A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS,
ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:
FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION,
DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE
PRESENT TIME.
BY
ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & F.A.S. EDIN.
ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS.
VOL. IX.
MDCCCXXIV. CONTENTS
OF
VOL. IX.
PART II. BOOK III. CONTINUED.
CHAP. X. (_Continued_.)
Early Voyages of the English to India, after the Establishment of the
East India Company
SECT. XV. (_Continued_)--Eighth Voyage of the English East-India
Company, in 1611, by Captain John Saris
§5. Further Observations respecting the Moluccas, and the Completion of
the Voyage to Japan
§6. Arrival at Brando, and some Account of the Habits, Manners, and
Customs of the Japanese
§7. Journey of Captain Saris to the Court of the Emperor, with his
Observations there and by the Way
§8. Occurrences at Firando during the Absence of Captain Saris
§9. Continuation of these Occurrences
§10. Conclusion of these
§11. Occurrences at Firando, after the return of Captain Saris
§12. Voyage from Japan to Bantam, and thence to England
§I3. Intelligence concerning Yedso or Jesso, received from a Japanese at
Jedo, who had been twice there
§14. Note of Commodities vendible in Japan
§15. Supplementary Notices of Occurrences in Japan, after the departure
of Captain Saris
SECT. XVI. Ninth Voyage of the East-India Company, in 1612, by Captain
Edward Marlow
SECT. XVII. Tenth Voyage of the East-India Company, in 1612, written by
Mr Thomas Best, Chief Commander
§1. Observations during the Voyage from England to Surat
§2. Transactions with the Subjects of the Mogul, Fights with the
Portuguese, Settlement of a Factory and Departure for Acheen
§3. Occurrences at Acheen in Sumatra
§4. Trade at Tecoo and Passaman, with the Voyage to Bantam, and thence
to England
SECT. XVIII. Observations made during the foregoing Voyage, by Mr
Copland, Chaplain, Mr Robert Boner, Master, and Mr Nicholas Whittington,
Merchant
§1. Notes extracted from the Journal of Mr Copland, Chaplain of the
Voyage
§2. Notes extracted from the Journal of Mr Robert Boner, who was Master
of the Dragon
§3. Extract from a Treatise by Mr Nicholas Whittington, who was left as
Factor in the Mogul Country by Captain Best, containing some of his
Travels and Adventures
SECT. XIX. Eleventh Voyage of the East-India Company, in 1612, in the
Salomon
SECT. XX. Twelfth Voyage of the East-India Company, in 1613, by Captain
Christopher Newport
§1. Observations at St Augustine, Mohelia, and divers Parts of Arabia
§2. Proceedings on the Coast of Persia, and Treachery of the Baloches
§3. Arrival at Diul-ginde, and landing of the Ambassador: Seeking Trade
there, are crossed by the slanderous Portuguese: Go to Sumatra and
Bantam; and thence to England
CHAP XI. Continuation of the Early Voyages of the English East India
Company to India
Introduction
SECT. I. Voyage of Captain Nicholas Downton to India, in 1614
§1. Incidents at Saldanha, Socotora, and Swally; with an Account of the
Disagreements between the Moguls and Portuguese, and between the Nabob
and the English
§2. Account of the Forces of the Portuguese, their hostile Attempts and
Fight with the English, in which they are disgracefully repulsed
§3. Supplies received by the Portuguese, who vainly endeavour to use
Fire-boats. They seek Peace, which is refused, and depart. Interview
between the Nabob and Captain Downton, and Departure of the English
SECT. II. Relations by Mr Elkington and Mr Dodsworth, in Supplement to
preceding Voyage
§1. Continuation of the Voyage from Surat to Bantam, by Captain Thomas
Elkington
§2. Brief Observations by Mr Edward Dodsworth, who returned to England
in the Hope
SECT. III. Journey of Richard Steel and John Crowther, from Agimere, in
India, to Ispahan, in Persia, in the Years 1615, and 1616
SECT. IV. Voyage of Captain Walter Peyton to India, in 1615
§1. Occurrences during the Voyage from England to Surat
§2. Occurrences at Calicut and Sumatra. Miscarriage of the English
Ships, Abuses of the Dutch, and Factories in India
§3. Brief Notice of the Ports, Cities, and Towns, inhabited by, and
traded with, by the Portuguese, between the Cape of Good Hope and Japan,
in the Year 1616
SECT. V. Notes, concerning the Proceedings of the Factory at Cranganore,
from the Journal of Roger Hawes
SECT. VI. Journal of Sir Thomas Roe, Ambassador from James I. to Shah
Jehanguire, Mogul Emperor of Hindoostan
Introduction
§1. Journey from Surat to the Court of the Mogul, and Entertainment
there, with some Account of the Customs of the Country
§2. Occurrences in June, July, and August, 1616, from which the
Character and Dispositions of the Mogul and his Subjects may be observed
§3. Of the Celebration of the King's Birth-day, with other Occurrences,
in September, 1616
§4. Broils about Abdala Khan, and Khan-Khannan: Ambitious Projects of
Sultan Churrum to subvert his eldest Brother: Sea-fight with a
Portuguese Carrack; and various other Occurrences
§5. Continuation of Occurrences at Court, till leaving Agimere, in
November, 1616
§6. Sir Thomas Roe follows the Progress of the Court, and describes the
King's Leskar, &c.
§7. A New-year's Gift--Suspicion entertained of the
English--Dissatisfaction of the Persian Ambassador--English Ships of War
in the Indian Seas
§8 Asaph Khan and Noormahal protect the English from Hope of
Gain.--Arrival of Mr Steel.--Danger to the Public from private
Trade--Stirs about a Fort
SECT. VII. Relation of a Voyage to India in 1616, with Observations
respecting the Dominions of the Great Mogul, by Mr Edward Terry
§1. Occurrences during the Voyage from England to Surat
§2. Description of the Mogul Empire
§3. Of the People of Hindoostan, and their Manners and Customs
§4. Of the Sects, Opinions, Rites Priests, &c. of the Hindoos; with
other Observations
SECT. VIII. Journey of Thomas Coryat by Land, from Jerusalem to the
Court of the Great Mogul
§1. Letter from Agimere to Mr L. Whitaker, in 1615
§2. Do. from Agra to his Mother, in 1616
§3. Some Observations concerning India, by Coryat
SECT. IX. Account of the Wrongs done to the English at Banda by the
Dutch, in 1617 and 1618
SECT. X. Fifth Voyage of the Joint-stock by the English East India
Company, in 1617, under the Command of Captain Martin Pring
§1. Occurrences on the Voyage out, and at Surat, Bantam, and Jacatra
§2. Dutch Injustice, and Sea-fight between them and Sir Thomas Dale
§3. Departure for Coromandel, with Occurrences there, and Death of Sir
Thomas Dale.--Capture of English Ships by the Dutch; and Occurrences at
Tecoo
§4. News of Peace between the English and Dutch
§5. Voyage of Captain Pring from Bantam to Patania and Japan
§6. Voyage from Japan to Bantam, and thence to England
SECT. XI. Voyage of the Ann-royal, from Surat to Mokha, in 1618
SECT. XII. Journal of a Voyage to Surat and Jasques in 1620
§1. Voyage from England to Surat
§2. Voyage from Surat towards Jasques
§3. Account of a Sea-fight with the Portuguese
§4. Second Sea-fight with the Portuguese
§5. Sequel of the Voyage
SECT. XIII. Relation of the War of Ormus, and the Capture of that Place
by the English and Persians, in 1622
SECT. XIV. Account of the Massacre of Amboina, in 1623
SECT. XV. Observations during a Residence in the Island of Chusan, in
1701, by Dr James Cunningham; with some early Notices respecting China
§1. Voyage to Chusan, and short Notices of that Island
§2. Ancient and modern State of the Country, and coming of the English
to reside there
§3. Manner of cultivating Tea in Chusan
§4. Of the famous Medicinal Root called H-tchu-u
§5. Removal of Dr Cunningham to Pulo-Condore, with an Account of the
Rise, Progress, and Ruin of that Factory
§6. Some Account of the Factory at Pulo-Laut, with the Overthrow of that
Factory, and of the English Trade in Borneo
* * * * *
[Illustration: CHART OF
NORTH EASTERN
AFRICA]
Published 1st July 1813
A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.
* * * * *
PART II. BOOK III.
(CONTINUED.)
* * * * *
CHAPTER X.--_Continued_.
EARLY VOYAGES OF THE ENGLISH TO INDIA, AFTER THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE
EAST INDIA COMPANY.
SECTION XV.--_Continued_.
_Eighth Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1611, by Captain
John Saris_.
§5. _Farther Observations respecting the Moluccas, and the Completion of
the Voyage to Japan_.
The 10th of April, 1613, the Spanish commandant sent me a message,
requesting me to stop till the next morning, when he would visit me
along with the sergeant-major of Ternate, who had arrived with a letter
from Don Jeronimo de Sylva, allowing them to trade with me for different
things of which they were in want, and to satisfy me in what I had
requested; wherefore I resolved to stop a while longer, to see if we
could do any good. Expecting Don Fernando next day, according to
promise, and hearing nine guns from their fort, we supposed he was
coming: But it proved to be for the arrival of the prince of Tidore from
the wars, who was returned with the heads of 100 Ternatans. His force in
the expedition in which he had been engaged, consisted of sixty men
armed with matchlocks, two brass _bases_ and three or four _fowlers_. He
had over-thrown _Key Chilly Sadang_, the son of the king of Ternate,
whom the Dutch had brought over from Ternate to prevent the natives of
Machian from supplying us with cloves. While on his return to Ternate
after our departure, he was drawn into an ambush by the son of the king
of Tidore, who lay in wait for the purpose, and slew him, together with
160 men who were along with him, not one of the whole being spared. The
prince of Ternate brought home the head of Key Chilly Sadang to his
wife, who was sister to the slain prince. Key Chilly Sadang in a great
measure owed this discomfiture to a barrel of powder he had bought from
us at Machian, as it exploded at the commencement of the rencounter, and
threw his whole party into confusion. Along with the prince of Ternate,
one of his younger brothers and the king of Gilolo were both slain.
Towards evening, the sergeant-major of Ternate, who was also secretary
of the government, came aboard, and made many compliments, requesting me
to come to Ternate, where they would do for me every thing in their
power. I consented to do this the more readily, as Ternate was in my
way.
I received a message on the 12th from the prince of Tidore, apologising
for not having yet visited me, and saying that he had a quantity of
cloves which I might have, for which I thanked him, and requested they
might be sent soon. They promised to send the cloves before next
morning; wherefore, to guard against treachery, I kept double watch,
with match in cock, and every thing in readiness: For this prince of
Tidore was a most resolute and valiant soldier, and had performed many
desperate exploits against the Dutch, having shortly before surprised
one of their ships of war when at anchor not far from where we then lay.
Before day, a galley, which the Spaniards told us they expected, came
over from _Batta China_, and were very near us in the dark before we
were aware. On hailing, they answered us that they were Spaniards and
our friends, and then made towards the shore in all haste. She was but
small, having only fourteen oars of a side. We this day found our
latitude to be 0° 50' N.
We weighed on the 13th with the wind at N. and a current setting to the
S. In passing the fort we saluted with five guns, which they returned.
Several Spaniards came off with complimentary messages, and among these
a messenger from the prince, saying we should have had plenty of cloves
if we had waited twenty-four hours longer. But we rather suspected that
some treachery was intended, by means of their gallies, frigates, and
curracurras, which we thus avoided by our sudden departure. On rounding
the western point of Tidore, we saw four Dutch ships at anchor before
their fort of Marieca; one of which, on our appearance, fired a gun,
which we supposed was to call their people aboard to follow us. We
steered directly for the Spanish fort on Ternate, and shortened sail on
coming near, and fired a gun without shot, which was immediately
answered. They sent us off a soldier of good fashion, but to as little
purpose as those of Tidore had done. Having little wind, our ship sagged
in, but we found no anchorage. Having a gale of wind at south in the
evening, we stood out to sea, but lost as much ground by the current as
we had gained by the wind. The 14th, with the wind at S.S.W. we steered
N.N.W. being at noon directly under the equinoctial. We had sight of a
galley this day, on which we put about to speak with her; but finding
she went away from us, we shaped our course for Japan.
Before leaving the Moluccas, it may be proper to acquaint the reader
with some circumstances respecting the trade and state of these islands.
Through the whole of the Moluccas, a _bahar_ of cloves consists of 200
_cattees_, the _cattee_ being three pounds five ounces _haberdepoiz_, so
that the bahar is 662 pounds eight ounces English averdupois weight. For
this bahar of cloves, the Dutch give fifty dollars, pursuant to what
they term their perpetual contract; but, for the more readily obtaining
some loading, I agreed to pay them sixty dollars. This increase of price
made the natives very desirous of furnishing me, so that I certainly had
procured a full lading in a month, had not the Dutch overawed the
natives, imprisoning them, and threatening to put them to death, keeping
strict guard on all the coasts. Most of these islands produce abundance
of cloves; and those that are inhabited of any note, yield the following
quantities, one year with another. Ternate 1000 bahars, Machian 1090,
Tidore 900, Bachian 300, Moteer 600, Mean 50, Batta China 35; in all
3975 bahars, or 2,633,437 1/2 English pounds, being 1175 _tons_, twelve
_cwts._ three _qrs._ and nine and a half _libs._ Every third year is far
more fruitful than the two former, and is therefore termed the great
monsoon.
It is lamentable to see the destruction which has been brought upon
these islands by civil wars, which, as I learnt while there, began and
continued in the following manner: At the discovery of these islands by
the Portuguese, they found fierce war subsisting between the kings of
Ternate and Tidore, to which two all the other islands were either
subjected, or were confederated, with one or other of them. The
Portuguese, the better to establish themselves, took no part with
either, but politically kept friends with both, and fortified themselves
in the two principal islands of Ternate and Tidore, engrossing the whole
trade of cloves into their own hands. In this way they domineered till
the year 1605, when the Dutch dispossessed them by force, and took
possession for themselves. Yet so weakly did they provide for defending
the acquisition, that the Spaniards drove them out next year from both
islands, by a force sent from the Philippine islands, took the king of
Ternate prisoner, and sent him to the Philippines, and kept both Ternate
and Tidore for some time in their hands. Since then the Dutch have
recovered some footing in these, islands, and, at the time of my being
there, were in possession of the following forts.
