the castle.
At this time, the Moors who had surrendered to us from the castle of
Kismis, were delivered up to the Persian general, at his earnest
request, and partly with their own consent, on promise of being pardoned
for having served under the Portuguese against their own king and
country, and of being provided for and employed in the siege of Ormus.
He seemed to ratify this promise, both to them and us, by entertaining
some of their chiefs in our presence, with much apparent courtesy, even
giving fine new vests to five or six of the principal officers. Yet next
morning he caused eighty of their heads to be cut off, and sent the five
or six newly-vested chiefs to the Khan at Gambroon, to receive their
final doom, which was soon settled, as they were sentenced to the same
fate with their fellows. Mir Senadine, their chief captain, was executed
by the hands of Shere Alli, governor of Mogustan, who had married his
daughter, and yet put his father-in-law to death with as much
willingness as if he had been his mortal enemy.
The 17th of April, the Persians sprung another mine, closely adjoining
their first. This did not produce the effect expected, as it burst out
at the side, carrying part of the wall along with it, yet did little or
no harm upwards, which was the point aimed at, on purpose to widen the
former breach. Yet it encouraged the Persian general to try another
assault, with at least 2000 soldiers. They ran up the breach with great
resolution, into part of a bulwark or bastion, which they might easily
have gained, had not their haste run their resolution out of breath;
insomuch, that eight or ten Portuguese, assisted by a few blacks, armed
only with rapiers, made them give ground and retire to the outer skirt
of the bulwark, where there was not room for forty men to face the
enemy. They here endeavoured, however, to entrench themselves; but,
before they could establish a lodgement, the Portuguese plied two or
three pieces of ordnance upon them from a flanking battery, which sent
some scores of the Persians with news to their prophet _Mortus Alli_
that more of his disciples would shortly be with them. This accordingly
was the case, chiefly owing to their own ignorance and cowardice; for,
had they not made a stand in that place, but rushed pell-mell along with
the Portuguese into the castle, they might have carried it with less
than half the loss they sustained that day to little purpose. Had I not
been an eye-witness, I could hardly have believed the stupid ignorance
of the Persian general on this occasion. He had two breaches, almost
equally good, yet applied all his men to the assault of one only,
instead of attempting both at one time. Besides, he had at least eighty
or an hundred scaling-ladders, yet not one of them was brought near the
castle walls. His soldiers hung clustering on the breach, like a swarm
of bees, or a flock of sheep at a gap, none having the heart to enter,
while the Portuguese gleaned away five or six at a shot, sometimes more,
driving forwards their black soldiers to throw powder-pots among the
Persians.
The assault was renewed on the 18th, but with more harm to the Persians
than the Portuguese. During the intervening night, two blacks made signs
to the Persians on the top of the breach, that they wished to come over
to them, and were drawn up with ropes. By these it was learned that the
captain of the castle had been wounded in the head by a stone; that
there were not above an hundred men in the garrison able to handle their
arms: and that their water grew daily more scanty and worse in quality,
by which the mortality continually increased. They reported also that
great difference in opinion prevailed among the Portuguese, some wishing
to endeavour to escape by sea, while others held it more honourable to
sell their lives at a dear rate, by defending the castle to the last
extremity, and proposed, when they could no longer hold out, to put all
their women and treasure into a house and blow them up, that the
Persians might neither enjoy their wealth nor abuse their wives; and,
when this was done, to rush upon the Persians, and so end their days.
In the evening of the 19th, the Persians made another effort to press
forwards, and got possession of the entire bulwark, forcing the
Portuguese to retire farther within the castle. In this conflict many of
the Portuguese were wounded, and sore scalded with fire-pots, in the
management of which the Persians had now become expert, though many of
them had paid dearly for their instruction. In this conflict four
Portuguese were slain, and their heads brought to the Persian general.
In this art of cutting off heads, the Persians are particularly cunning,
insomuch, that I do not think there is an executioner in all Germany
that can excel them. No sooner does a Persian lay hold of an enemy, than
off goes his head at one blow of his scymitar.[308] He then makes a hole
in the ear or cheek with his dagger, by which he will sometimes bring
three or four heads at once to his general. When it is proposed to send
these heads taken in war to be seen by the king or the khan, they very
adroitly flea off the skin of the head and face, which they stuff up
with straw like a foot-ball, and so send them by whole sackfulls.[309]
[Footnote 308: This, however, is to the praise of the Persians, as good
swordsmen, on which account the Turks fear coming to hand blows with
them.--_Purch_.]
