_Relations by Mr Elkington and Mr Dodsworth, in Supplement to the former
Voyage_.[131]
"Since writing the voyage of Captain Downton, I have obtained the
journal of Captain Elkington, in which the reader may proceed with this
worthy captain to Bantam, and thence to his grave; this history
succeeding the former, as its author did in command."--_Purch._
[Footnote 131: Purch. Pilgr. I. 514.]
In employing the journals of Mr Elkington and Mr Dodsworth, to continue
the account of the voyage set forth under the command of Captain
Downton, only so much of both are here inserted as answers that purpose,
to avoid prolix repetition of circumstances, already sufficiently
related. The journal of Elkington breaks off abruptly, like that of
Downton, and probably from the same cause; as we learn from Purchas, in
the preceding notice, that Elkington died at Bantam. The journal of
Dodsworth entirely relates to the voyage of the Hope to England, after
parting company with the other two ships, except that it mentions
several incidents of the transactions previous to the departure of that
ship, most of which are here omitted, as already sufficiently
explained.--E.
§1. _Continuation of the Voyage from Surat to Bantam, by Captain Thomas
Elkington_.
On the 4th March, 1615, we descried the Portuguese fleet, which
immediately gave us chace, which it continued all that day and the next.
On the 6th, the general came aboard us, wishing us to make ready, as he
proposed to turn suddenly round and give an onset upon the enemy: But,
about noon that day, the Portuguese bore up and stood for the coast, and
in three hours after we lost sight of them. At night of the 10th, the
Hope departed from us. The 15th we saw three water-spouts at no great
distance; one of them, which was very large, continued for the space of
half an hour. The 19th we doubled Cape Comorin.
The 10th May, the wind and current both against as, the general went to
a green island, to the north or the salt hill, where we came to anchor
in twenty fathoms on good sand. We here sought fresh water, but found
none. There were plenty of bogs and pigs on this island, where likewise
we gathered abundance of cocoa-nuts. All about this island is good
anchorage, within a stone's throw of the shore, in twelve fathoms. The
pinnace brought water from another island, about four leagues off but it
was brackish.[132] The 2d June we came to anchor in Bantam road.
[Footnote 132: So vaguely is this journal expressed, or rather so
miserably abbreviated by Purchas, that there are no indications by which
to guess even where this island lay, except that it was on the way
between Cape Comorin and Bantam.--E.]
The 3d July we weighed mace, and received silk towards furnishing the
Salomon for Masulipatam, to which place we agreed to send the following
merchants: George Chancie, Ralph Preston, Humphry Elkington, Timothy
Mallory, George Savage, and Robert Savage. The 8th we loaded porcelain
into the Salomon. This day we had news by a junk from the Moluccas, that
the Thomasine was there; and that there were twelve sail of Hollanders
at Ternate, who endeavoured to prevent all others from trading. The 11th
our old house very narrowly escaped burning, in conscience of a fire
very near. The 20th, Mr Jordan had letters from. Mr Ball at Macasser,
complaining of violent ill usage from the Hollanders, who had driven him
from thence, and stating that they proposed coming with all their force
to take possession of Bantam, and to place the king of _Motron_ in the
government. The 21st Mr Bennet set sail in the Salomon. The 25th, the
Advice and Attendance arrived from England, after a voyage of eight
months. They met the Globe and James at the Cape, to which ships they
spared eighteen men. These ships departed for England on the 17th July,
and the Advice and her consort on the 18th, meeting a ship near the
Cape, which we suppose might be either the Samaritan or the Hope, bound
for England.