On the island of Ternate they have a fort named: _Malayou_, having three
bulwarks or bastions, _Tolouco_ having two bastions and a round tower,
and _Tacome_ with four bastions. On Tidore they have a fort called
_Marieka_, with four bastions. On Machian, _Tufasoa_, the chief town of
the island, having four large bastions with sixteen pieces of cannon,
and inhabited by about 1000 natives: At _Nofakia_, another town on that
island, they have two forts or redoubts, and a third on the top of a
high hill with five or six guns, which commands the road on the other
side. Likewise at _Tabalola_, another town in Machian, they have two
forts with eight cannons, this place being very strongly situated by
nature. The natives of all these places are under their command. Those
of _Nofakia_ are not esteemed good soldiers, and are said always to side
with the strongest; but those of Tabalola, who formerly resided at
_Cayoa_, are accounted the best soldiers in the Moluccas, being deadly
enemies to the Portuguese and Spaniards, and as weary now of the Dutch
dominion. In these fortified stations in Machian, when I was there, the
Dutch had 120 European soldiers; of whom eighty were at _Tafasoa_,
thirty at _Nofakia_, and ten at _Tabalola_. The isle of Machian is the
richest in cloves of all the Molucca islands; and, according to report,
yields 1800 bahars in the great monsoon. The Dutch have one large fort
in the island of Bachian, and four redoubts in the isle of Moteer. The
civil wars have so wasted the population of these islands, that vast
quantities of cloves perish yearly for want of hands to gather them;
neither is there any likelihood of peace till one party or the other be
utterly extirpated.
Leaving them to their wars, I now return to our traffic, and shall shew
how we traded with the natives, which was mostly by exchanging or
bartering the cotton cloths of Cambaya and Coromandel for cloves. The
sorts in request and the prices we obtained being as follows:
_Candakeens_ of Baroach six _cattees_ of cloves; candakeens of _Papang_,
which are flat, three cattees; _Selas_, or small _bastas_, seven and
eight cattees; _Patta chere Malayo_ sixteen cattees; five _cassas_
twelve cattees; coarse of that kind eight cattees; red _Batellias_, or
_Tancoulas_, forty-four and forty-eight cattees; _Sarassas chere Malayo_
forty-eight and fifty cattees; _Sarampouri_ thirty cattees; _Chelles,
Tapsiels_, and _Matafons_, twenty and twenty-four cattees; white
_Cassas_, or _Tancoulos_, forty and forty-four cattees; the finest
_Donjerijus_ twelve, and coarser eight and ten cattees; _Pouti Castella_
ten cattees; the finest _Ballachios_ thirty cattees; _Pata chere Malayo_
of two fathoms eight and ten cattees; great _Potas_, or long four
fathoms, sixteen cattees; white _Parcallas_ twelve cattees; _Salalos
Ytam_ twelve and fourteen cattees; _Turias_ and _Tape Turias_ one and
two cattees; _Patola_ of two fathoms, fifty and sixty cattees; those of
four fathoms and of one fathom at proportional prices; for twenty-eight
pounds of rice, a dollar; _Sago_, which is a _root_ of which the natives
make their bread, is sold in bunches, and was worth a quarter of a
dollar the bunch; velvets, sattins, taffetics, and other silk goods of
China were much in request. This may suffice for the trade of the
Moluccas.
Proceeding on our voyage, it was calm all day on the 16th of April, but
we, had a good breeze at night from the west, when we steered N.N.W. In
the morning of the 17th, we steered north, with the wind at E. by S. but
it afterwards became very variable, shifting to all points of the
compass, and towards night we had sight of land to the northwards. On
the 18th we had calms, with much rain, and contrary winds at intervals,
for which reason I resolved to go for the island of _Saiom_, which was
to the westward, and to remain there and refresh the crew, till the
change of the monsoon might permit me to proceed on my intended voyage.
But almost immediately the wind came round to the west, and we stood N.
and N. by E. On the 19th, with little wind at W. we continued our course
N. by E. the weather being extremely hot, with much rain. It was quite
calm in the morning of the 20th, but we had a constant current setting
us to the eastwards, which indeed had been the case ever since we left
Ternate. In the afternoon, the wind came round to the northward, a brisk
gale, and we stood west to stem the current, bearing for a large island
called _Doy_, where we proposed to rest and refresh.
In the morning of the 21st, we were fairly before that island, near its
northern extremity, which was a low point stretching southwards. We
stood in E. by S. with the wind at N. by E. and at noon sent our skiff
in search of a convenient place for anchoring; but the current set so
strong to the eastwards, that we were unable to stem it, and could
merely see at a distance a very large bay, having a great shoal off its
northern point half a league out to sea, while we had sixty fathoms
water off the shore upon a bottom of sand. As night approached, we stood
off till morning; and next day, about sun-set, we came to anchor in the
large bay, having on standing in fifty-six, thirty-five, twenty-six, and
twenty-four fathoms water.
I sent some people ashore in the skiff on the 23d, to look out for a
convenient watering-place, and for a proper situation in which to set up
a tent to defend our men from the rain when on shore. They accordingly
found a fit place right over against the ship, and saw many tracks of
deer and wild swine, but no appearance of any inhabitants. The country
was full of trees, and, in particular, there were abundance of
_cokers_,[1] _penang, serie_, and _palmitos_, among which were plenty of
poultry, pheasants, and wood-cocks. I went ashore along with our
merchants, and had a tent set up. Our carpenter made several very
ingenious pitfalls for catching the wild-hogs. We took some fish among
the rocks with much labour, and got one pheasant and two wood-Pigeons,
which last were as large in the body as ordinary hens. Some of our
company staid all night ashore to look for the wild-hogs coming into the
traps, and some very large ones were seen on the 24th, but none were
caught. This morning, about half past seven, the moon, being at the
full, was eclipsed in a more extraordinary manner than any of us had
ever seen, being three hours and a half obscured before she recovered
her entire light, _which was very fearful_.
[Footnote 1: Cocoa-nut trees.--E.]
The 25th, our people searching about the woods, brought great store of
_cokers_ to the ship, together with some fowls, and the heads of the
palmito trees, which we boiled with our beef, and found them to eat like
cabbages. The 28th, the company were busily employed in taking in wood
and water. The skiff was sent out to sound the shoal, and found ten and
twelve fathoms at the northern point of the bar, near the shoal. All
this time we had prodigious rain both day and night. The 29th and 30th
were employed in bringing wood aboard, which we found as good as our
English billets. The skiff was sent on the 1st of May to sound the
western point of the bay, where the water was found very deep. On
landing at that part of the coast our people found the ruins of several
huts, among which were some brass pans, which shewed the place had been
lately inhabited, but, as we supposed, the inhabitants had been hunted
from their houses by the wars.
We set sail on the 12th May, 1613, from this island of _Doy_, being the
north-eastmost island of _Batta-China_, or Gilolo, in the Moluccas, in
latitude 2° 35' N.[2] The variation here was 5° 20' easterly. By noon of
this day we were fourteen leagues N. by E. from the place where we had
been at anchor for twenty days.[3] The 1st June, passed the tropic of
Cancer. The 2d, being in lat 25° 44' N. we laid our account with seeing
the islands of _Dos Reys Magos._[4] Accordingly, about four p.m. we had
sight of a very low island, and soon afterwards of the high land over
the low, there being many little islands, to the number of ten or
eleven, connected by broken grounds and ledges, so that we could not
discern any passage to the westward. At night we stood off and took in
our top-sails, and lay close by in our courses till morning. The islands
stretch from S.W. to N.E. The 3d, we stood in for the land, which
appeared to us a most pleasant and fertile soil, as much so as any we
had seen from leaving England, well peopled, and having great store of
cattle. We proposed to have come to anchor about its north-east point,
and on sounding, had sixty fathoms. We saw two boats coming off to us,
and used every means to get speech of them, wishing for a pilot, and
desiring to know the name of the island, but the wind was so strong that
we could not get in, wherefore we stood away N.W. and had sight of
another island bearing N.N.W. for which we steered, and thence descried
another, N.E. half E. about seven or eight leagues off. Coming under the
western island, we observed certain rocks about two miles offshore, one
of which was above water, and the other, to the north, under water, a
great way without the other, and the sea breaking on it.
[Footnote 2: The latitude in the text, which we have reason to believe
accurate, as Captain Saris was so long at this place, indicates the
northern end of the island of _Morty_, east and a little northerly of
the northern peninsula or leg of Gilolo.--E.]
[Footnote 3: We have omitted in the text the naked journal of daily
winds, courses, and distances, as tending to no useful information
whatever.--E.]
[Footnote 4: The indicated latitude, considering the direction of the
voyage between Morty and Japan, nearly coincides with the small islands
of Kumi and Matchi, west from the south end of the great Liqueo.--E.]
On the 7th, we supposed ourselves about twenty-eight or thirty leagues
from _Tonan_.[5] In the morning of the 8th, we had sight of a high round
island, bearing E. six leagues off, with various other islands, in six
or seven directions westwards, five or six leagues off.[6] In the
morning of the 8th we had sight of land bearing N.N.E. and of six great
islands in a row N.E. from the island we descried the preceding evening;
and at the northern end of all were many small rocks and hummocks. In a
bay to the eastwards of these, we saw a high land bearing E. and E. by
S. and E.S.E. which is the island called _Xima_ in the charts, but named
_Maihma_ by the natives, while the former island is called _Segue_, or
_Amaxay_.[7] The 10th, four great fishing-boats came aboard, about five
tons burden each, having one large sail, like that of a skiff. They had
each four oars of a side, resting on pins fastened to the gunwales, the
heads of the pins being let into the middle of the oars, so that they
hung in just equipoise, saving much labour to the rowers. These people
make much more speed in rowing than our men, and perform their work
standing, by which they take up less room. They told us we were just
before the entrance to _Nangasaki_, which bore N.N.E.; the straits of
_Arima_ being N.E. by N. and that the high hill we saw yesterday was
upon the island called _Uszideke_,[8] making the straits of _Arima_, at
the north end of which is good anchorage, and at the south end is the
entrance to _Cahinoch_.[9] We agreed with two of the masters of these
fishing-boats for thirty dollars each, and rice for their food, to pilot
us to _Firando_, on which agreement their people came aboard our ship,
and voluntarily performed its duty as readily as any of our own
mariners. We steered N. by W. the pilots reckoning that we were thirty
leagues from Firando. One of the boats which came to us at this time
belonged to the Portuguese who dwelt at Nangasaki, being Christian
converts, and thought our ship had been the Portuguese ship from Makao;
but, on finding we were not, made all haste back again to advise them,
refusing every entreaty to remain with us.
[Footnote 5: The island of Tanao-sima is probably here meant, being the
most southerly of the Japanese islands. It may be proper to remark, that
the termination _sima_, in the names of islands belonging to Japan,
obviously means _island_, like the prefix _pula_ in the names of islands
in the Malay Archipelago.--E.]
[Footnote 6: There is a considerable cluster of small islands south from
Tanaosima, between the latitudes of 29° 30' and 30° N.--E.]
[Footnote 7: Xima, or sima, only means island. Perhaps Mashama may be
that named Kaba-sima in modern maps, and Amaxay may possibly be Amacusa,
these islands being in the way towards Nangasaki.--E.]
[Footnote 8: This seems the same island called before Amaxay, or
Amacusa.--E.]
[Footnote 9: Cochinotzu is the name of a town on the south-west
peninsula of the island of Kiusiu; but Cochinoch in the text seems the
sound leading to Nangasaki, and the straits of Arima appear to be the
passage between the north side of Amacusa and Kiusiu.--E.]
§6. _Arrival at Firando, and some Account of the Habits, Manners, and
Customs of the Japanese_.
We came to anchor about half a league short of Firando, about three
p.m. of the 11th June, 1613, the tide being then so much spent that we
could not get nearer. I was soon afterwards visited by _Foyne Sama_, the
old king of Firando, accompanied by his nephew, _Tone Sama_, who
governed the island under the old king.[10] They were attended by forty
boats or gallies, some having ten, and others fifteen oars of a side. On
coming near our ship, the king ordered all the boats to fall astern,
except the two which carried him and his nephew, who only came on deck,
both dressed in silk gowns, under which were linen shirts and breeches.
Each of them wore two _cattans_, or Japanese swords, one of which was
half a yard long in the blade, and the other only a quarter of a yard.
They wore neither turbans nor hats, the fore part of their heads being
shaven to the crowns, and the rest of their hair very long, and gathered
into a knot behind. The king seemed about seventy-two years of age, and
his nephew, or grandchild, twenty-two, who governed under him, and each
was attended by an officer, who commanded over their slaves as they
directed.
[Footnote 10: As the Portuguese, who first visited Japan, chose to
designate the sovereign of that country by the title of emperor, they
denominated all its provinces kingdoms, and their governors kings.--E.]
Their manner of salutation was thus: On coming into the presence of him
they mean to salute, they put off their shoes, so that they are
barefooted, for they wear no stockings. Then putting their right hand
within the left, they hold them down to their knees, bending their
bodies, then wag or swing their joined hands a little to and fro, making
some small steps to one side from the person they salute, and say _augh!
augh!_ I immediately led them into my cabin, where I had prepared a
banquet for them, and entertained them with a good concert of music, to
their great delight. I then delivered the letters from our king to the
king of Firando, which he received very joyfully, saying he would not
open it till _Ange_ came, who would interpret it. _Ange_, in their
language, signifies a pilot, and by this name was meant one _William
Adams_, an Englishman. He had come this way in a Dutch ship from the
South Seas, about twelve years ago; and, in consequence of a mutiny
among the people, the ship was seized by the emperor, and Adams had
remained in the country ever since. After staying about an hour and a
half, the king took his leave, bidding us welcome to the country, and
promising me kind entertainment.
He was no sooner ashore than all his nobility came to see the ship,
attended by a vast number of soldiers, every person of any note bringing
a present; some of venison, some of wild-fowl, and some of wild-boar,
the largest and fattest we had ever seen, while others brought us fish,
fruits, and various things. They greatly admired the ship, and seemed
never to be satisfied with looking at her; and as we were much pestered
by the number of these visitors, I sent to the king, requesting he would
order them to remove, to prevent any inconveniences that might arise.
