SECTION XII.

JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE TO SURAT AND JASQUES, IN 1620.[296]

"According to the title of this journal in the Pilgrims, the fleet which

sailed on this voyage consisted of the London, of 800 tons, William

Baffin master, on board of which was Captain Andrew Shilling, chief in

command, or general; the Hart, of 500 tons, Richard Blithe master; the

Roebuck, of 300 tons, Richard Swan master; and the Eagle, of 280 tons,

Christopher Brown master. The account of the voyage in Purchas is said

to consist of extracts from the journal written by Richard Swan, the

master or captain of the Roebuck."--E.

[Footnote 296: Purch. Pilgr. 1. 723.]

§1. _Voyage from England to Surat._

We sailed from Tilbury-hope on the 26th of February, 1620, and anchored

in Saldanha road [Table Bay, at the Cape of Good Hope] on 24th of June,

where we found the Lion homewards-bound, and nine Dutch ships bound for

Bantam, commanded by a gentleman named Nicolas van Baccum, who Was said

to have studied seven years at Oxford. Next morning the Lion and the

Dutch fleet departed, each their several way; and in the evening arrived

the Schidam belonging to Deft, outward-bound, which being suspected by

both admirals, the master was sent for, and producing Us commission,

gave satisfaction. On the 3d of July we made a solemn proclamation of

the right and title of his majesty King James to Saldania, and on the

7th King James's mount was erected.[297]

[Footnote 297: It thus appears that the first fortified station at the

Cape of Good Hope was erected by the English, to whom that colony now

belongs. It would surely be a better appellation for this important

colony, which may be called the key of India, to restore its old name-of

_Saldania_, than to continue its present awkward denomination, The

Colony of the Cape of Good Hope.--E.]

We sailed from the Cape of Good Hope on the 25th of July, and 26th of

October we put into Dabul roads, where we remained till the 2d of

November to refresh our men, and to provide the two ships bound for

Persia. The 6th November, the Hart and Eagle took leave of us and the

9th we anchored in Swally roads, where we found the Wappen van Zeland,

of 1000 tons, which at our arrival took in her colours, and saluted the

London with three guns, and the Roebuck with two. I was sent on shore,

and brought off Mr Thomas Kerridge, the president of the factory at

Surat, with Mr James, and Mr Hopkinson. Next day, in a consultation, it

was determined to dispatch us speedily after the Hart and Eagle, as we

had intelligence that four Portuguese galleons were waiting at Ormus, or

in Jasques roads, to intercept them.

§2. _Voyage from Surat towards Jasques_.

The 19th November, having dispatched our business at Swally with all

expedition, we set sail towards Jasques. The 21st we chased a ship,

which surrendered without resistance, being the Nostra Sennora de

Merces, of 200 tons, bound from Muscat for Chaul, having on board

forty-two Arabian horses, her principal loading, and for which trade she

was built. The residue of her cargo consisted of dates and raisins. The

name of her captain was Francisco de Mirando.

The 5th December, when in latitude 24° 55' N. we met the Hart and Eagle

coming from Jasques for Surat, because not of sufficient strength to

encounter the Portuguese force which was waiting for them with the

intention of ruining our Persian trade. Thus happily rejoined to our

former consorts, we shaped our course for Jasques to accomplish our

purpose. The 8th, at the earnest desire of the Portuguese and Moors

taken in the prize, we set them on shore, except some Moor seamen whom

we detained in our service, and the Portuguese pilot, who entreated to

stay, as he feared some hard usage from his own people. On the 12th,

certain volunteers who had engaged to set fire to our prize, and run her

aboard the Portuguese admiral, were put on board of her, and she was

fitted as a fire-ship. The 15th we had sight of the east point of

Jasques roads, having upon it a tomb or old square flat-roofed house,

which bore W.N.W. by compass, twelve miles off. From Diu head to this

point, I make the longitude, by the ordinary plain chart, 9° 55' 36" W.