The 5th of August I went aboard to visit the general, Captain Nicholas
Downton, who was then very ill, and we got word of his death next
day.[133] Mr Evans the preacher, and Mr Hambdon, followed him, on the
8th, as we supposed by taking laudanum, as they were both well a little
before. On the 11th the Advice was sent to Japan, having a complement of
twenty-two Englishmen, together with five blacks, and Fernando the
Spaniard. The Concord returned on the 14th from Succadanea in Borneo and
Macasser. That night we had a prodigious tempest of rain, with thunder
and lightning, and the mosque of Bantam was split in two by a
thunderbolt, on which occasion the chief priest was nearly slain, which
the king and people took for a bad omen, and therefore determined to
make peace with Jacatra. The 16th the boat belonging to the Thomasine
came to Bantam, with twenty-two English and five blacks, bringing
intelligence of that ship having been lost on certain flats the night
before, twenty-two leagues from Macasser, owing to the carelessness of
Wilson the master, while all the people were asleep, he only being at
the helm. They saved all the money, which they brought along with them;
and as Mr Bailey told us that his wrecked crew had compelled him to pay
them their wages, we caused them to restore the money.
[Footnote 133: By order in the box, Mr Elkington succeeded in the
command.--_Purch._]
On the 19th, the Hollanders clapped three blacks into the bilboes, whom
Mr Bailey had brought with him from Celoar, pretending they were caught,
climbing over the rails of their house, and also, as they were brought
from a place under their protection, they refused to give us them back.
We are in various ways most vilely abused by these Hollanders, neither
do I see any means to right ourselves, unless we go to war with them;
for we believe this matter to have been done on purpose, and these
blacks enticed by them to it, as if taken by force. I was much offended
with Mr Bailey for his conduct in taking away these blacks, as the
means of making us hated as man-stealers, in, places where we used to be
well received, which the Hollanders will take care to blaze abroad to
our disgrace.
In the night of the 13th September, the watch discovered a fire in the
thatch over the house in which Mr Jordan lodged, which was soon
extinguished; but we could plainly perceive it had been done apurpose,
as we found the cane by which it had been kindled sticking in the
thatch, for which we suspected a Spaniard named Francisco, who had
appostatized and turned Javan. The 2d October, Sophonee Cossock, a
merchant, came in a small pinnace from Puloway, accompanied by an
_Orancay_, to confer on trade with that place. The 22d, I went ashore,
accompanied by Mr Pring and Mr Bailey, to confer with the Dutch general,
concerning certain idle complaints made by them against our mariners. I
found him and the president of their factory very impatient, calling us
insolent English, threatening that our pride would have a fall, with
many other disgraceful and opprobrious words.[134] Such was the
entertainment we received from that boorish general, named Garrat
Reynes, in his own house. He had formerly shewn the like or worse to Mr
Ball, on going aboard his ship at Banda: And four of our men, who took
passage with him from thence to _Cambello_, were brought all the way in
the bilboes, for no cause.
[Footnote 134: Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione querentes? It was
Dutch policy to cry _rogue_ first.--_Purch._]
I went ashore on the 3d November, when Captain Jordan called together
the merchants, and sent for the _orancay_ of Banda, whose letter he got
translated; the purport of which was, that, in regard to the ancient
friendship between them and the English, especially with Captain
Keeling, and provoked by the cruelty and injustice of the Hollanders,
their earnest desire was to trade only with the English for the spices
of Puloway, Puleron, and Nera, on condition that the English would
supply them with provisions, ordnance, and ammunition, and help them to
recover the castle of Nera, desiring that some person might be sent to
Banda, to confer with the orancays. To this we answered, That we could
not give them assistance to recover the castle of Nera, without orders
from England, and that at present we had no ordnance to spare; but would
willingly supply them with provisions, and every thing else in our
power, till we had farther orders from England, and would trade with
them for spices, for which purpose we proposed to send a ship, and a
person to confer with the _orancays_, and particularly to know how we
might have security, and whether they would grant us permission to build
a fort for that purpose.