The king immediately sent a principal officer of his guard, with orders
to remain aboard, to see that no injury was done to us, and ordered a
proclamation to that effect to be made in the town. The same night,
Hendrik Brewer, who was chief of the Dutch factory at Firando, came to
visit me, or rather to see what had passed between the king and us. I
wrote this day to Mr Adams, who was then at _Jedo_,[11] nearly 300
leagues from Firando, to inform him of our arrival. King _Foyne_ sent my
letter next day by his admiral, to _Osackay_ (_Osaka_,) the nearest port
of importance on the principal island, whence it would go by post to
Jedo, and he sent notice to the emperor by the same conveyance, of our
arrival and purposes.
[Footnote 11: Called _Edoo_, in Purchas.]
In the morning of the 12th, we had fish brought to us in abundance, and
as cheap as we could desire. We this day weighed to make sail for the
road; and, on this occasion, the king sent at the least threescore large
boats, or gallies, well manned, to tow us into the harbour. On seeing
this multitude of boats, I was in some doubts of their intentions, and
sent my skiff to warn them not to come near the ship. But the king was
in the headmost boat, and observing my suspicions, waved his
handkerchief for all the boats to wait, and came aboard himself, telling
me that he had ordered all these boats to assist in bringing me round a
point which was somewhat dangerous, on account of the strength of the
tide, and could not be stemmed by even a good breeze of wind, and if the
ship fell into the eddy, we should be driven upon the rocks. Having got
this explanation, we sent our hawsers to the Japanese boats, on which
they fell stiffly to work, and towed us into the harbour. In the mean
time, the king breakfasted with me, and when I proposed rewarding his
people for towing me in, after we were at anchor, he would not allow
them to accept of any thing.
We now anchored in five fathoms, on soft ooze, so near the shore that we
could have talked with the people in their houses. We saluted the town
with nine guns, but had no return, as there are no cannon at this place,
neither any fortifications, except barricades for small arms. Several
nobles came off to bid me welcome, two of whom were men of high rank,
named _Nobusane_ and _Simmadone_. I entertained them well, and, at
their departing, they used extraordinary state, one remaining on board till
the other was landed, their children and chief followers using the like
ceremony. There came continually such numbers of people on board, both
men and women, that we were not able to go about the decks. The ship
likewise was quite surrounded by boats full of people, greatly admiring
her head and stern. I permitted several women of the better sort to come
into my cabin, where the picture of Venus and Cupid was hung, rather
wantonly executed. Some of these ladies, thinking it to be Our Lady and
her blessed Son, fell down to worship with appearance of much devotion,
whispering our men, so that their companions might not hear, that they
were Christians, having been converted by the Portuguese jesuits.
The king came aboard again, bringing four principal women along with
him, who were attired in silken gowns, overlapped in front, and girt
round them. Their legs were bare, except that they had half buskins
bound about their insteps with silk ribbon. Their hair was very black
and long, tied up in a knot on the crown, in a very comely manner, no
part of their heads being shaven, like the men. They had comely faces,
hands, and feet, with clear white complexions, but wanting colour, which
they supplied by art. Their stature was low, but they were very fat, and
their behaviour was very courteous, and not ignorant of the respect due
according to their fashions. The king requested that no person might
remain in the cabin except myself and my linguist, who was a native of
Japan, brought along with me from Bantam. He was well skilled in the
Malay language, in which he explained to me what was said by the king,
in Japanese. The women were at first somewhat bashful, but the king
desired them to be frolicsome. They sung several songs, and played on
certain instruments, one of which resembled our lute, being bellied like
it, but longer in the neck, and fretted like ours, but had only four gut
strings. They fingered with their left hands, as is done with us, and
very nimbly; but they struck the strings with a piece of ivory held in
the right hand, as we are in use to play with a quill on the citern.
They seemed to delight much in their music, beating time with their
hands, and both playing and singing by book, prickt on lines and spaces
much like our own. I feasted them, and gave them several English
commodities, and after two hours stay, they returned on shore. At this
interview I requested the king to let us have a house in the town, which
he readily granted, taking two of my merchants ashore with him, to whom
he pointed out three or four houses, desiring them to make their choice,
paying the owners as we could agree.
On the 13th I went ashore, attended by the merchants and principal
officers, and delivered our presents to the king, to the value of about
£140, which he received with great satisfaction, feasting me and my
whole company with several kinds of _powdered_ wild-fowl and fruits.
He called for a standing cup, which was one of the presents, and ordering
it to be filled with their country wine, which is distilled from rice,
and as strong as brandy, he told me he would drink it all off to the
health of the king of England, which he did, though it held about a pint
and a half, in which he was followed by myself and all his nobles. As
only myself and the Cape merchant sat in the same room with the king,
all the rest of my company being in another room, he commanded his
secretary to go and see that they all pledged the health. The king and
his nobles sat at meat cross-legged, on mats, after the fashion of the
Turks, the mats being richly edged with cloths of gold, velvet, sattin,
or damask. The 14th and 15th were spent in giving presents; and on the
16th I agreed with _Audassee_, captain of the Chinese quarter, for
his house, paying ninety-five dollars for the monsoon of six months; he to
put it into repair, and to furnish all the rooms conveniently with mats,
according to the fashion of the country, and we to keep it in repair,
with leave to alter as we thought fit.
This day our ship was so pestered with numbers of people coming on
board, that I had to send to the king for a guardian to clear them out,
many things being stolen, though I more suspected my own people than the
natives. There came this day a Dutchman in one of the country boats, who
had been at the island of _Mashma_, where he sold good store of pepper,
broad-cloth, and elephants teeth, though he would not acknowledge to us
that he had sold any thing, or brought any thing back with him in the
boat; but the Japanese boatmen told us he had sold a great quantity of
goods at a mart in that place, and had brought his returns in bars of
silver, which he kept very secret.
The 21st the old king came aboard again, bringing with him several women
to make a frolic. These women were actors of comedies, who go about from
island to island, and from town, to town, to act plays, which are mostly
about love and war, and have several shifts of apparel for the better
grace of their interludes. These women were the slaves of a man who
fixes a price that every man must pay who has to do with them. He must
not take a higher price than that affixed, on pain of death, if
complained against. At the first, he is allowed to fix upon each woman
what price he pleases, which price he can never afterwards raise, but
may lower it as he likes; neither doth the party bargain with the women
for their favours, but with the master. Even the highest of the Japanese
nobility, when travelling, hold it no disgrace to send for these panders
to their inn, and bargain with them for their girls, either to fill out
their drink for them at table, as is the custom with all men of rank, or
for other uses. When any of these panders die, although in their life
they were received into the best company, they are now held unworthy to
rest among the worst. A straw rope is put round their neck, and they are
dragged through the streets into the fields, and cast on a dung-hill to
be devoured by dogs and fowls.
The 23d, there arrived two Chinese junks at Nangasaki, laden with sugar.
By them it was understood that the emperor of China had lately put, to
death about 5000 persons for trading out of the country contrary to his
edict. Yet the hope of profit had induced these men to hazard their
lives and properties, having bribed the _Pungavas_, or officers of
the sea-ports, who had succeeded those recently put to death for the same
offence.
The 29th, a _soma_, or junk, belonging to the Dutch, arrived at
Nangasaki from Siam, laden with Brazil wood and skins of all kinds. On
their arrival, they were said to be Englishmen, as, before our coming,
the Dutch used generally to pass by the name of English, our nation
being long known by report in Japan, but much scandalised by the
Portuguese jesuits, who represent us as pirates and rovers on the sea.
In consequence of this report, the Japanese have a song, which they call
_English Crofonio_, shewing how the English take the Spanish and
Portuguese ships, which, while singing, they act likewise with catans,
and so scare their children, as the French used to do theirs with the
name of Lord Talbot.
The 1st July two of our company happened to quarrel, and had nearly gone
out to the field to fight, which had greatly endangered us all, as it is
the law here, that whoever draws a weapon in anger, although no harm be
done, is presently cut in pieces; and if they do even but small hurt,
not only they are so executed themselves, but all their relations are
put to death. The 2d, I went ashore to keep house at Firando, my
household consisting of twenty-six persons. At our first coming, we
found that the Dutch sold broad-cloths of £15 or 16 a-cloth, for forty
dollars, or £8 sterling the _mat_, which is a measure of two yards
and a quarter. Being desirous to keep up the price of our cloth, and hearing
that the Dutch had a great quantity, I had a conference with Brower, the
chief of their factory, proposing that we should mutually fix prices
upon such cloths as we both had, and neither of us, in any respect, sell
below the prices agreed upon; for performance of which, I offered to
enter into mutual bonds. In the morning, he seemed to approve of this
proposal, but ere night he sent me word that he disliked it, alleging
that he had no authority from his masters to make any such agreement.
Next morning he shipped away a great store of cloth to different
islands, rating them at low prices, as at twenty, eighteen, and sixteen
dollars the _mat_, that he might the more speedily sell off his own, and
glut the market before ours came forwards.
Pepper, ungarbled, which cost 1 3/4 dollars at Bantam the sack, was
worth at our coming ten _tayes_ the _pecul_, which is 100
_cattea_ of Japan, or 130 pounds English. A _taye_ is worth
five shillings sterling. A rial of eight, or Spanish dollar, is worth
there in ordinary payment only seven _mas_, or three shillings and
sixpence sterling, one mas being equal to a single rial. The _pecul_
of tin was worth thirty _tayes_; the _pecul_ of elephants teeth
eighty _tayes_: Cast iron six tayes the pecul: Gunpowder twenty-three
tayes the pecul: Socotrine aloes the cattee, six _tayes_: Fowling-pieces
twenty tayes each: Calicos and such little commodities, of Guzerat or
Coromandel, were at various prices, according to their qualities.
On the 7th of July the king of the Gotto islands, which are not far from
Firando to the S.W. came upon a visit to king _Foyne_, saying he had
heard of an excellent English ship being arrived in his dominions, which
he greatly desired to go aboard of. King Foyne requested of me that this
might be allowed, the king of Gotto being an especial friend of his;
wherefore he was banqueted on board, and several cannon were fired at
his departure, which he was much pleased with, and told me he would be
glad to see some of our nation at his islands, where they should meet a
hearty welcome. Three Japanese, two men and a woman, were put to death
for the following cause: The woman, in the absence of her husband, had
made separate assignations with both the men. He who was appointed
latest, not knowing of the other, and weary of waiting, came too soon,
and enraged at finding her engaged with another man, drew his _cattan_
and wounded both very severely, almost cutting the man's back in two.
Yet the wounded man, getting hold of his _cattan_, wounded the
aggressor. This fray alarming the street, word was sent to king Foyne
and to know his pleasure, who accordingly gave orders to cut off all
their heads. After their execution, all who thought proper, as many did,
came to try the temper of their weapons upon the dead bodies, which they
soon hewed in small pieces, which were left to be devoured by the
ravens.
The 10th three others were executed in the same way with the former,
being beheaded and afterwards cut in pieces, for stealing a woman long
since from Firando and selling her at Nangasaki. When any are to be
executed, they are led out of town in the following manner: First there
go two men, one having a mattock and the other a shovel, to dig the
grave, if that be allowed to the criminal. Then a third person carrying
a small table or board, on which is written the crime of the party,
which is afterwards affixed to a post on the grave in which he is
buried. Next comes the party to be executed, having his hands bound
behind him by a silken cord, and having a small paper banner, much like
one of our wind-vanes, on which the offence is written. The criminal is
followed by the executioner, having his _cattan_ or Japanese sword by
his side, and holding in his hand the cord with which the hands of the
criminal are bound. On each hand of the executioner walks a soldier
armed with a pike, the head of which rests on the criminal's shoulder,
to intimidate him from attempting to escape. In this manner I saw one
man led out to execution, who went forwards with a most wonderful
resolution, and apparently without fear of death, such as I had never
seen the like in Europe. He was condemned for stealing a sack of rice
from a neighbour, whose house was burning.
The 11th there arrived three Chinese junks at Nangasaki, laden with
silks. The 19th the old king begged a piece of _poldavy_ from me; and
though a king, and famed as the bravest soldier in Japan for his conduct
in the wars of Corea, he had it made into coats, which he wore next his
skin, some part of it being made into handkerchiefs. The 20th, a _soma_
or junk arrived at Nangasaki from Cochinchina, laden with silk and
benzoin, which last was exceedingly clear and good. The 29th Mr Adams
arrived at Firando, having been seventeen days in coming from Sorongo,
while we had waited no less than forty-eight days for his coming.[12]
After receiving him in a friendly manner, I conferred with him in the
presence of our merchants, as to our hopes of trade in this country. He
said the trade was variable, but doubted not we might do as well as the
Dutch, and gave great commendations of the country, to which he seemed
to be much attached.
[Footnote 12: The first messenger, for not making haste with the letters
to Adams, was banished by the angry king.--_Purch._]
On the morning of the 30th, an officer of the young king was cut to
pieces in the street, as it was thought for being too intimate with the
young king's mother; and one of the officer's slaves was slain along
with him, for endeavouring to defend his master. This day there came two
Spaniards to Firando, who were acquainted with Mr Adams, to request a
passage in our ship for Bantam. They had belonged to the crew of a
Spanish ship, sent from New Spain about a year before to make
discoveries to the north of Japan, and coming to Jedo to wait the
monsoon which serves for going to the northward, which begins in the end
of May, the crew mutinied against their captain, and every one went
away whither he listed, leaving the ship entirely unmanned. On receiving
this account of the Spaniards, I thought it best not to let them enter
my ship.
On the 3d of August, king _Foyne_ sent to know what was the size of the
present from our king to the emperor, as also the number of people I
meant to take along with me to the court, that he might provide
accordingly for my going up in good order, in regard to barks, horses,
and palanquins. This day likewise I caused the presents to be assorted,
for the emperor and those of chief consideration about him, of which
presents respectively the values were as follow:--
For _Ogoshosama_, the emperor, ---------------------£87 7 6
_Shongosama_, the emperor's son, ----------------43 15 0
_Codskedona_, the emperor's secretary, ----------15 17 6
_Saddadona_, secretary to the emperor's son,----14 3 4
_Iccocora Juga_, judge of _Meaco_, ---------4 10 6
_Fongodona_, admiral of _Orungo_,-----------3 10 0
_Goto Shozavero_, the mint-master, -------------11 0 0
________
Total, £180 3 10
§7. _Journey of Captain Saris to the Court of the Emperor, with his
Observations there and by the Way_.