[Footnote 309: In Turkey they manage this barbarous trophy of success
more conveniently, as the Grand Signior is satisfied with a display of
the ears of his enemies preserved in salt.--E.]
This night, one of the frigates that came from Muskat for Douna de
Sousa, made her escape, no doubt very richly freighted. Her consort,
which likewise attempted to get away, was chased in again. That which
escaped, being hailed by the Arab boats that lay in wait to intercept
the passage, got off by using the watch-word usual between the English
and Arabs, _Ingres ingresses,_ which had not been once changed since the
commencement of this enterprize, in which oversight both the Persians
and English were highly blameable, as, by the continual use of this
watch-word, it had come to the knowledge of the Portuguese, who thus
used it to their great benefit.
During the night of the 20th April, the other frigate made an effort to
escape, but was intercepted and taken by the frigate and pinnace
belonging to the London. This frigate was employed to carry away the
Portuguese _almirante,_ named Luis de Brito, a kinsman to the viceroy of
Goa, but the captain of the castle would not permit him to go away; and
the men belonging to this frigate, being seven persons, fearing the
capture of the castle and desirous to secure their own lives, stole away
without leave.
The 21st, the Persians made a display of making themselves masters of
the castle by storm; but, while we expected to see them put this bold
measure in execution, I discovered that they and the Portuguese were
engaged in a parley. While I was preparing to wait on the Persian
general, to enquire the cause of this sudden change of measures, I met a
messenger from our English commanders, informing me that a boat had come
off to our ships from the castle, bearing a flag of truce, and desiring
my presence on board to see what was the purpose of this communication.
On my getting on board the London, I found two Portuguese there, with
the following letters from the captain of the castle, and the almirante:
"There hath been such ancient friendship between the
Portuguese and English nations, that, considering the present
war at this place, we ought to come to a mutual good
understanding. From what I see of the mines made by the
Persians, by which one of my bulwarks is already won, I am
of opinion these could not have been constructed without
your aid. Wherefore, I request you would be the means of
procuring peace for me with the Persians, if the same may
be done with your and their good pleasure, yet so that I may
not lose my credit, nor you fail to gain honour. Thus, not
else, our Lord keep you," &c.
_Simon de Mela Pereira_.
"This castle is so hard pressed, that the Persians demand
us to surrender by capitulation, but which we will not consent
to: For, when reduced to that necessity, we will call
upon your worships for that purpose, as it were not reasonable
for us to capitulate with the infidels when you are present.
We hold it more humane to deliver our innocent women,
and other unnecessary people, to the rigour of our own
weapons, than to the clemency of the Persians; and that you
might know this our purpose, I have written these lines to
accompany the letter from our captain. What else you may
wish to know, you may learn from the bearer of these letters,
to whom you may give the same credit as to myself. And so
God keep your worships," &c.
_Luis de Brito Dar_.
Dated 1st May, 1622.[310]
Taking these letters into consideration, and commiserating their
situation as Christians, it was resolved to give them a favourable
answer, which was done accordingly in a letter to the Captain Simon de
Mela, offering to become an intermedium for procuring them such
conditions from the Persians as might save the lives of the Christians
who still remained in the castle, which we had in our power to warrant,
and were willing to shew them such farther courtesy as might tend to
their relief, as far as we could see. We desired him therefore to put
his demands in writing, and send them to us as soon as possible. A
similar answer was written to the almirante, and with these the two
messengers were sent back to the castle in one of our own boats. They
soon returned with other letters from the captain and almirante, saying,
"That they left themselves entirely in our hands, the necessity of their
situation not allowing time for farther writing, lest the Persians might
in the mean while break in and put them all to the sword."
[Footnote 310: The 1st of May, _new style_, was the 21st April, _old
style_; the difference being then ten days.--E.]
Upon this we addressed ourselves to the Persian general, requesting him
to grant a truce of two days to the distressed Portuguese, in which time
we might treat with them for such conditions as might be at the same
time beneficial for the Persians and ourselves. At length, a Persian
officer and I were deputed to go into the castle to treat with the
Portuguese, and they also desired our vice-admiral, Mr Woodcock, might
accompany us. We all three went to the castle gate, but could not be
allowed to enter; yet were met by Luis de Brito, the Portuguese
almirante, and five or six other _cavalieros_, but did not see the
captain, as the inferior officers and soldiers had mutinied against him,
and detained him as a prisoner. Our whole conference, therefore, was
with the almirante, who chiefly addressed himself to Captain Woodcock,
our almirante, or vice-admiral.