The 23d five Hollanders anchored in the outer road, four of which came
last from the Mauritius, having been nineteen months on the voyage from
Holland. At that island they found that General Butt had been cast away
with three ships, two being totally lost, the men and goods of the third
being saved. A fourth, which was in company, went home under jury-masts,
along with a pinnace that came there by chance. One of these ships that
was at the Mauritius came away before the rest, and they found her
driving up and down off the mouth of the straits, having lost 160 men,
and having only eight remaining. The 25th, by letters from Priaman, we
had notice of the death of Mr Ozewicke and Samuel Negus.
§2. _Brief Observations by Mr Edward Dodsworth, who returned to England
in the Hope_.
The 16th October, 1614, while in the bay of Surat, Mr Aldworth and Mr
Steel came on board, and next day Mr Aldworth was examined, according to
the company's commission and instructions,[135] concerning the behaviour
of Paul Canning to the king, and the king's conduct towards him. To
which he answered, That his behaviour was right, and the king's
entertainment of him satisfactory, till the Jesuits insinuated he was
only a merchant, and not sent immediately by the king of England. After
this he was neglected, and died since.[136] Also, that he thought it fit
that some one of our nation of good respect should remain at court, to
procure redress of any wrongs that might be offered; to which function
Mr Edwards was chosen to go to Agra, as the person most answerable to
the company's instructions, on which occasion some question was made,
whether it would be proper he should proceed in the character of a
merchant, according to the strict letter of the instructions, which Mr
Aldworth conceived would procure him disrespect with the king; and,
after some contest, some way was given to Mr Edwards in this affair,
lest they should disagree in their proceedings, especially as it had
been reported by some already, that he was a messenger from the king of
Britain.
[Footnote 135: This commission had six questions, of which I only
insert what is fit for the public eye.--_Purch._]
[Footnote 136: It has been said on a former occasion, that he died of
poison, given, as was thought, by the jesuits.--_Purch._]
After much opposition to our desire of trade, there came a _firmaun_
from the king on the 24th November, which, according to custom, the
nabob met in state two miles from the city, attended by 600 horse. Next
day we were kindly entertained, and the nabob gave Mr Edwards 850
mahmoudies, thirty pieces of _topseels_, ten of fine calicoes, and other
things. The money being to bear the charges of carrying up the present
to the king, who was not willing we should incur any expence on that
account, and the stuffs as a gratification to those who carried them up.
To the merchants also he gave fifteen pieces of _topseels_, five to
each, with his _chop_ or licence for our departure, and promises of kind
usage, all this being done in presence of those who brought the
_firmaun_. The 30th, Mr Edwards and we set out for _Amadavar_
[Ahmedabad.]
The 2d of December we reached Broach, whence the governor sent a guard
of horse with us to _Demylode_, and there we had a new escort of horse
and foot to _Charmondo_;[137] whence we departed on the 7th with
twenty-five soldiers, all notorious thieves, as we afterwards found.
With these we went ten coss, when we pitched our tents in a plain,
barricading ourselves as usual with our carts. While at supper, we had
nearly been assaulted by fifty horse, who passed close by us, but they
found us well provided for our defence, and it appeared that the charge
we carried was well known in all the country through which we travelled.
The 8th we came to _Brodera_, [Brodrah] and made a present to the
governor, who received it very kindly, and particularly requested to see
our mastiff dog. Brodrah stands in a plain, which seemed fertile, and is
well watered, a thing rather uncommon in those parts. We departed thence
with an escort of 100 horse and foot, voluntarily offered from respect
for the king's present, yet were they a considerable charge to us. We
came next to Arras,[138] a town mostly inhabited by banians, and where
their superstition of not killing any thing occasioned us to have very
bad fare. On the 13th we came to Ahmedabad, whence we gave a commission
to Richard Steel and John Crowther to proceed on their journey to
Persia; and hence Mr Edwards departed from us for Agra.
[Footnote 137: On this part of the indicated route, between Broach and
Brodrab, no stations are to be found in our best maps resembling these
two names, unless Simlode may have been corrupted into Demylode by
typographical error.--E.]