The 7th August, 1613, being furnished by king _Foyne_ with a proper
galley, and having taken leave of him, I went aboard ship to put all
things in order for my departure.[13] This galley rowed twenty-five-oars
of a side, and was manned by sixty Japanese; and I fitted her out
handsomely in our fashion, with waste cloths, ensigns, and all other
necessaries. Leaving instructions with the master of the Clove and the
cape merchant, for the proper regulation of the ship and the house on
shore during my absence, and taking with me ten Englishmen and nine
other attendants, as the before-mentioned sixty were only to take charge
of the galley, I departed from Firando on my voyage and journey for the
court of the Japanese emperor. We rowed through among various islands,
all or most of which were well inhabited, and had several handsome towns
upon them, one of which, called _Facata_, has a very strong castle built
of freestone, but without any cannon or garrison. The ditch of this
castle is five fathoms deep and ten broad, all round about the walls,
and is passed by means of a drawbridge, and the whole is kept in good
repair. The tide and wind were here so strong against us that we could
not proceed, for which reason I landed and dined at this town, which was
very well built, and seemed to be as large as London is within the
walls. All its streets are so even, that one may see from one end to the
other. This place is exceedingly populous, and the people very civil and
courteous; only that at our first landing, and indeed at all places to
which we came in the whole country, the children and low idle people
used to gather about and follow us a long way, calling _coré, coré,
cocoré, Waré_ that is to say, _You Coreans with false hearts_; all the
while whooping and hallooing, and making such a noise that we could not
hear ourselves speak; and sometimes throwing stones at us, though seldom
in any of the towns, yet the clamour and shouting was every where the
same, as nobody reproved them for it. The best advice I can give to
those who may come after me, is to pass on without attending to these
idle rabblements, by which their ears only will be disturbed by the
noise. All along this coast, and indeed the whole way to Osaka, we found
various women who lived continually with their families in boats upon
the water, as is done in Holland. These women catch fish by diving even
in the depth of eight fathoms, that are missed by the nets and lines;
and by the habit of frequent diving their eyes become excessively red
and bloodshot, by which mark these divers may be readily distinguished
from all other women.
[Footnote 13: The old king sent 200 tayes, worth five shillings each, to
Captain Saris, for his expences in the journey.--_Purch._]
In two days we rowed from Firando to Facata. When eight or ten leagues
short of the straits of _Xemina-seque_,[14] we came to a great town,
where there lay in a dock a junk of 800 or 1000 tons burden, _all
sheathed with iron_,[15] and having a guard appointed to keep her from
being set on fire or otherwise destroyed. She was built in a very homely
fashion, much like the descriptions we have of Noah's ark; and the
natives told us she served to transport troops to any of the islands in
case of rebellion or war.
[Footnote 14: The editor of Astley's Collection has altered the
orthography of this name to _Shemina seki_. In modern maps, we find a
town named _Sunono sequi_, on one side of these straits, which divide
the island of Kiusiu from the south-west end of the great island of
Niphon.--E.]
[Footnote 15: It is not a little singular, that metallic sheathing
should have been observed by English mariners in Japan so long ago as
1613, and yet never attempted in the British or any other European navy
till more than 150 years afterwards, and then brought forwards as a new
invention.--E.]
We met with nothing extraordinary after passing through the straits of
Xemina-seque till we came to Osaka, where we arrived on the 27th of
August. Our galley could not get nearer the town than six miles;
wherefore we were met by a smaller vessel, in which came the _goodman or
host_ of the house where we were to lodge in Osaka, and who brought with
him a banquet of wine and _salt fruits_ to entertain me. A rope being
made fast to the mast-head of our boat, she was drawn forwards by men,
as our west country barges are at London. We found Osaka a very large
town, as large as London within the walls, having many very high and
handsome timber bridges which serve to cross the river _Jodo_, which is
as wide as the Thames at London. Some of the houses here were handsome,
but not many. It is one of the chiefest sea-ports in all Japan, and has
a castle of great size and strength, with very deep ditches all round,
crossed by drawbridges, and its gates plated with iron. This castle is
all of freestone, strengthened by bulwarks and battlements, having
loop-holes for small arms and arrows, and various passages for throwing
down stones upon the assailants. The walls are at least six or seven
yards thick, all built of freestone throughout, having no packing with
trumpery within, as I was told, but all solid. The stones are large and
of excellent quality, and are so exactly cut to fit the places where
they are laid, that no mortar is used, only a little earth being
occasionally thrown in to fill up any void spaces.
In the castle of Osaka, when I was there, dwelt the son of _Tiquasama_,
who was the true heir of Japan; but being an infant at the death of his
father, he was left under the guardianship of four chiefs or great men,
of whom Ogoshosama, the present emperor, was the principal. The other
three guardians were each desirous of acquiring the sovereignty, and
being opposed by Ogoshosama, levied armies against him; but Ogoshosama
defeated them in battle, in which two of them were slain, and the other
saved himself by flight. After this great victory, Ogoshosama attempted
what he is said not to have thought of before. Seizing the true heir of
the throne, he married the young prince to his own daughter, and
confined them in the castle of Osaka, under the charge of such persons
only as had been brought up from their childhood under the roof of the
usurper, so that by their means he has regular intelligence of every
thing they do.
Right opposite to Osaka, on the other side of the river Jodo, there is
another town called _Sakay_, not so large as Osaka, but of considerable
extent, and having great trade to all the neighbouring country. Having
left samples and lists of prices of all our commodities with our host at
Osaka, we departed from that place on the night of the 29th of August in
a bark, and arrived at _Fusima_ next night, where we found a garrison of
3000 men, maintained there by the emperor, to keep Miaco and Osaka under
subjection. This garrison is shifted every third year, and the relief
took place while we were there, so that we saw the old bands march away
and the new enter, which they did in a most soldier-like manner. They
marched five abreast, and to every ten files or fifty men there was a
captain, who kept his men in excellent order. Their shot marched first,
being _calivers_, for they have no muskets and will not use any, then
followed pikes, next swords or _cattans_ and targets, these were
followed by bows and arrows, and then a band armed with weapons called
_waggadashes_, resembling Welsh hooks: These were succeeded by calivers,
and so on as before; but without any ensigns or colours; neither had
they any drums or other warlike instruments of music. The first file of
the band armed with cattans had silver scabbards, and the last file
which marched next the captain had their scabbards of gold. The
companies or bands were of various numbers, some 500, some 300, and some
only of 150 men. In the middle of every band there were three horses
very richly caparisoned, their saddles being covered by costly furs, or
velvet, or stammel broad-cloths. Every horse was attended by three
slaves, who led them in silken halters, and their eyes were hoodwinked
by means of leathern covers.
After each troop or band, the captain followed on horseback, his bed and
all his necessaries being laid upon his own horse equally poised on both
sides, and over all was spread a covering of red felt of China, on the
top of which sat the captain crosslegged, like a huckster between two
paniers. Such as were old or weak in the back had a staff artificially
fixed on the pannel, on which he could lean back and rest himself as if
sitting in a choir. We met the captain-general of this new garrison two
days after meeting his first band, having in the mean time met several
of these bands in the course of our journey, some a league, and others
two leagues from each other. The general travelled in great state, much
beyond the other bands, yet the second band had their arms much more
richly decorated than the first, and the third than the second, and so
every successive band more sumptuous than another. The captain-general
hunted and hawked all the way, having his own hounds and hawks along
with him, the hawks being hooded and lured as ours in England. The
horses that accompanied him for his own riding were six in number, and
were all richly caparisoned. These horses were not tall, but of the size
of our middling nags, short and well knit, small-headed, and very
mettlesome, and in my opinion far excelling the Spanish jennet in spirit
and action. His palanquin was carried before him, being lined with
crimson velvet, and having six bearers, two and two to carry at a time.
Such excellent order was taken for the passing and providing of these
soldiers, that no person either inhabiting or travelling in the road by
which they passed and lodged, was in any way injured by them, but all of
them were as cheerfully entertained as any other guests, because they
paid for what they had as regularly as any other travellers. Every town
and village on the way being well provided with cooks-shops and
victualling houses, where they could get every thing they had a mind
for, and diet themselves at any sum they pleased, between the value of
an English penny and two shillings. The most generally used article of
food in Japan is rice of different qualities, as with our wheats and
other kinds of grain, the whitest being reckoned the best, and is used
instead of bread, to which they add fresh or salted fish, some pickled
herbs, beans, radishes, and other roots, salted or pickled; wild-fowl,
such as duck, mallard, teal, geese, pheasants, partridges, quails, and
various others, powdered or put up in pickle. They have great abundance
of poultry, as likewise of red and fallow deer, with wild boars, hares,
goats, and kine. They have plenty of cheese, but have no butter, and use
no milk, because they consider it to be of the nature of blood.
They have great abundance of swine. Their wheat is all of the red kind,
and is as good as ours in England, and they plough both with oxen and
horses, as we do. During our residence in Japan, we bought the best hens
and pheasants at three-pence each, large fat pigs for twelve-pence, a
fat hog for five shillings, a good ox, like our Welsh runts, at sixteen
shillings, a goat for three shillings, and rice for a halfpenny the
pound. The ordinary drink of the common people is water, which they
drink warm with their meat, holding it to be a sovereign remedy against
worms in the _maw_. They have no other drink but what is distilled from
rice, as strong as our brandy, like Canary wine in colour, and not dear:
Yet, after drawing off the best and strongest, they still wring out a
smaller drink, which serves the poorer people who cannot reach the
stronger.
The 30th of August we were furnished with nineteen horses at the charge
of the emperor, to carry up my attendants and the presents going in our
king's name to _Surunga_. I had a palanquin appointed for my use, and a
led horse, well caparisoned, to ride when I pleased, six men being
appointed to carry my palanquin on plain ground, but where the road grew
hilly, ten were allowed. The officer appointed by king _Foyne_ to
accompany me, took up these men and horses by warrants, from time to
time, and from place to place, just as post-horses are taken up in
England, and also procured us lodgings at night; and, according to the
custom of the country, I had a slave to run before me, carrying a pike.
We thus travelled every day fifteen or sixteen leagues, which we
estimated at three miles the league, and arrived on the 6th of September
at _Surunga_,[16] where the emperor resided. The road for the most part
is wonderfully even, and where it meets with mountains, a passage is cut
through. This is the main road of the whole country, and, is mostly
covered with sand and gravel. It is regularly measured off into leagues,
and at every league there is a small hillock of earth on each side of
the road, upon each of which is set a fair pine-tree, trimmed round like
an arbour. These are placed at the end of every league, that the
hackney-men and horse-hirers may not exact more than their due, which is
about three-pence for each league.
[Footnote 16: Suruga, Surunga, or Sununnaga, is a town in the province
of that name, at the head of the gulf of Totomina, about 50 miles S.W.
from Jedo.--E.]
The road is much frequented, and very full of people. Every where, at
short distances, we came to farms and country-houses, with numerous
villages, and frequent large towns. We had often likewise to ferry over
rivers, and we saw many _Futtakeasse_ or _Fotoquis_, being the
temples of the Japanese, which are situated in groves, and in the
pleasantest places of the country, having the priests that attend
upon the idols dwelling around the temples, as our friars in old time
used to do here in England. On approaching any of the towns, we saw
sundry crosses, having the dead bodies of persons who had been crucified
affixed to them, such being the ordinary mode of punishment for most
malefactors. On coming near Surunga, where the emperor keeps his court,
we saw a scaffold, on which lay the heads of several malefactors that had
been recently executed, with the dead bodies of some stretched on crosses,
while those of others had been all hewn in pieces by the natives, trying
the tempers of their _cattans_, as formerly mentioned when at Firando.
This was a most unpleasant sight for us, who had necessarily to pass
them on our way to Surunga.
The city of Surunga is fully as large as London, with all its
suburbs.[17] We found all the handicraft tradesmen dwelling in the
outward parts and skirts of the town, while those of the better sort
resided in the heart of the city, not choosing to be annoyed by the
continual knocking, hammering, and other noise made by the artisans in
their several callings. As soon as we were settled in the lodgings
appointed for us in the city of Surunga, I sent Mr Adams to the imperial
residence, to inform the secretary of our arrival, and to request as
speedy dispatch as possible. He sent me back for answer, that I was
welcome, and that after resting myself for a day for two, I should be
admitted to an audience of the emperor. The 7th of September we were
occupied in arranging the presents, and providing little tables of
sweet-smelling wood on which to carry them, according to the custom of
the country.
[Footnote 17: It is hardly necessary to remark, that this applies to
London in the year 1613, then vastly smaller than now, when Westminster
was a separate city, at some miles distance from London; the Strand,
Piccadilly, and Oxford Street, country roads; Whitehall a country
palace; and the whole _west end_ of the town, fields, farms, or country
villas.--E.]
On the 8th of September I was carried in my palanquin to the castle of
Surunga, in which the emperor resides, and was attended by my merchants
and others, the presents being carried before me. In entering the
castle, we had to pass three draw-bridges, at each of which there was a
guard of soldiers. The approach to the presence was by means of a fair
and wide flight of stone stairs, where I was met and received by two
grave and comely personages; one of whom was _Codske dona_, the
emperor's secretary, and the other named _Fongo dona_, the admiral. By
these officers I was led into a handsome room, the floor of which was
covered by mats, on which we sat down cross-legged. Shortly after, they
led me into the presence-chamber, in which stood the chair of state, to
which they wished me to do reverence. This chair was about five feet
high, covered with cloth of gold, and very richly adorned on its back
and sides, but had no canopy. We then returned to the former room, and
in about a quarter of an hour word was brought that the emperor was in
the presence-chamber. They then led me to the door of the room where the
emperor was, making signs for me to go in, but dared not even to look up
themselves. The presents sent from our king to the emperor, and those
which I offered as from myself according to the custom of the country,
had all been placed in a very orderly manner upon mats in the
presence-chamber, before the emperor came there.