but by Mercator's projection, 10° 51'. From where we were, we could see

the Portuguese men of war sent from Lisbon to oppose our trade with

Persia, consisting of two Portuguese galleons, one of which was larger

than the London, and two Dutch ships, one as large as the Hart, while

the other was less than the Eagle. Their general was Don Ruy Frere de

Andrado; the vice-admiral, Joam Boralio; and the two Dutch ships were

commanded by Antonio Musquet and Baltazar de Chaves.[298]

[Footnote 298: According to a special account of this and the

succeeding sea-fight, appended to the present relation in Purchas, the

Portuguese fleet on the present occasion, besides the four galleons,

consisted of two gallions and ten frigates or armed barks, none of which

are here mentioned except the four galleons.--E.]

§3. _Account of the first Fight with the Portuguese_.

In the morning of the 16th December, our admiral and all the masters of

our squadron went on board the prize, carrying two barrels of powder,

some tar, and other combustible materials, to fit her up as a fire-ship,

intending to lay her on board the Portuguese admiral athwart his hawse,

that both might burn together. After she was fitted, we bore up for the

Portuguese squadron, but it fell calm, and the current set us so near

them, that they reached us with their shot. We kept under sail all

night, and in the morning of the 17th, being to leeward of them in

consequence of the land breeze, they weighed and made toward us, when we

waited their approach, although they preserved the advantage of the

weather-gage. The fight began about nine in the morning, and continued

without intermission for nine hours. In the afternoon, a fine gentle

sea-breeze sprung up from the westwards, which gave us the weather-gage;

and the Portuguese admiral anchored, either of necessity to repair some

defect about his rudder, or of policy to gain some expected advantage.

His vice-admiral and the large Dutch ship anchored to the eastwards, and

the lesser Dutch ship to leeward of them all, stopping his leaks. We

were now in great hopes of putting our fire-ship to a good purpose; but

being too soon fired and forsaken by those who had her in charge, she

drove clear of them all, to their joy and our disgrace. Seeing them

remain at anchor, and keeping to windward of them, we turned to and

again close a-head of them as they rode at anchor, raking them as we

passed, through and through, fore and aft, especially the admiral,

receiving only in return their prow and bow-chases. By these, as I

passed to the north, two unfortunate shots cut asunder the weather leech

ropes of the Roebuck's foresail and fore-topsail, in the middle depth of

both sails; owing to which we could not bring her into stays, and were

forced, for repairing these sails, to bear down to leeward, between the

enemy and the shore; in which course, the three great ships plied their

whole broadsides against us, but with less hurt than I could have

imagined, God be praised. Having compassed the three large ships, I

luffed up to rejoin our squadron, which still held the advantage of the

wind, and plied their great guns on the Portuguese like so many muskets.

When I had got to windward of the smaller Dutch ship, which stood off as

I did till he had our fire-ship directly between him and me, he turned

tail, and steered right before the wind along shore to the eastwards,

with all the sail he could carry. The other three now set sail to his

rescue, and were now so tame, that as the Hart passed along their

broadsides, she received only a few shots great and small from any of

them, and from some none at all. The night now coming on, and our people

being all wearied by the long continuance of the fight, we all desisted

from any farther chase, and came to anchor in our usual road.

In this fight, the London and Hart had very little harm in their hulls

and tackling, and less, or rather none, in their men. The main-mast of

the Eagle was hurt in five places, four of which were quite through, and

one of her men lost his right arm. In the Roebuck, I had one man slain

by a cannon ball striking his head. A piece of his skull and some

splinters of the ball wounded one of my mates in the forehead, and

destroyed his left eye; and two others of my men lost the use of their

right hands. God be praised for our good fortune; for I never heard of

so small loss in so long a fight as we now sustained. I cannot truly

state the loss of the enemy: but, by the report of our merchants, their

vice-admiral and another captain were slain, and thirty or forty men in

the admiral's ship alone, the rest as yet unknown. As to their Moors,

they do not count them among the num her of their men.