[Footnote 138: No such name is now to be found in the road between
Brodrah and Ahmedabad, neither is it of much importance in any view, as
the route is so vaguely indicated in the text.--E.]
All this time, the merchants at Ahmedabad, being in hopes of peace with
the Portuguese, held up the price of their indigos, on which we resolved
to proceed for _Sarques_ [Sarkess,] to make trial with the country
people who are the makers of that commodity. We did so on the 7th, and
found plenty of employment, packing in four days no less than 400 bales:
after which Mr Edwards returned to Ahmedabad, where he found the
merchants greatly more tractable. _Sarkess_ is a town of no great size,
three coss from Ahmedabad, its territory being considered the best soil
in all these parts for the production of indigo. All of the dealers in
this commodity are apt to put tricks upon us, by mingling or otherwise.
At Sarkess there are two of the most ancient monuments that are to be
found in all that country; one being the tomb of a saint or prophet who
was buried there, to which many pilgrims resort from great distances;
and the other is the sepulchres of their ancient kings. To the north of
the town, is the place where _Khan-Khana_ first put the Guzerates to
flight, who were the original inhabitants of the country, all the rest
of the kingdom being shortly after reduced under the subjection of
Akbar, father to the present Great Mogul. This field of victory is
strongly walled round with brick, about a mile and half in circuit, all
planted within with fruit-trees, and delightfully watered; having a
costly house called by a name signifying _Victory_; in which Khan-Khana
resided for some time, but he now resides at Burhanpoor.
The 24th of December we had leave from the governor of Ahmedabad to
depart; but hearing that several persons had been robbed and murdered
that night close by the city, order was given for us to wait till a
sufficient guard could be provided for us. The 26th we departed, having
with us forty carts, loaded with indigo and other goods, and came on the
27th to _Mundeves_,[139] where the gates were shut upon us by order of
_Sarder Khan_. This put us in much doubt, and we procured a person to
speak with the governor, who told him of letters he had received from
Mucrob Khan, nabob of Surat, informing of the gallant action of our
general at Swally and the safety of Surat from the Portuguese, through
the bravery of the English. It was therefore agreed that we should not
depart without a sufficient guard, which was to be ready for us next
day. We did not however depart till the 29th; and, at Brodrah, the men
belonging to Sarder Khan procured more soldiers to assist them, as there
were several companies of rajputs lying in the way to intercept us, and
many robberies and murders were committed daily in that part of the
country.
[Footnote 139: This name also is so corrupted as not to have any
resemblance in the modern geography of Hindoostan.--E.]
On the 2d of February, while passing through a narrow lane inclosed on
both sides with hedges, we were assaulted by above 300 rajputs, where we
could not hurt them, as they did our caffila or caravan by their arrows
and shot. We therefore made all the haste we could to gain the plain,
while they in the mean time cut off two of our carriages. Having got to
the open ground we made a stand; but the rajputs betook themselves again
to their hedges, to look after their prey, lest one thief should rob
another. Many of our party were hurt on this occasion, among which was
Humphrey Elkington. Next day we got to Baroach, and on the 5th to Surat,
where we returned thanks to Macrob Khan for the care he had taken of our
safety.
Hearing of an assault to be made next day on our ships by the
Portuguese, we got his leave to go down to Swally and went aboard, but
the Portuguese deceived our expectation. On occasion of the last attempt
of the Portuguese to set our ships on fire, by means of four fire-boats
chained together, four of them were taken in smaller boats, which
captives confessed that this was the last attempt of the viceroy for
this year, as he was now under the necessity of returning to Goa, for
want of water and provisions. One of these captives, taken in Swally
roads, and carried aboard the New-year's Gilt, emitted the following
declaration:--
_Examination of Domingo Francisco, on the 20th of February_, 1615.