Going into the chamber, of presence, I made my compliments to the
emperor according to our English fashion, and delivered our king's
letter to the emperor, who took it in his hand and raised it towards his
forehead, and commanded his interpreter, who sat at a good distance
behind, to desire Mr Adams to tell me that I was welcome from a long and
wearisome journey, that I might therefore rest me for a day or two, and
then his answer should be ready for our king. He then asked me if I did
not intend to visit his son at _Jedo_.[18] Answering, that I proposed
to do so, the emperor said, that orders should be given to provide me with
men and horses for the journey, and that the letters for our king should
be ready against my return. Then, taking leave respectfully of the
emperor, and coming to the door of the presence-chamber, I found the
secretary and admiral waiting to conduct me down the stairs where they
formerly met me, when I went into my palanquin and returned with my
attendants to our lodgings.
[Footnote 18: Always called _Edoo_ in Purchas, but we have thought it
better to use the form of the name now universally adopted in
geography; but which name, from the orthography used by Captain Saris,
is probably pronounced in Japan, _Idu_, or _Eedoo_.--E.]
On the 9th I sent the present intended for the secretary to be delivered
to him, for which he heartily thanked me, but would in no wise receive
it, saying, the emperor had so commanded, and that it was as much as his
life was worth to accept of any gift. He took, however, five pounds of
Socotorine aloes, to use for his health's sake. I this day delivered to
him the articles of privilege for trade, being _fourteen_ in number,
which we wished to have granted. These he desired to have abbreviated
into as few words as possible, as in all things the Japanese are fond of
brevity. Next day, being the 10th September, the articles so abridged
were sent to the secretary by Mr Adams; and on being shown by the
secretary to the emperor, they were all approved except one, by which,
as the Chinese had refused to trade with the English, we required
permission, in case of taking any Chinese vessels by force, that we
might freely bring them into the ports of Japan, and there make sale of
the goods. At the first, the emperor said we might take them, since they
refused to trade with us; but, after conference with the Chinese
resident, he altered his mind, and would not allow of that article. All
the rest were granted and confirmed under his great seal, which is not
impressed in wax as with us in England, but is stamped in print with red
ink. These articles of privilege were as follow:--
_Privileges granted by OGOSHOSAMA, Emperor of Japan, to the Governor and
Company of the London East India Company_.[19]
[Footnote 19: This copy Captain Saris brought home and gave
me--_Purch._]
1. We give free licence to the subjects of the king of Great Britain,
viz. To Sir Thomas Smith, governor, and the Company of the East Indian
Merchants Adventurers, for ever, safely to come into any of the ports of
our empire of Japan, with their ships and merchandize, without any
hinderance to them or their goods; and to abide, buy, sell, and barter,
according to their own manner, with all nations; to remain here as long
as they think good, and to depart at their pleasure.
2. We grant to them freedom from custom for all such goods as they have
brought now, or may hereafter bring into our empire, or may export from
thence to any foreign part. And we authorise all ships that may
hereafter arrive from England, to proceed immediately to sell their
commodities, without any farther coming or sending to our court.
3. If any of their ships shall happen to be in danger of shipwreck, we
command our subjects not only to assist them, but that such parts of the
ship or goods as may be saved, shall be returned to the captain, or the
cape merchant, or their assigns. That they may build one house, or more,
for themselves, in any part of our empire that they think fittest for
their purpose; and, at their departure, may sell the same at their
pleasure.
4. If any English merchant, or others, shall die in our dominions, the
goods of the deceased shall remain at the disposal of the cape merchant;
and all offences committed by them shall be punished by the said cape
merchant at his discretion, our laws to take no hold of their persons or
goods.
5. We command all our subjects trading with them for any of their
commodities, to pay them for the same without delay, or to return their
wares.
6. For such commodities as they have now brought, or may bring
hereafter, that are fitting for our proper use and service, we command
that no arrest be made thereof, but that a fair price be agreed with the
cape merchant, according as they may sell to others, and that prompt
payment be made on the delivery of the goods.
7. If, in the discovery of other countries for trade, and the return of
their ships, they shall need men or victuals, we command that our
subjects shall furnish them, for their money, according as their needs
may require.
8. Without other passport, they shall and may set out upon the discovery
of _Yeadso_, or _Jesso_, or any other part in or about our empire.
From our castle in Surunga, this first day of the ninth
month, in the eighteenth year of our _dary_, or reign.
Sealed with our broad seal, &c.
(_Underwritten_)
MINNA MOTTONO.
_Yei. Ye. Yeas_.[20]
[Footnote 20: Kempper writes this other name of _Ongosio Sama_, as he
calls him, _Ijejas_; which, according to the English orthography, is
_Iyeyas_.--Astl. I. 489. b.]
On the 11th of September, the present intended for the mint-master was
delivered to him, which he received very thankfully, and sent me in
return two Japanese gowns of taffeta, quilted with silk cotton. The 12th
Mr Adams was sent to the mint-master, who is the emperor's merchant,
having charge of the mint and all the ready money, being in great
estimation with the emperor, as he had made a vow, whenever the emperor
dies, to cut out his own bowels and die with him. The purpose of Mr
Adams waiting upon him at this time, was to carry a list of the prices
of our English commodities. About noon of this same day, being furnished
with horses and men by the emperor, as formerly specified, we set out
for Jedo. The country between Surunga and Jedo we found well peopled,
with many _Fotoquis_, or idol temples. Among others which we passed, was
one having an image of great reputation, called _Dabis_, made of copper,
hollow within, but of substantial thickness. We estimated its height to
be twenty-one or twenty-two feet, being in the form of a man kneeling on
the ground, and sitting on his heels; the whole of wonderful size, and
well proportioned, and being dressed in a gown cast along with the
figure. Some of our men went into the inside of this idol, and hooped
and hallooed, which made an exceeding great noise. It is highly
reverenced by all native travellers who pass that way. We found many
characters and marks made upon it by its visitors, which some of my
followers imitated, making their marks in like manner. This temple and
idol stand in the main road of pilgrimage to _Tencheday_, which is much
frequented for devotion, as both night and day people of all ranks and
conditions are continually going or returning from that place.
Mr Adams told me that he had been at the _Fotoqui_, or temple dedicated
to Tencheday, to which image they make this devout pilgrimage. According
to his report, one of the fairest virgins of the country is brought
monthly into that _Fotoqui_, and there sits alone in a room neatly
fitted up, in a sober manner; and, at certain times, this _Tencheday_,
who is thought to be the devil, appears unto her, and having carnally
known her, leaves with her at his departure certain scales, like unto
the scales of fishes. Whatever questions she is desired by the _bonzes_,
or priests of the _Fotoqui_, to ask, _Tencheday_ resolves. Every
month a fresh virgin is provided for the temple, but Mr Adams did not know
what became of the former.[21]
[Footnote 21: The editor of Astley's Collection, vol. I. p. 487, note b.
very gravely informs his readers what they certainly are aware of, that
the gallant must have been one of the _bonzes_, or priests.--E.]
We arrived at _Jedo_ on the 14th September. This city is much larger
than _Surunga_, and much better and more sumptuously built, and made a
very glorious appearance to us on our approach; all the ridge-tiles and
corner-tiles of the roofs being richly gilded and varnished, as also the
door-posts of the houses. They have no glass in their windows, but have
large windows of board, opening in leaves, and well adorned with
paintings, as in Holland. In the chief street of the town there is a
great _cawsay_ all through from end to end, underneath which flows a
river, or large stream of water; and at every fifty paces there is a
well-head, or pit, substantially built of free-stone, having buckets
with which the inhabitants draw water, both for their ordinary uses and
in case of fire. This street is as broad as any of our best streets in
England.
On the 15th I gave notice of my arrival to _Sadda-dona_, the secretary
of the young king, or son of the emperor, requesting him to inform the
king. I had access to the king on the 17th, and delivered to him the
presents sent by our king, as also some from myself, as is the custom of
the country. The king holds his court in the castle of Jedo, which is
much stronger and more sumptuous than that of Surunga; and the king was
besides better guarded and attended than his father the emperor.
_Saddadona_, his secretary, is father to _Codskedona_ the emperor's
secretary, his years and experience fitting him to have the government
and direction of the king or prince successor, who appeared to us to be
about forty-two years of age.
My entertainment and access to the king here at Jedo was much like that
formerly mentioned with the emperor his father at Surunga. He accepted
very kindly the letters and presents from our king, bidding me welcome,
and desiring me to rest and refresh myself, and that his letters and
presents in return should be made ready with all speed. On the 19th I
delivered the presents to _Saddadona_. This day, thirty-two men being
committed prisoners to a certain house, for not paying their debts, and
being in the stocks within the same, it took fire in the night by some
casualty, and they were all burnt to death. Towards evening, the king
of Jedo sent me two suits of varnished armour, as a present to our king;
and sent likewise for myself a _tatch_ and a _waggadash_, the
former being a long sword which is only worn in Japan by soldiers of the
highest rank, and the latter being a singular weapon resembling a Welsh
hook. I was informed that the distance from Jedo to the norther-most
part of Japan, was estimated at twenty-two days journey on horseback.
I left Jedo on the 21st September by boat, and came to _Oringgaw_,[22]
a town upon the sea-side, where is an excellent harbour, in which ships
may ride with as much safety as in the river Thames, and the passage
from which by sea to Jedo is very safe and good; so that it would be
much better for our ships to sail to this port than to Firando, as
Oringgaw is on the main island of Japan or _Niphon_, and is only
fourteen or fifteen leagues from Jedo, the capital and greatest city of
the empire. Its only inconvenience is, that it is not so well supplied
with flesh and other victuals as Firando, but is in all other respects
much preferable. From thence we proceeded on the 29th to Surunga, where
we remained in waiting for the letters and presents from the emperor. On
the 8th of October I received the emperor's letter, of which a
translation is subjoined, and I then also received the privileges of
trade, formerly quoted, the original of which I left with Mr Cocks.[23]
[Footnote 22: No such place as Oringgaw is to be found in modern maps of
Japan. Jedo is situated at the head of a deep gulf of the same name, in
the south-east corner of Japan. About the distance indicated in the
text, there is a town and bay named _Odavara_, on the western side of
the gulf, and in the direct way back to Surunga, which may possibly be
the _Oringgaw_ of the text.--E.]
[Footnote 23: The characters have by some been thought to be those of
China, but I compared them with Chinese books, and they seemed to me
quite different, yet not _letters_ to compound words by spelling, as
ours, but _words_ expressed in their several characters, such as are
used by the _Chinais_ and as the brevity manifesteth. I take them to be
characters peculiar to Japan.--_Purch._
In a marginal reference in the plate given by Purchas, the lines are
said to read downwards, beginning at the right hand. It may possibly be
so: But they appear _letters_, or literal characters, to _compound words
by spelling_, and to be read like those used in Europe, from left to
right horizontally. In a future portion of our work, the subject of the
Japanese language and writing will be farther elucidated; when, we
believe, it will appear that they have two modes of writing, one by
_verbal_ or _ideal_ characters like the Chinese, and the other by
_literal_ signs like all the rest of the world.--E.]
_Letter from the Emperor of Japan to the King of Great Britain_.
Your majesty's kind letter, sent me by your servant Captain Saris, who
is the first of your subjects that I have known to arrive in any part of
my dominions, I heartily embrace, being not a little glad to understand
of your great wisdom and power, as having three plentiful and mighty
kingdoms under your powerful command. I acknowledge your majesty's great
bounty, in sending me so undeserved a present of many rare things, such
as my land affordeth not, neither have I ever before seen: Which I
receive, not as from a stranger, but as from your majesty, whom I esteem
as myself, desiring the continuance of friendship with your highness:
And that it may consist with your good pleasure to send your subjects to
any part or port of my dominions, where they shall be most heartily
welcome, applauding much their worthiness in the admirable knowledge of
navigation, as having with much facility discovered a country so remote,
not being amazed by the distance of so mighty a gulf, nor the greatness
of such infinite clouds and storms, from prosecuting the honourable
enterprises of discovery and merchandising, in which they shall find me
to encourage them as they desire. By your said subject, I return to your
majesty a small token of my love, desiring you to accept the same as
from one who much rejoices in your friendship. And, whereas your
majesty's subjects have desired certain privileges for trade and the
settlement of a factory in my dominions, I have not only granted what
they desired, but have confirmed the same to them under my broad seal,
for the better establishment thereof. Given from my castle of _Surunga_,
this fourth day of the ninth month, in the eighteenth year of our reign,
according to our computation; resting your majesty's friend, the highest
commander in the kingdom of Japan.
Subscribed
Minna Muttono_[24]. _Yei. Ye. Yeas_.
[Footnote 24: In the copy of the privileges, Purchas gives this name
_Mottono_ while the editor of Astley's Collection has altered it to
_Monttono_. In the privileges formerly inserted, the date is made in the
_nineteenth_ month, perhaps an error of the press in the Pilgrims, which
we have therefore corrected to _ninth_.--E.]
At my return to Surunga, I found a Spanish ambassador from the
Philippine islands, who had only been once introduced to the emperor,
and delivered his presents, being certain Chinese damasks, and five jars
of European sweet wine, and could not obtain any farther access to the
emperor. The purpose of his embassy was, to require that such Portuguese
and Spaniards as were then in Japan, not authorised by the king of
Spain, might be delivered up to him, that he might carry them to the
Philippines. This the emperor refused, saying his country was free, and
none should be forced out of it: But, if the ambassador could persuade
any to go with him, they should not be detained. The cause of the
ambassador making this request was on account of the great want of men
to defend the Molucca islands against the Dutch, who were then making
great preparations for the entire conquest of these islands. After the
ambassador had waited for an answer till the time limited by his
commission was expired, and receiving none, he went away much
dissatisfied: And when at the sea side, an answer was returned, as
mentioned above, together with a slender present of five Japanese gowns,
and two _cattans_ or swords.