Mir Adul Hassan, and Pulot Beg, had been sent for to the ship, where
some persons had embezzled a portion of treasure, as we now wished them
to be present at the conference on the part of the Khan. They came
accordingly to the English house, when one of them made a long speech,
saying how kindly the Khan esteemed the services and assistance given by
the English in this war, which he should never forget, nor allow to pass
unrewarded. They next declared that the Khan intended to proceed, after
the surrender of Ormus, to besiege both Muskat and Sware, and therefore
that the Portuguese ought on no account to be allowed to go to either of
these places. Lastly, they insinuated basely and dishonourably, that we
should betray the Portuguese captain, and five or six more of his
principal officers, into their hands, as this would tend greatly to the
honour and satisfaction of the Khan, by enabling him to present them to
Shah Abas. On hearing this vile and dishonourable proposal, I left the
room, that my ears might not be contaminated by such abominable
conditions; saying, at my departure, to these Persians, that I would not
be guilty of consenting to so infamous a business for a whole houseful
of gold.
The Portuguese being reduced to such extremity as to be under the
necessity of surrendering on any terms that might save their lives from
the cruelty of the Persians, sent on the morning of the 23d, offering to
put themselves into our hands, on condition that we furnished them with
the means of being conveyed either to Muskat or India. We agreed to this
proposal, on which Captain Blithe and I went as hostages into the
castle, to see them safely set out; the Persian general promising that
not one of his soldiers or men should enter the castle till all the
Portuguese were gone out, and that only three of his people and three of
ours should sit at the gate, to see that they did not carry away any
thing of value. This the Persians watched so narrowly, that they most
basely searched and abused the women. But the king of Ormus with his
rich vizier, together with their women, treasure, and servants, were all
conveyed over the breach in the wall, and not a single Englishman called
or allowed to see what they carried out with them. Not only they, but
all other Mahometans and Banyans, with their treasure and best things,
were conveyed out of the castle in the same manner; whole bales of
goods, with boxes and caskets full of treasure, to an unknown amount,
were carried at the same time over the breaches. No sooner were the
gates opened for letting out the Portuguese, but at least forty Persians
got in and spread themselves about the castle, besides whom, some of the
ruder sort among the English got in likewise, whose coming in I fear was
the cause of the Persians doing the same, judging themselves as worthy
of this liberty as our people.
Before mid-day of the 24th, both the Persians and English began to
pillage in a most shameful manner, so that I was both grieved and
ashamed, yet could see no means of remedy. The Persians drove out the
poor sick, wounded, and scorched Christians, who were not able to help
themselves, so that my heart yearned with compassion to see their woeful
plight. In the evening, the Khan of Shiras came over, as if in triumph,
to view the castle and its great ordnance, of which there were near
three hundred pieces,[311] part of which belonged to the galleons, and
the rest to the castle. This evening, the commanders and I, wishing to
retain possession of the church in which we had placed a quantity of
plate and treasure, for its better security against being embezzled, our
design was utterly denied by Pulot Beg, who told our commanders, in
plain terms, that they might lie out of doors. Being justly incensed at
this, we all three left the castle, the two captains going on board
their ships, while I went to the city; but, as the tide was up, and I
could not get a boat, I had to remain at the castle wall till near
midnight. At this time there came about sixty Persians, by their own
report, sent by the Khan to prevent the Arabs from conveying away any of
the ordnance which lay by the shore, but I suspect their real object was
to cut the throats of the poor Christians who lay at the shore, for want
of boats to carry them on board; but fortunately they were protected by
an English guard. Our chief business the whole of this day was to see
the poor Portuguese sent safely out of the castle, most of them so
weakened by divers maladies, but chiefly by famine, and many of them so
noisome by their putrified wounds, and scorchings with gunpowder, that
their pitiful cries and complaints might have moved pity in a heart of
stone; yet such was the cruel disposition of the Persians, that they
drove them out of the castle like so many dogs, stripping many of them
even of their shirts.
[Footnote 311: In a shorter relation of this siege, by Mr W. Pinder, the
ordnance in the castle of Ormus are thus enumerated:--Fifty-three pieces
mounted, of the following descriptions,--four brass cannons, six brass
demi-cannons, sixteen brass cannons-pedro, nine brass culverins, two
brass demi-culverins, three iron demi-culverins, ten brass basses, one
iron minion, one iron culverin, one iron cannon-pedro. Besides
ninety-two brass pieces not mounted, and seven brass bastels which they
had landed from the ships that were sunk. In all, 152 pieces.--E.]