In the morning of the 18th, the day after the action, we could see the

Portuguese at anchor ten miles to the east of us, having the wind fair

to have come down, but they did not. We then held a consultation,

whether it were better for us to take the first of the sea breeze, which

usually begins about noon, to stand towards them and try it out for the

mastery, before they could receive supplies from Ormus, Muskat, or Goa,

or else to make sail for Jasques roads, on purpose to land our goods and

money, in case of the worst, these being the prize they sought to obtain

and we to defend. Accordingly, the London got that night into Jasques

road, but the rest could not get in before the 20th, by reason of

contrary winds. On the 21st and 22d most of our goods were landed.

§4. _Second Sea Fight with the Portuguese_.

On the 22d, seeing the Portuguese galleons open the road of Jasques, and

supposing they might intend to come in with the sea breeze, we set sail

and stood off for them. At first, they made a shew of giving us battle,

but soon afterwards made off upon a tack; and till the 28th, they were

either to windward, or so favourably placed at anchor, that we could not

attempt to attack them without manifest disadvantage. During this time,

they were joined by two or three frigates, or barks, from Ormus,

bringing them a supply of men and ammunition. We made one attempt on

Christmas day, but were forced back by a sudden flaw of wind; on which

occasion, some blacks aboard of us, said the Portuguese had brought a

witch from Ormus, to supply them with favourable winds.

On Innocents day, 28th December, perceiving the drift of our Portuguese

_Fabius cunclator_, to protract and avoid fighting, that by delays and

the advantage of his frigates, he might hinder us from prosecuting your

business in Persia, we determined to attempt closing with him. About one

o'clock there sprung up a favourable east wind for our purpose, on which

we immediately weighed and put every thing in order for battle. The

London and Hart came to anchor within a cable's length and half of their

broadsides, and so endured the main brunt of this second fight; for, no

sooner were they at anchor, but it fell calm and so continued all day,

insomuch that the Roebuck and Eagle, which had steered nearer to the

shore, with the intention of coming to anchor, one on the bow of their

admiral, and the other on the bow of their vice-admiral, got astern, and

could not with all our diligence be of any service for a full half hour

after the action began. At length we got within point-blank shot of

them, and then were forced either to anchor or drive farther off with

the current, as there was not a breath of wind.

We now brought our broadsides to bear, and our whole squadron plied

their ordnance upon them so fast, that had the knowledge of our men

equalled their resolution, not one of them had escaped from us. Not

willing to endure such hot entertainment, they cut their cables about

three o'clock, and drove from us with the tide to the westwards, till

out of our reach. Then came their frigates, which the day before had

made a bravado along shore with drums, trumpets, flags, and streamers,

and, now employed in a fitter task, towed them away all mangled and

torn. Their admiral, in the very hottest of the fight, was under the

necesity of giving his ship a heel to stop his leaks, his main-top-mast

and the head of his main-mast having fallen overboard. The great Dutch

ship had both his top-masts and part of his boltsprit shot away, and the

smaller lost all his shrouds and top-masts. Their vice-admiral escaped

best this day, having commonly one or other of their own ships between

him and us.

We kept them company all night, in hope of being able next morning to

give them their passports; but having taken a survey of our shot, which

we found scanty, and considering the importance of the voyage we still

had to perform, we thought it best to give over the chase and return to

Jasques; leaving them glad of our absence, their two great ships towing

the two smaller. We have had no account of their loss in this action.

All your worships ships remain serviceable, God be praised, and only

five men slain outright in these two long and severe engagements. Our

worthy admiral and kind commander, Captain Andrew Shilling, received a

great and grievous wound by a cannon ball through his left shoulder,

which he bore with such wonderful courage and patience, that we were in

great hopes of his much-wished-for recovery: But he had likewise two of

his uppermost ribs broken on the left side, and died on the 6th January,

1621, shewing himself a resolute commander in the action, and an assured

Christian in his death. We intended to have carried his body to Surat,

to have there performed his funeral rites according to his great merit,

and oar surgeons undertook to preserve his body by means of embalming

and cere-cloth, but it became so noisome that we were forced to bury him

at Jasques, which was done on the 7th, with all the solemnity and

respect in our power.