About a month before I came to Surunga, being displeased with the
Christians, the emperor issued a proclamation commanding that they
should all remove immediately, and carry their churches to Nangasaki, a
maritime town about eight leagues from Firando, and that no Christian
church should be permitted, neither any mass be sung, within ten leagues
of his court, on pain of death. Some time after, twenty-seven natives,
men of good fashion, being assembled in an hospital or Christian
Leper-house, where they had mass performed, and this coming to the
knowledge of the emperor, they were all commanded to be shut up in a
house for a night, and to be led to execution next day. That same
evening, another man was committed to the same house for debt, who at
his coming was a heathen and quite ignorant of Christ or his holy
religion; but, next morning, when the officer called at the door for the
Christians to come forth for execution, and those who renounced it to
remain behind, this man had been so instructed during the night by the
others, that he came resolutely forth along with the rest, and was
crucified with them.
We departed from Surunga on the 9th of October, and during our journey
towards _Miaco_ we had for the most part much rain, by which the rivers
were greatly swelled, and we were forced to stop by the way, so that it
was the 16th of October before we got there. _Miaco_ is the largest city
in Japan, depending mostly upon trade, and having the chief _Fotoqui_
or temple of the whole empire, which is all built of freestone, and is
as long as the western end of St Paul's in London from the choir; being
also as high, arched in the roof and borne upon pillars as that is. Many
_bonzes_ are here in attendance for their maintenance, as priests are
among the papists. They have here an altar, on which the votaries offer
rice and small money, called _cundrijus_, twenty of which are equal to
an English shilling, which offerings are applied to the use of the
bonzes. Near this altar is an idol, called _Mannada_, much resembling
that of _Dabis_ formerly mentioned, and like it made of copper, but much
higher, as it reaches up to the arched roof. This _Fotoqui_ was begun to
be built by _Taicosama_, and has since been finished by his son, having
been ended only while we were there. According to report, there were
buried within its enclosure the ears and noses of 3000 Coreans, who were
massacred at one time; and upon their grave a mount is raised, having a
pyramid on its summit, the mount being grown over with grass, and very
neatly kept. The horse that Taicosama last rode upon is kept near this
_Fotoqui_, having never been ridden since, and his hoofs have grown
extraordinarily long by age.
This _Fotoqui_ stands on the top of a high hill, and on either side, as
you ascend the hill, there are fifty pillars of freestone, at ten paces
each from the other, having a lantern on the top of each, which are all
lighted up with oil every night. There are many other Fotoquis in this
city. In Miaco the Portuguese jesuits have a very stately college, in
which there are several native Japanese jesuits, who preach, and have
the New Testament printed in the Japanese language. Many of the native
children are bred up in this college, where they are instructed in the
Christian religion, according to the doctrines of the Romish church; and
there are not less than five or six thousand natives professing
Christianity in this city. The tradesmen and artificers of all kinds in
this city are all distributed by themselves, every trade and occupation
having its own particular streets, and not mingled together as with us.
We remained some time in Miaco, waiting for the emperor's present, which
was at length delivered, being ten _beobs_, or large pictures, for being
hung up in a chamber.
The 20th of October we departed from Miaco, and came that night to
_Fushimi_.[25] We arrived about noon of the next day at Osaka, where the
common people behaved very rudely to us, some calling after us _Tosin!
Tosin!_ that is, Chinese, while others called us _Coré! Coré!_ or
Coreans, and flung stones at us; even the greatest people of the city
animating and setting on the rabble to abuse us. We here found the
galley waiting for us which had brought us from Firando, having waited
for us all the time of our absence at the expence of king _Foyne_. We
embarked in this galley on the 24th of October, and arrived at Firando
on the 6th November, where we were kindly welcomed by old _Foyne_.
During the time of my absence, our people had sold very little goods, as
according to the customs of Japan no stranger can offer goods for sale
without the express permission of the emperor. Besides, as our chiefest
commodity intended for this country was broad cloth, which had latterly
been sold there at the rate of forty Spanish dollars the _matte_, which
is two yards and a quarter as formerly mentioned, and as the natives saw
that we were not much in the habit of wearing it ourselves, they were
more backward in buying it than they used to be. They said to us, "You
commend your cloth to us, while you yourselves wear little of it; your
better sort of people wearing silken garments, while the meanest are
clothed in fustians, &c." Wherefore, that good counsel, though late, may
come to some good purpose, I wish that our nation would be more inclined
to use this our native manufacture of our own country, by which we may
better encourage and allure others to its use and expenditure.
[Footnote 25: Fusimo, a town about ten miles from Miaco, on a river that
runs into the head of the bay of Osaka.--E.]
§8. _Occurrences at Firando, during the Absence of Captain Saris_.[26]
The 7th August, 1613, all things being in readiness, our general Captain
Saris departed from Firando in company with Mr Adams, for the court of
the emperor of Japan, taking along with him Mr Tempest Peacock, Mr
Richard Wickham, Edward Saris, Walter Carwarden, Diego Fernandos, John
Williams a tailor, John Head a cook, Edward Bartan the surgeon's mate,
John Japan _Jurebasso_,[27] Richard Dale coxswain, and Anthony Ferry a
sailor; having a cavalier or gentleman belonging to king Foyne as their
protector, with two of his servants, and two native servants belonging
to Mr Adams. They embarked in a barge or galley belonging to the king,
which rowed twenty oars of a side, and we fired thirteen pieces of
ordnance at their departure. The old king sent 100 _tayes_ of Japanese
money to our general before his departure, for his expenditure on the
way, which I placed to account, by our general's order, as money lent.
[Footnote 26: This subdivision is taken from observations written by
Richard Cockes, Cape merchant, or chief factor at Firando. These
observations are a separate article in the Pilgrims of Purchas, vol.
I. pp. 395--405, and in Astley's Collection, vol. I. pp. 509--517; but
are inserted in this place as calculated to render this first account of
the English trade in Japan a complete and unbroken narrative.--E.]
[Footnote 27: John Japan seems a fabricated name; perhaps a Japanese
Christian named John, and the addition of _Jurebasso_ may signify that
he acted as interpreter.--E.]
Next day, I went to wait upon the two kings, as from our general, to
thank them for having so well provided for his journey, which they took
in good part. I suspect the old king had notice that some of our men had
behaved ill last night; as he desired me to remind the master to look
well to the people on board, and that I should look carefully to the
behaviour of those on shore, that all things might go on as well in the
absence of the general as when he was present, otherwise the shame would
be ours, but the dishonour his. On the 9th, a Japanese boy named Juan,
who spoke good Spanish, came and offered to serve me for nine or ten
years, and even to go with me to England if I pleased, asking no wages
but what I was pleased to give. I took him into my service, and that the
rather, because I found Miguel, the _jurebasso_ left with me by Mr
Adams, was somewhat stubborn, and loved to run about at his pleasure,
leaving me often without any person who could speak a word of the
Japanese language. This Juan is a Christian, most of his kindred
dwelling at Nangasaki, only one living here at Firando, who came along
with him and passed his word for his honesty and fidelity. Juan had
served a Spaniard at Manilla for three years, where he had acquired the
Spanish language. I engaged him, and bought for him two Japanese
garments, which cost me fourteen _mas_.
The 13th I shewed our commodities to some merchants of _Maioco_, [Miaco]
but they bought nothing, and seemed chiefly to desire to have gunpowder.
This day _Semidono_ went to visit our ship, accompanied by several
stranger gentlemen, and came afterwards to see our English house, where
I gave them the best entertainment in my power. The 19th at night began
the great feast of the pagans, when they banquet and make merry all
night by candle-light at the graves of their deceased kindred, whom
they invite to partake.[28] It lasts three nights and the intermediate
days; when, by command of the king, every house must new gravel the
street before its door, and hang out candles all night. I was not slack
in obeying this order, and I was informed that a poor man was put to
death and his house shut up, for neglecting to comply with the order. On
this occasion, the China captain furnished me with two very decent paper
lanthorns. Being informed that the kings intended to ride about the
streets, and to make me a visit, I provided a banquet for them, and
waited till after midnight, but they came not. The 20th, 21st, and 22d,
I sent presents to both the kings, being informed that such was the
custom of the country, sending them wine and confections; as likewise to
_Nobesane_ the young king's brother; to _Semidono_, the old king's
governor, and to _Unagense_, which were all very thankfully accepted.
Some _cavalliers_, or Japanese gentlemen, came to visit me during the
festival, to whom I gave the best entertainment I could procure.
[Footnote 28: This pagan feast is a kind of Candlemas or
Allsouls.--_Purchas_.]
The 23d we made an end of landing our gunpowder, being in all
ninety-nine barrels, of which I advised our general by letter,
requesting him to reserve a sufficiency for the ship, in case he sold it
to the emperor. We landed several other things, which the master thought
had best be sent ashore, as our men began to filch and steal, that they
might go to taverns and brothels. This day Mr Melsham the purser and I
dined with Semidono, who used us kindly. The master and Mr Eaton were
likewise invited, but did not go. The great festival ended this day,
when three troops of dancers went about the town, with flags or banners,
their music being drums and _pans_,[29] to the sound of which they
danced at the doors of all the great men, as also at their pagodas and
at the sepulchres.
[Footnote 29: Probably _gongs_, which very much resemble a brass
frying-pan.--E.]
The 24th at night, all the streets were hung with candles, as the young
king and his brother, with _Semidono, Nabesone_, and many others, went
in masquerade to dance at the house of the old king. The young king and
his brother were on horseback, having canopies carried over them, all
the rest being a-foot, and they were accompanied by drums and _kettles_,
as the before-mentioned dancers, _Nabesone_ playing on a fife. I was
informed they meant to visit our house on their return, wherefore I
provided a banquet and sat up for them till after midnight; but they
returned in disorder, I think owing to some discontent, and none of them
entered our house. Captain _Brower_ likewise passed our door, but would
not look at us, and we made as little account of him. The 27th we landed
three pieces of ordnance, having three landed formerly, all whole
_culverins_ of iron. The old king came down to the shore while our men
were about this job, and seeing only twenty men, offered seventy or a
100 Japanese to help them; but our people landed them all very quickly
in his sight, at which he expressed much astonishment, saying that an
hundred of his men could not have done it so soon. He was so much
pleased with the activity of our men on this occasion, that he sent for
a barrel of wine and some fish, which he gave among them as a reward for
their labouring so lustily.
The 28th, I received two letters from our general, dated the 19th and
20th of the month, as also two others from Mr Peacock and Mr Wickham,
which were brought me by the governor of _Shimonoseke_.[30] This
governor did not land at Firando, but delivered these letters on board
our ship to the master, proceeding directly for Nangasaki, and promising
to return hither shortly. I also carried a letter for the old king
_Foyne_, which was brought by the same governor, being accompanied on
the occasion by Mr Melsham and _Hernando_. Foyne at this visit made a
present of a _cattan_ or Japanese sword to Mr Melsham, and another with
a Spanish dagger to Hernando, giving likewise both to them and me
several bunches of garlic. He also gave us leave to dry our gunpowder on
the top of the fortress, offering some of his own people to help ours,
if we had need of them. This day I brought on shore to our house
twenty-two bars of lead, together with 125 culverin shot, round and
langridge. When we were about to sit down to supper, the old king came
to visit us, and being very merry he sat down to supper with us, and
took such fare as we had in good part.
[Footnote 30: Simonosequi is a town on the north side of the straits
between the island of Kiusiua and the north-western end of Niphon.--E.]
The 1st September, the old king and all his nobles made a masquerade,
and went next night to visit the young king his grandson, accompanied by
music, as formerly mentioned, all the streets being hung with lanterns.
As I was told he meant to visit our house on his return, I made ready
for him and waited till after midnight; but he passed by with all his
company without coming in. I reckoned he had more than 3000 persons in
his train, for which, as I think, he passed by, not wishing to trouble
us with so great a multitude. On the 2d _Semidono_ and others who were
appointed by the king, measured all the houses in the street, ours among
the rest; which I understood was for the purpose of a general taxation,
to be levied by appointment of the emperor, for the construction of
fortresses. I entertained them to their satisfaction. The 4th we had
news that the queen of Spain was dead, and that the king was a suitor
for the princess Elizabeth of England. The 6th, a nobleman came to visit
our English house, and brought me a present of two great bottles of wine
and a basket of pears. I entertained him as well as I could, and he went
away contented.
We had much rain in the morning of the 7th September, accompanied by
wind, which increased in force all day, varying between the east and
south. In the night between the 7th and 8th, the wind rose to a
_tuffoon_ or storm of such extreme violence as I had never witnessed,
neither had the like been experienced in this country during the memory
of man. It overturned above an hundred houses in Firando, and unroofed
many others, among which was the house of old king Foyne. An extensive
wall surrounding the house of the young king was blown down, and the
boughs and branches of trees were broken off and tossed about with
wonderful violence. The sea raged with such fury, that it undermined a
great wharf or quay at the Dutch factory, broke down the stone wall,
carried away the landing stairs, sunk and broke to pieces two barks
belonging to the Dutch, and forty or fifty other barks, then in the
roads, were broken and sunk. At our house, the newly built wall of our
kitchen was broken down by the sea, which likewise flowed into and threw
down our oven. The tiles likewise were blown off from the roofs of our
house and kitchen, both of which were partly unroofed. Our house rocked
as if shaken by an earthquake, and we spent the night in extreme fear,
either of being buried under the ruins of our factory, or of perishing
along with it by fire; for all night long, the barbarous unruly common
people ran up and down the streets with lighted firebrands, while the
wind carried large pieces of burning wood quite over the tops of the
houses, as it whirled up the burning timbers of the several houses
previously thrown down, hurling fire through the air in great flakes,
very fearful to behold, and threatening an entire conflagration of the
town; and I verily believe, if it had not been for the extreme quantity
of rain, contrary to the usual nature of tuffoons, that the whole town
had been consumed. This terrible wind and prodigious rain were
accompanied the whole night by incessant flashes of lightning and
tremendous peals of thunder. Our ship rode out the gale in the roads,
having out five cables and anchors, of which one old cable gave way,
but, thanks be to God, no other injury was sustained, except that our
long boat and skiff both broke adrift, but were both afterwards
recovered. We afterwards learnt that this tuffoon did more damage at
Nangasaki than here at Firando; for it destroyed above twenty Chinese
junks, together with the Spanish ship which brought the ambassador from
Manilla.