"He saith, that he was born in Lisbon, being the son of a mariner, and
served under Nunna d'Acunha in the seafight against Captain Best, in
one of the four galleons. He afterwards went to Macao on the coast of
China, and returned thence to Goa; where, after remaining ten months, he
was ordered on board a galleon called the St Antonio, in this expedition
for the road of Swally, where he was made prisoner on the 8th of this
month. The purpose of the viceroy, _Don Jeronimo de Savedo_, in this
expedition, as the examinant says, was to destroy the English at Surat.
The viceroy's ship was called the All-saints, of 800 tons, with 300 men,
and twenty-eight cannon. Michael de Souza was captain on the St Bennet
of 700 tons, 150 men, and twenty guns. John Cayatho of the St Lawrence,
of 600 tons, 160 men, and 18 guns. Francisco Henriques of the St
Christopher, of 600 tons, 155 men, and 18 guns. Francisco de Mirande of
the St Jeronymo, of 500 tons, 180 men, and 16 guns. Gaspar de Meall of
the St Antonio, of 400 tons, 140 men, and 14 guns. These were the
galleons: The ships were, the St Peter of 200 tons Captain Francisco
Cavaco, 150 men and eight guns; the St Paul of 200 tons, Captain Don
Juan de Mascarenha, 150 men and eight guns; a pinnace of 120 tons,
Captain Andrea de Quellio, eighty men and four guns. Lewis de Bruto was
captain of one galley, and Diego de Suro of the other, each having fifty
men. There were sixty barks or frigates, each having twenty soldiers,
and rowing eighteen oars of a side. The reinforcement which joined
afterwards, consisted of two ships of 200 tons each, two India junks,
and eight small boats, which were employed to endeavour to set us on
fire. In the viceroy's ship, the ordnance were all of brass, those in
the other galleons being half brass and half iron:" Against all which
the Almighty protected us, blessed be his name for ever.
On the 11th March, 1615, we parted from the general, he and the other
two ships being bound for Acheen and Bantam, and we in the Hope for
England. On the 12th we passed by the north end of the Maldives, where
we found many shoals and islands most falsely laid down in the charts,
as if purposely to render the navigation of these seas more dangerous.
We arrived on the 17th of June in Saldanha bay, where we found a fleet
of four English ships bound for Surat, under the command of Captain
Keeling; which fleet, after consultation held with us, and receiving
intelligence of the state of affairs there, departed on its voyage. On
the 20th I met with _Crosse_ and his company, left there for
discovery,[140] and entreated some of them to acquaint _Coree_ with my
arrival. These were set upon by the savages and wounded, wherefore I
delivered four muskets to Crosse at his earnest request; after which he
procured Coree to come down with his whole family, and we afterwards got
some cattle. He told me that there was discord among the savages,
through which the mountaineers had come down and robbed them. We
departed on the 26th June, leaving our longboat with Crosse, together
with powder, shot, and provisions.
[Footnote 140: Of Crosse and his company of condemned persons, set on
shore at the Cape of Good Hope, see afterwards in Peyton's
voyage.--_Purch._]
In the latitude of 29° N. we fell in with a Dutch ship from the
Mauritius, having gone there to cut timber, which seemed a bastard
ebony. Contrary to their expectation, they found there the lamentable
wreck of four ships come from Bantam and the Moluccas, which had gone to
pieces on the rocks. The goods and men of two of these were totally
lost, most of the goods of the third were saved, with part of which this
ship was laden. The fourth was driven out to sea in a storm, and
returned under jury-masts. The master of this ship promised to keep us
company, but finding us a hindrance, he left us after ten days, without
so much as a farewell or offering to carry a letter, which I imputed to
their inbred boorish disposition. Ill weather followed, and we were much
weakened; yet, I thank God, we lost none till my arrival in Ireland off
the river of Limerick on the 27th October, 1615; where also we had to
endure a storm, till we hired a Scottish bark, detained by contrary
winds, to pilot us into harbour. There also, a remainder of Captain M.
his ungodly crew, who had lately obtained their pardon, put me in great
fear; till Sir Henry Foliat secured us by a supply of men, and I sent
off letters for London.