In this engagement, the London expended 1382 great shot of several

sorts, the Hart 1024, the Roebuck 815, and the Eagle 800, in all 4021.

In consequence of the death of our worthy admiral, the white box, No. I.

was opened; and according to your worships appointment, Captain Richard

Blithe succeeded to the supreme command of the London, I was removed

into the Hart, Christopher Brown into the Roebuck, and Thomas Taylor was

made master of the Eagle.[299]

[Footnote 299: This account does not agree with an accompanying official

letter, dated 13th January, 1621, giving a similar account of the two

engagements, often in the very identical words used by Swan, in which

the name of Thomas Taylor is omitted, instead of whom William Baffin is

the last in the list of signatures; and the Christian name of Swan is

made Robert instead of Richard.--E.]

§5. _Sequel of the Voyage_.

The 14th January, 1621, having had forty-eight hours continual and

excessive rain, which, or much wind, is usual at Jasques for three or

four days at the full and change of the moon, and having finished our

business at Jasques, we set sail on our return to Surat, where we

arrived on the 1st February. Nothing material occurred on the passage,

except that, on the 27th January, between Diu and the _sand-heads_, we

surprised a small ship of war, called Nostra Senaora de Remedio, of 100

tons, commanded by Francisco de Sylva, manned by thirty-five Portuguese

and twenty-five Moors, sent out by the governor of Diu to protect their

small merchant ships against the Malabar rovers. We dismissed the men

and kept the ship for our use, calling her the Andrew, after our late

excellent general. She had in her neither meat, money, nor commodities,

and scarcely as many poor suits of clothes as there were backs.

The 27th of February we began to take in our loading. The 5th of March,

the, Eagle was sent down to keep guard over the junk belonging to the

prince, and to hinder her from any farther loading, till they granted

free passage for our carts with goods and provisions, which had been

restrained for six or seven days by the vexatious procedure of the

governor of Olpar, a town near Surat. By this means, no cotton wool was

allowed to come down till our ships were fully laden. On the 16th of

March, having notice that the Camla, from Agra, had been robbed by the

Deccan army, we resolved to seek restitution upon the ships of the

Deccan prince and his confederates in this transaction, as we intended

wintering in the Red Sea. The 19th, the governor of Surat having given

us satisfaction in regard to the carts, and a supply of powder and shot

for our money, and promise under his hand for redress of other injuries,

we dismissed the junk belonging to the prince from duress.

From the 25th of March to the 6th of April, 1621, the winds have been

S. and S.S.W. or W. and blowing so hard from noon till midnight, raising

so great a surf on the shore, that no business could be done except on

the last quarter of the ebb and first of the flood tide. We sailed on

the 7th April. The 9th, the Eagle and a Dutch pinnace, called the

Fortune, parted company, being consigned to Acheen and Bantam. The

London, Hart, Roebuck, and Andrew, were intended for the Red Sea, if not

too late.

The 1st May, the Andrew and our boats surprised a Portuguese ship of 200

tons called the St Antonio, which we named the May-flower. Her principal

lading consisted of rice taken in at Barcelor, whence she had gone to

Goa, and sailed from thence for Ormus and Muskat on the 8th of April. We

learnt from this prize, that Ruy Frere de Andrada was busy in repairing

his ships at Ormus, and that Don Emanuel de Azeredo had departed from

Gor fifty days before for Ormus, to reinforce Andrada with two galleons,

one of these being the same in which the viceroy was personally, when he

engaged our fleet under Captain Downton. During a calm on the 7th, we

captured a small frigate-built ship called the Jacinth, which we named

the Primrose, which had come from Mozambique and was bound for Goa.

Thence to the 13th, we had variable winds, with calms and much rain.