On the 12th, two merchants from Miaco came to our English house, to whom
I shewed all our commodities. They laid aside two pieces of broad cloth,
one black and the other _stammel_, the best they could find, for which
they offered seven _tayes_ the yard. They also offered for out _Priaman_
gold eleven tayes of silver for one of gold. But they went away without
concluding any bargain. This day, one of our men named Francis Williams,
being drunk ashore, struck one of the servants of king Foyne with a
cudgel, although the man had given him no offence, and had not even
spoken to him. The Japanese came to our house making great complaints,
and was very angry, not without cause, and told me he would complain to
his king of the bad usage he had received. He had three or four others
along with him, who had seen him abused, and who said the aggressor was
just gone off to the ship. I gave them fair words, desiring them to go
on board and find out the man who had committed the offence, and they
should be sure of having him punished, and for that purpose I sent
Miguel, our _jurebasso_, on board along with them. He did so, and
pointed out Williams as the culprit, who stoutly denied the accusation
with many oaths, but the affair was too notorious, and the master
ordered him to be seized to the capstan in presence of the complainants,
upon which even they entreated for his pardon, knowing that he was
drunk. But the fellow was so unruly, that he took up an iron crow to
strike the Japanese in the master's presence, and even abused the master
in the grossest terms.[31]
[Footnote 31: Of many misdemeanours, I permit some to pass the press,
that the cause of so many deaths in the Indies might be seen, rather to
be imputed to their own misconduct, than the intemperature of the
climate, and for a caveat to others, who may send or be sent into
_ethnicke_ regions: Yet do I conceal the most and worst.--_Purch._]
Learning, on the 13th, that old king Foyne was sick, I sent our
jurebasso Miguel to visit him, carrying as a present a great bottle of
our general's sweet wine, and two boxes of conserves, comfits, and
sugar-bread. Miguel was likewise directed to offer my best service, and
to say that I was sorry for his sickness, and would have waited on him
myself, but that I supposed company was not agreeable to a sick man.
Foyne accepted my present in very good part, returning many thanks, and
desiring me to ask for any thing we were in need of, either for the use
of the ship or our factory, which he would take care we should be
provided with.
The master came to the factory on the 14th early in the morning, telling
me that most of the ship's company had lain ashore all night without
leave, although the ship was aground, and there had been a heavy wind
all night. He wished therefore, that I would allow our jurebasso,
Miguel, to accompany him in seeking them out. He went accordingly
accompanied by Miguel and Mr Melsham our purser, and found several of
the men drinking and domineering, among whom he bestowed a few blows,
ordering them aboard. Two of the men, named Lambert and Colphax, though
ordered aboard, remained ashore all day, notwithstanding the great need
of hands in the ship, where it had been necessary to hire several
Japanese to assist. Lambert and Colphax being drunk, went out into the
fields and fought, on which occasion Lambert was hurt in the arm, and
remained drunk ashore all night; as did Boles and Christopher Evans, who
had done so for two or three nights before, and had a violent quarrel
about a girl.
On the 17th, being informed that _Bastian_, the keeper of the brothel
frequented by our men, had threatened to kill me and such as came along
with me, if I came any more to his house to seek for our men, I went and
complained to the young king, the old one being sick. At my request, he
issued a proclamation, that no Japanese should admit our people into
their houses after day-light, under severe penalties; and that it should
be lawful for me, or any other in my company, to enter any of the native
houses in search of our men, not only without molestation or hinderance,
but that the native inhabitants should aid and assist me; and if the
doors were not opened at my desire, I was authorised to break them open.
A soldier was sent to inform _Bastian_ to be careful not to molest or
disturb me, as he might expect to be the first that should pay for it.
This gave much offence to our people, insomuch that some of them swore
they would have drink in the fields if they were not suffered to have it
in the town, for drink they would.
The 26th, _Novasco-dono_ came to visit me at the factory, bringing me a
present of two bottles of wine, seven loaves of fresh bread, and a dish
of flying-fish. While he was with me, the old king came past our door,
where he stopt, saying he had met two men in the street whom he thought
strangers, and not belonging to us; he therefore desired that Swinton
and our jurebasso might go with one of his attendants to see who they
were. They turned out to be John Lambert and Jacob Charke, who were
drinking water at a door in the street through which the king had gone.
I was glad the king looked so narrowly after them, as it caused our men
to be more careful of their proceedings.
Mr William Pauling, our master's mate, who had been long ill of a
consumption, died at the English house upon the 27th of September, of
which circumstance I apprised the king, requesting permission to bury
him among the Christians, which was granted. We accordingly put the body
in a winding-sheet, and coffined it up, waiting to carry it to the grave
next morning. Our master, and several others of the ship's company, came
ashore in the morning to attend the funeral, when we were given to
understand that the body must be transported by water as far as the
Dutch house, because the _bonzes_, or priests, would not suffer us to
pass with the corpse through the street before their pagoda, or idol
temple. Accordingly the master sent for the skiff, in which the coffin
was transported by water to the place appointed, while we went there by
land, and carried it thence to the burial-place; the purser walking
before, and all the rest following after the coffin, which was covered
by a Holland sheet, above which was a silk quilt. We were attended by a
vast number of the natives, both young and old, curious to see our
manner of burial. After the corpse was interred, we all returned to the
factory, where we had a collation, and then our people returned to the
ship. I had almost forgotten to remark, that we had much ado to get any
native to dig the grave in which a Christian was to be buried, neither
would they permit the body to be conveyed by water in any of their
boats.
At this time the king commanded that all the streets in Firando should
be cleaned, and that gutters should be made on each side to convey the
water from them, all the streets to be new gravelled, and the
water-channels to be covered with flat stones. This work was all done in
one day, every one performing so much of it as was in front of his own
house, and it was admirable to see the diligence every person used on
this occasion. Our house was not the last in having this task performed,
as our landlord, the Chinese captain, set a sufficient number of men to
do the work.
The 30th, some other merchants of Miaco came to look at our commodities,
who offered twelve tayes the fathom for our best _stammel_, or red
cloth; but they went away without making any bargain. At this time we
had very heavy winds, both by day and night, so that we were in fear of
another tuffoon, on which account all the fishers hauled their boats
ashore, and every one endeavoured to secure the roofings of their
houses. A week before this, a _bose_, bonze or conjurer, had predicted
to the king that this tempest was to come. About this time our surgeon,
being in his cups, came into a house where a _bose_ was conjuring for a
woman who wanted to know if her husband or friends would return from
sea. So when the _bose_ was done, the surgeon gave him three-pence to
conjure again, and to tell him when our general would return to Firando.
In the end, the _bose_ told him that the general would return within
eighteen days, pretending that he heard a voice answer from behind a
wall, both when he conjured for the woman, and now when he conjured for
the surgeon.
On the 2d of October, the master sent me word that some of the men had
run away with the skiff. These were John Bowles, John Saris, John
Tottie, Christopher Evans, Clement Locke, Jasper Malconty, and James the
Dutchman. While in the way to the king to get boats to send after them,
our Dutch _jurebasso_ came running after me, and told me our people were
on the other side making merry at a tippling-house. On this information
I returned to the English house to get a boat for the master to go and
look them out, but they proved to be three others, William Marinell,
Simeon Colphax, and John Dench, who had hired a boat and gone to another
island, not being allowed to walk by night in Firando. By this mistake
our deserters had the more time to get away. This night, about eleven,
the old king's house, on the other side of the water, took fire, and
was burnt to the ground in about an hour. I never saw a more vehement
fire for the time it lasted, and it is thought his loss is very great.
The old king is said to have set it on fire himself, by going about in
the night with lighted canes, some sparks from which had fallen among
the mats and set them on fire.
I went next day to visit the old king, giving him to understand, by
means of his governor, that I was extremely sorry for the misfortune
that had befallen him, and would have come in person to give all the
assistance in my power, but was doubtful if my presence would have been
acceptable, being a stranger; and begged leave to assure him, that he
should find me ready at all times, even with the hazard of my life, to
do him every service in my power. He gave me many thanks for my good
will, saying, that the loss he had sustained was as nothing in his
estimation. On my return to our house, I was met by the young king going
to visit his grandfather. Before noon, we had word that our runaways
were upon a desert island about two leagues from Firando, of which I
gave notice to both kings, requesting their aid and council how we might
best bring them back. They answered, that they would fetch them back
dead or alive, yet would be loth to kill them, lest we might want hands
to navigate the ship back to England. I returned many thanks for the
care they had of us, yet sent them word we still had a sufficiency of
honest men to carry our ship to England, even although we should lose
these knaves. In fine, the king fitted out two boats full of soldiers to
go after them, with positive orders to bring them back dead or alive,
which I made known to our master, who wished much to go along with them,
and did so accordingly.
9. _Continuation of Occurrences at Firando, during the Absence of the
General_.
On the 4th of October, a report was current in Firando that the _Devil_
had revealed to the _bose_, [bonzes] or conjurers, that the town was to
be burned to ashes that night, on which criers went about the streets
the whole night, making so much noise that I could hardly get any rest,
giving warning to all the inhabitants to extinguish their fires. But the
devil turned out a liar, for no such thing happened. The 5th, old king
_Foyne-same_ came to our house, and was entertained to the best of our
ability, when he told me our runaway seamen could not escape being
taken, as he had sent two other armed boats after them, besides the two
formerly mentioned. While I was talking with him, there came a gentleman
from the emperor's court with a letter, and told me that our general
would be back to Firando in eight or ten days, as he had received his
dispatches from the emperor before this gentleman left the court. At
this time king Foyne told me that _Bon-diu_, the king or governor of
Nangasaki, who is brother to the empress, was to be at Firando next day,
and that it would be proper for our ship to fire off three or four
pieces of cannon as he passed. He told me likewise, that the king or
governor of a town called _Seam_, was then in Firando.
The master of our ship, Mr James Foster, returned from Nangasaki on the
7th, bringing our skiff with him, but all the deserters had got
sanctuary in that town, so that he had not been able to see or speak
with any of them. I was informed that Miguel, our jurebasso, whom I had
sent along with the master as linguist, had dealt fraudulently both with
the master and me, for several Japanese told me that he had spoken to
our people and advised them to absent themselves. Knowing this, and
being doubtful of ever recovering our people unless _Bondiu_ were
extraordinarily dealt with, I resolved to give that personage a present
to secure him in our interest. In the afternoon, as he was passing on
foot along the street in which was our house, along with the young king
who gave him the post of honour, attended by about five hundred
followers, I went out into the street and saluted them. Bon-diu stopped
at our door and thanked me for the salute given him in passing our ship.
I requested he would excuse me if I had hitherto neglected any part of
my duty towards him, which was owing to my small acquaintance with the
country and its customs, but that I meant to wait upon him either at his
lodgings or aboard his junk, before he left Firando. He answered, that I
should be heartily welcome, and remained so long in conversation, that
it was quite dark before he got to his lodgings. At this time I carried
the present to him, which he accepted in good part, offering to do our
nation all the good in his power at court, whither he was now bound, or
to serve us all he could any where else. Of his own accord, he began now
to speak about the deserters, asking me if they should all be pardoned
for his sake, if he brought them back to us? I answered, that the power
of pardon belonged to our general, not to me, and that I had no doubt
they might easily get free, except one or two of the chiefs in this and
other disorders, who richly deserved punishment. He then said that he
wished them all pardoned, without any exception: to which I answered,
that I was sure our general would most willingly do any thing desired by
his highness, or the two kings of Firando. In conclusion, he said, if I
would give it under my hand on the faith of a Christian, that all should
be pardoned for this time, and that I would procure the general to
confirm this at his return, he would then send to Nangasaki for the
deserters, and deliver them into my custody, otherwise he would not
meddle in the matter, lest he might occasion any of their deaths. I
answered, I was contented with any thing his highness was pleased to
command, and so gave him the desired writing under my hand, conditioning
that they were all to be sent back. I then returned to our house after
which the Dutch waited upon him with their present, but we were before
hand with them.
On the 8th _Semidono_ passed our house, and told me that king _Bon-diu_
had a brother along with him, to whom it would be proper that we should
give a present, but not so large as that given to Bon-diu. On this,
advising with the other gentlemen, I laid out a present for him, and on
going to deliver it, I found the Dutch before me with theirs, Captain
Brower going with it himself. He accepted it very kindly, promising his
interest and assistance to our nation, both at court and any where else.
He came soon afterwards to our house, accompanied by many gentlemen,
when they looked over all our commodities, yet went away without making
any purchases. On this occasion he gave me a small _cattan_, and I gave
him two glass bottles, two gally-pots, and about half a _cattee_ of
picked cloves, which he said he wanted for medicinal purposes. I
likewise gave him and his followers a collation, with which they all
seemed contented.
Soon afterwards, _Bon-diu_ sent a gentleman to me, desiring to have my
written promise for pardon to our deserters, to which I consented, after
consulting with the other gentlemen. If I had not done this, we
certainly had never got them back, and the Spaniards would have sent
them to Manilla or the Moluccas. Immediately after this, I got notice
that _Bon-diu_ and his brother meant to visit our ship, wherefore I sent
some banqueting stuff aboard, and went myself to meet them, when they
were entertained as we best could. Bon-diu gave two _cattans_, and we
saluted them with seven guns at their departure. The brother returned
soon after, and requested to have one of the little monkeys for his
brother's children; so I bought one for five dollars from our
master-gunner, and sent it to _Bon-diu_. He being ready to go on shore,
desired to have me along with him in his boat, which I complied with,
and he was saluted with three guns at his departure, which, as I learnt
afterwards, was much esteemed by both brothers. When ashore, he insisted
to accompany me to our factory, much against my inclination, as I was
again forced to give him a collation in Mr Adamses chamber, after which
he and his companions went away seemingly satisfied. Late at night, old
king Foyne sent a man to me to enquire the particulars of the presents I
had given to both brothers, all of which he set down in writing, but I
could never know the reason of this. I forgot to mention that Bon-diu,
just before going aboard our ship, went to bathe in a new warm-bath at
the Dutch factory. The 9th Bon-diu sent one of his men to give me thanks
for the kind entertainment he had on board, and sent me by the messenger
two barrels of Miaco wine. Soon after, his brother sent me a similar
message and present. They were both very earnest to have a
perspective-glass, wherefore I sent them an old one belonging to Mr
Eaton; but it was soon after returned with thanks, as not suiting them.