On the evening of the 27th, we allowed the Portuguese to depart for Goa,
to the number of 2500 persons, including men, women, and children, to
whom we gave our two prizes, the Robert and Shilling, for their
transport, with victuals and water necessary for the voyage, and a pass
to free them from any molestation, in case they met with any of our
ships at sea. Besides these, there were upwards of an hundred persons,
so maimed or sick as to be incapable of being sent off at this time, for
want of room in these two ships.
The king of Ormus was very poor, and lived chiefly on a pension or
allowance of 140,000 rees, allowed him by the king of Spain, with some
small reserved petty customs. In rummaging among his papers, we found
the copy of a letter from him to the king of Spain, complaining loudly
of the injustice of the Portuguese, and charging them with the entire
overthrow of the kingdom of Ormus.[312]
[Footnote 312: Besides this letter, too long and uninteresting for
insertion, there are several other letters and documents in the Pilgrims
at this place, so much in the same predicament as to be here
omitted.--E.]
When we expected to have received 1200 tomans[313] from Pulot Beg, who
was chief commissioner under the Khan of Shiras, as our pay for the time
occupied in this enterprize, he contrived to make us a larger sum in
their debt, under pretence of embezzling the plunder in the castle;
while we, on the other hand, made counter demands of a much larger sum
due to us from the Persians, in the same manner. At length, three months
pay were allowed, and our other demands were shifted off, as he
pretended to have no power to liquidate them without an order from the
Khan. After business was ended, our misery began, occasioned by the
insufferable heat of Ormus, and the disorders of our own people in
drinking arrack, and other excesses no less injurious; through which
such diseases arose among our people, that three-fourths of them were
dangerously sick, and many died so suddenly, that the plague was feared
to have got among them, although no symptoms of that dreadful malady as
yet appeared. This extremity lasted for fourteen days, during which
time, six or seven of our men died every day; but after this, it pleased
God to stay the mortality, and the rest recovered. Ten pieces of
ordnance belonging to the Portuguese, were taken into our ships, to
replace that number of our own which had been broken or otherwise
spoiled during the siege. Our fleet was detained till the 1st September,
owing to the shifting of the monsoon, and waiting its return. Leaving
Ormus on that day, we arrived in Swally roads on the 24th of that month,
where the London, Jonas, and Lion, loaded for England, and sailed
homewards bound on the 30th December. Before setting sail, news was
brought of sinking three Portuguese carracks off the port of
Masulipatam, by the English and Dutch in conjunction.
[Footnote 313: This must be a gross error, as by the value of the toman
formerly given, the sum in the text very little exceeds £400. Purchas
mentions, in a side-note, that he had heard the English received £20,000
for this service from the Persians.--E.]
* * * * *
In the Annals of the East India Company,[314] the English are said on
this occasion to have received a proportion of the plunder acquired at
Ormus, and a grant of the moiety of the customs at Gambroon, which
place, in the sequel, became the principal station of their trade with
Persia and other places in the Persian gulf. The treaty made in 1615 by
Mr Connock was also renewed, and an additional phirmaund granted by the
Sophi, allowing them to purchase whatever quantity of Persian silks they
might think proper, in any part of his dominions, with the privilege of
bringing their goods from Gambroon to Ispahan free of duties.
[Footnote 314: Vol. I. p. 236. The historiographer makes, however, a
small mistake, naming Ruy Frere de Andrada as chief commander of the
Portuguese at Ormus, who only commanded in a subordinate fortress at
Kismis.--E.]
In consequence of the war of Ormus, a claim was set up in 1624 by the
crown and the Duke of Buckingham, as lord high admiral of England, by
which the Company was demanded to pay a proportion of the prize-money,
which their ships were supposed to have obtained in the seas bordering
on the countries within the limits of their exclusive charter. In order
to substantiate these claims, Captains Weddell, Blithe, Clevenger,
Beversham, and other officers of the Company's ships were examined, and
particularly those who had been employed against Ormus. According to
their statements, it appeared that the amount of this prize-money was
calculated at £100,000 and 240,000 rials of eight, but without taking
into view the charges and losses incurred by the Company on this
occasion, and by their ships being called off from commercial
engagements, to act as ships of war for the protection of their trade
against the Portuguese, and in the assistance of the government of
Persia, by which they had been compelled, either to engage in this war,
or to relinquish a trade in which they had expended large sums, together
with the loss of all their goods then in Persia. At last the Company was
obliged to compound, by payment of £10,000 to the Duke of Buckingham in
discharge of his claim, and received an order from the secretary of
state, Sir Edward Conway, to pay a similar sum also to the crown.--E.