Finding the May-flower delayed us much, and that our pilots were either

ignorant or malicious, we resolved to trust to our own endeavours for

finding an anchoring place, for our safe riding till the strength of the

adverse monsoon was over, for which purpose we determined upon going to

Macera.[300]

[Footnote 300: From the latitude of this place, mentioned afterwards in

the text, this seems to refer to Mazica, an island about sixty miles

long and fifteen or twenty in breadth, a few miles from the oceanic

coast of Arabia, in lat. 20° 48' N. and long. 57° 3O' E. from

Greenwich.--E.]

We descried land on the 2d June, and anchored in seventeen fathoms three

miles offshore, in lat. 20° 20' N. variation 17° W. We found plenty of

water in four or five pits, three quarters of a mile from the shore. I

had forty tons from one well, which we rolled in hogsheads to the beach.

The people were tractable, but we got little else besides water. A tuft

of date trees by the watering place bore N.W. by W. from our anchorage,

and the other end of the island N.E. 1/2 E. five leagues off. The 12th

we sailed for the N.E. end of the island, and in the afternoon came to

anchor in a fair bay, having seven fathoms on clean ground, a black oozy

sand, the N.E. point bearing S. 1/2 a league off, the landing place

W.S.W. two miles off, and the north part of the bay N. by W. four miles

off. The latitude of this bay is 20° 30' N. and the variation 17°

W.[301] In this bay you may ride safely in any depth between five and

twelve fathoms. It is an excellently healthy place, cold and hungry,

affording no refreshments except water, enough of which is to be had by

digging pits; but it is ill to boat except at the usual landing place.

This place afforded us no better supplies than the former, except that

we got a few goats and lambs in exchange for canikens. Though good

anchorage, this bay was much troubled by a tumbling rolling sea, yet we

resolved to remain here with the Hart and Roebuck till the fury of the

monsoon were past.

[Footnote 301: The north end of Mazica is in lat. 21° 12", and its south

end in 20° 15', both N.--E.]

Having separated some time before from the London, our admiral, we sent

on the 19th of June, one Abdelavie, an inhabitant of this island, as far

as Zoar with letters in quest of the London. He returned on the 6th July

with letters in answer, informing us that the London was at Zoar, seven

leagues within Cape Rasalgat, having watered with difficulty at Teve,

where their surgeon, Mr Simons, and the chaplain's servant, were

surprised on shore by the Portuguese and Arabs. The Hart and Roebuck

sailed from Macera, [Mazica,] on the 6th of August, and anchored in the

evening of the 8th beside the admiral in the port of Zoar. This road

differs from that in which we were in, being cairn, but the air was so

hot as to take away our appetites.

We sailed from Zoar on the 15th of August and returned to Swally roads.

The 21st September, our whole fleet sailed from Swally, and on the 27th

we took leave of the fleet bound for Jasques, consisting of the London,

Jonas, Whale, Dolphin, Lion, Rose, Shilling, Richard, and Robert. The

1st January, 1622, we were between Johanna and Mayotta, two of the

Comoro islands. The 29th we anchored in Saldanha roads, [Table Bay,]

having come thither from Surat in nine weeks and three days, blessed be

God for our safe and speedy passage. We here watered, bathed in the

river, caught fish, and buried our letters; purchasing three cows, one

calf, and four sheep, all unsavoury meat.

We sailed again on the 3d February, and anchored on the 19th at St

Helena, where we found the Wappen and the Hollandia, two Dutch ships,

the latter of which caught fire on the 22d, owing to her cloves, which

had been taken in too green at Amboina. There was likewise a third small

Dutch ship. They arrived eleven days before us, and it will take them at

least ten days more to discharge and reload their damaged cloves. We

sailed from St Helena on the 28th February, and anchored in the Downs on

the 7th June, 1622.

A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels — Volume 09 Arranged in Systematic Order: Forming a Complete History of the Origin and Progress of Navigation, Discovery, and Commerce, by Sea and Land, from the Earliest Ages to the Present Time · 第 15 / 18 章