On the 10th, two sons of another governor of Nangasaki who dwells in the
town, came to see our house, both of them being Christians. After
shewing them our commodities, I gave them a collation, accompanied with
music, Mr Hownsell and the carpenter happening both by chance to be at
the factory. While we were at table, old king Foyne came in upon us
quite unexpectedly, and sat down to partake. I then desired our
jurebasso to request the speedy sending back of our runaways, which they
all promised, provided they should be pardoned, as I had formerly
promised, and which promise I now renewed. Old Foyne desired that I
would send him next day a piece of English beef; and another of pork,
sodden with onions. I accordingly sent our jurebasso next day with the
beef and pork, together with a bottle of wine, and six loaves of white
bread, all of which he very kindly accepted. He had at table with him
his grandson the young king, _Nabison_, his brother, and _Semidono_, his
kinsman.
On the 12th I went to visit both kings, and found the old one asleep,
but spoke with his governor, after which I went to the young king, who
received me.[32] He gave me thanks for the kind entertainment I had
given the strangers, which he said his grandfather and he took in as
good part as if done to themselves. Towards night, Foyne sent to say
that he understood the strangers, who were now departed, had taken away
various commodities from me, paying only as they thought good
themselves, and not the prices I required. I answered, that they had
certainly done so, but I knew not whether it were the custom of the
country, being given to understand that they were in use to do so at
Nangasaki both with the Chinese and Portuguese, and that in reality what
they had taken from me was not worth the speaking of. I was answered,
that although this was done at Nangasaki with the Chinese, who were
forbidden to trade at Japan, they had not authority to do so with those
strangers who had the privilege of trade, more especially here at
Firando, where these people had no authority. I sent back my humble
thanks to the king for the care he used to see justice done both to
strangers and natives, saying, I would wait upon his highness myself to
inform him of the whole truth. Captain Brower sent me word that they had
taken various commodities from him, paying him just as they pleased; he
also sent an empty bottle, desiring to have it filled with Spanish wine,
as he had invited certain strangers, and had none of his own.
[Footnote 32: It was now a great festival among the pagans, which began
on this day, said to be like the Lent of the papists.--_Purch._]
I heard three or four guns or chambers discharged on the 13th, which I
supposed had been done at the Dutch house, in honour of the king; but I
afterwards learnt that they were shot by a Chinese junk which was
passing for Nangasaki. Shortly after, the old king sent for me to come
to dinner at the Dutch house, and to bring Mr Eaton with me, and a
bottle of wine.[33] Mr Eaton had taken medicine, and could not go out,
but I went. We had an excellent dinner, the dishes being dressed partly
in the Japanese fashion, and partly according to the Dutch way, but no
great drinking. The old king sat at one table, accompanied by his eldest
son and two brothers of the young king, as the young king had sent to
say he was not well. At the other table there sat, first, _Nabesone_,
the old king's brother, then myself, next me _Semidono_, then the old
king's governor, and below him _Zanzebar's_ father-in-law, and various
other Japanese gentlemen on the other side of the table. Captain Brower
did not sit down, but carved at table, all his own people attending and
serving on their knees. Captain Brower even gave drink to every one of
his guests with his own hands, and upon his knees, which seemed very
strange to me. When they had dined, Foyne and all his nobles went away,
and Captain Brower accompanied me to our house. I asked him why he
served these people on his knees, when he told me it was the custom of
the country, even the king serving his guests on his knees when he made
a feast, to do them the more honour. Before night the old king came to
the English house, and visited all its apartments. I gave him a
collation, and after staying an hour, and taking one thing and another,
he went his way.
[Footnote 33: These things are mentioned to shew how poor Cockes was
imposed upon among them; as, taking advantage of his weak side, they
seem all to have wished to get from him all they could, without any
design of serving him in return.--Astl. I. 518. b.]
On the 16th, learning that two Christians were arrived from Nangasaki, I
went to visit them, and to enquire about our runaways. One was George
Peterson, a Dutchman, born in Flushing; the other was Daman Maryn, a
native of Venice. They told me that our runaways had been conveyed away
in a small bark for _Macoro_,[34] and that they two had deserted in hope
of procuring a passage in our ship to return to their own countries;
they said they were well known to Mr Adams, and were desirous to have
gone immediately on board, being both seafaring men. The Dutchman had
served three or four and twenty years with the Spaniards, and came
master's mate in one of their ships from _Agua-pulca_ [Acapulco.] for
Manilla in the Philippine islands. They had plenty of money, and would
have sent it to our ship or to our factory; but I told them that I durst
not presume to entertain them in the absence of our general, yet would
do them all the service in my power at his return. I accordingly sent
Miguel to inform the king that these two strangers were come to seek a
passage in our ship, not being Spaniards nor subjects of Spain. The king
sent me back for answer, that they were welcome, if they were such as
they reported themselves; but, if Spaniards or Portuguese, he could not
allow them to remain in Firando, as the Spanish ambassador had procured
an order from the emperor that all Spaniards should retire to Manilla.
[Footnote 34: Called in the sequel Macow, or Macao, the Portuguese
settlement on the coast of China, at the mouth of the _Bocca-tigris_, or
river of Canton.--E]
The two strangers came to me early on the 17th, requesting me to
accompany them to wait upon the king, to give them the better
countenance, which I agreed to. On the way, they told me that our
fugitives had given out at Nangasaki that more of our people would
follow them, as none of any account would stay to navigate the ship
home, because their officers used them more like dogs than men. They
alleged also, that twenty resolute Spaniards might easily get possession
of our ship in one or two small boats. The old king received us very
kindly, and asked the strangers many questions about the wars in the
Molucca islands between the Spaniards and Dutch. They said the Spaniards
were resolved to prosecute this war with much vigour, having prepared a
strong force for that purpose. They also told the king that all our
fugitives had, as they believed, been secretly conveyed away from
Nangasaki seven days before, in a _soma_ that went from thence for
_Macow_.[35] The king would not believe them, saying it was impossible
such a man as Bon-diu, having given his word to restore them, should be
found false to his promise. In the end, he agreed to allow these men to
remain, and to go along with our ship, if our general pleased to take
them. So the poor men returned much contented to their lodgings,
assuring me they would prove faithful to us, and that we need not wish
any worse punishment to our fugitives than the bad treatment they would
receive from the Spaniards.
[Footnote 35: Macow, or Macao, a town of the Portuguese near the
continent of China. Miguel, the jurebasso, servant to Mr Adams, was
suspected of double-dealing in this affair of the fugitives: the
circumstances I omit.--_Purch._]
The 18th we had a total eclipse of the moon, which began about eleven
p.m. The 19th, about the same hour, a fire began in Firando, near the
young king's house, by which forty houses were burnt down; and, had not
the wind fallen calm, most of the town had been destroyed. Had not our
Englishmen bestirred themselves lustily, many more houses had gone to
wreck, for the fire took hold three or four times on the opposite side
of the street to our house, which they as often extinguished, for which
they were very much commended by the king and other principal people.
Old Foyne came to our door on horseback, and advised us to put all our
things into the _godown_, and daub up the door with wet clay, which
would place them in safety. Captain Brower likewise, and some of his
people, came very kindly to our house, offering to assist us either by
land or water, if needful. It could not be known how this fire began,
but there were reports among the Japanese that there would soon be a
still greater fire, which had been predicted by the devil and his
conjurers. I pray God it may not be done purposely by some villainous
people, on purpose to rob and steal what they can lay hold of during the
trouble and confusion.
The 20th I went to visit Captain Brower at the Dutch house, to return
thanks for his friendly assistance the night before. Towards night,
Hernando the Spaniard and Edward Markes returned from Nangasaki, where
they could not procure sight of any of our fugitives, though they were
still at that place. A Portuguese or Spaniard at Nangasaki, in high
authority about sea affairs, told Markes we should never have our men
back; but that if all the rest of our people would come, leaving the
ship empty, they would be well received, and would be still more welcome
if they brought the ship with them. The Japanese, who had been sent by
king Foyne along with our people to look for our runaways, would not
allow Markes to stir out of doors for a night and half a day after their
arrival at Nangasaki, he going abroad himself, and Hernando lodging at a
different place, whence I suspect there was some fraudulent
understanding between the Japanese and Hernando, and have now lost hope
of ever getting our men back. I blamed the jesuits, and the old king
agreed with me, and told me he would take care that no more of our
people should be carried to Nangasaki, except they stole the ship's
boats, as the others had done, of which I gave notice to Mr James
Foster, our master. Foyne at this time issued an edict, strictly
forbidding any of the Japanese from carrying away any of our people,
without previously making it known to him and me.
The 23d I was informed of a great pagan festival to be celebrated this
day, both kings and all the nobles being to meet at a summer-house
erected before the great pagoda, to see a horse-race. I think there must
have been above 3000 people assembled together on this occasion. All the
nobles went on horseback, each being accompanied by a retinue of slaves,
some armed with pikes, some with fire-arms, and others with bows and
arrows. The pikemen drew up on one side of the street, and the shot and
archers on the other, the middle being left open for the race. Right
before the summer-house, where the king and nobles were seated, was a
large round target of straw, hung against the wall, at which the
archers running at full career on horseback discharged their arrows.
The street was so crowded, that neither the present we sent, nor we
ourselves, could get admission, so we passed along the street and
returned by another way to our house. Late at night, the brother of
Zanzibar's wife came to our house, bringing me a present of a haunch of
venison and a basket of oranges, being accompanied by Zanzibar himself.
About ten at night, the Chinese captain, our landlord, came to inform us
that the king had ordered a tub of water to be kept ready on the top of
every house, as the devil had given out that the town was to be burnt
down that night: Yet the devil proved a liar: We got however a large tub
on the top of our house, which held twenty buckets of water; and all
night long people ran about the streets calling out for every one to
look well to their fires, so that it was strange and fearful to hear
them.
This report of burning the town was still current on the 24th, and every
one was making preparations to prevent it. I made ready fifteen buckets,
which cost six _condrines_ each, which I filled with water and hung up
in our yard, setting a large tub beside them full of water, besides that
on the house top. I gave orders likewise to get two ladders ready for
carrying water to the roof, and provided nine wine casks filled with
tempered clay, ready for daubing up the doors of the _gadonge_, [godown
or fire-proof warehouse,] if need should require in consequence of a
conflagration, from which dire necessity may God defend us. All night
long, three or four men ran continually backwards and forwards in the
streets, calling out for every one to have a care of fire, and making so
horrible a noise, that it was both strange and fearful to hear them.
On the 25th, the Chinese captain, our landlord, was taken sick, and sent
for a piece of pork, which I sent him, and immediately afterwards I went
to visit him, carrying a small bottle of Spanish wine. While I was
there, Semidono and our guardian's father-in-law came likewise to visit
him. The king sent me word, by Miguel, our jurebasso, that he had a bad
opinion of Hernando Ximenes our Spaniard, and that he meant to have run
away when lately at Nangasaki. But I knew this to be false, as he had
then free liberty to go where he pleased, and did not run away. I had
another complaint made against him, that he was a notorious gambler, and
had enticed several to play, from whom he won their money, which I
believe rather than the other accusation. I find by experience, that the
Japanese are not friendly to the Spaniards and Portuguese, and love them
at Nangasaki the worse, because they love them so well.[36] In the night
between the 24th and 25th, some evil-disposed persons endeavoured to
have set the town of Firando on fire in three several places, but it was
soon extinguished, and no harm done; but the incendiaries were not
discovered, though doubtless owing to the conjurers and other base
people, who expected an opportunity of making spoil when the town was on
fire.
[Footnote 36: This is quite obscure, and may perhaps allude to the
efforts of the Jesuits at Nangasaki, to convert the Japanese to a new
idol worship, under the name of Christianity.--E.]
The 26th of October, Mr Melsham being very sick, _Zanzibar_ came to
visit him, and urged him to use the physic of the country, bringing with
him a _bonze_, or doctor, to administer the cure. Mr Melsham was very
desirous to use it, but wished our surgeon to see it in the first place.
So the bonze gave him two pills yesterday, two in the night, and two
this morning, together with certain seeds; but, for what I can see,
these things did him no good. God restore his health! At this time, all
our waste-cloths, pennants, brass sheaves, and other matters, were sent
aboard, and our ship was put into order to receive our general, whose
return was soon expected. Last night another house was set on fire by
some villains, but was soon extinguished with very little harm; yet our
nightly criers of fire continue to make such horrible noises, that it is
impossible for any one to get rest. The Chinese captain still continued
sick, and sent to beg some spiced cakes and two wax-candles, which I
sent him, as I had done before. Mr Melsham now grew weary of his
Japanese doctor and his prescriptions, and returned to our surgeon Mr
Warner, to the great displeasure of Zanzibar and the bonze.
§10. _Conclusion of Observations by Mr Cockes_.
Our Chinese landlord came to our house on the 30th October, to inform me
of a general collection of provisions of all kinds, then making at every
house in Firando, to be sent to the two kings, in honour of a great
feast they were to give next day, together with a comedy or play. By his
advice, and after consulting with the other gentlemen of the factory, I
directed two bottles of Spanish wine, two roasted hens, a roasted pig, a
small quantity of rusk, and three boxes of confections and preserves to
be sent, as a contribution towards their feast. Before night the young
king sent one of his men to me, requesting me to furnish him with some
English apparel, for the better setting out their comedy, and
particularly to let him have a pair of red cloth breeches. I answered,
that I had nonesuch, and knew not any of our people who had; but any
clothes I had that could gratify his highness were much at his service.
At night the old king sent to invite me to be a spectator of their
comedy on the morrow, and to bring Mr Foster, our master, along with me.
Next day, being the 31st, I sent our present, formerly mentioned, to the
kings by our jurebasso before dinner, desiring their highnesses to
excuse the master and myself, and that we would wait upon them some
other time, when they had not so much company. This however did not
satisfy them, and they insisted on our company, and that of Mr Eaton; so
we went and had a place appointed for us, where we sat at our ease and
saw every thing. The old king himself brought us a collation in sight of
all the people; Semidono afterwards did the like in the name of both
kings, and a third was brought us in the sequel by several of their
principal nobles or attendants. But that which we most noted was their
play or comedy, in which the two kings, with their greatest nobles and
princes, were the actors. The subject was a representation of the
valiant deeds of their ancestors, from the commencement of their kingdom
or commonwealth to the present time, which was mixed with much mirth to
please the common people. The audience was very numerous, as every house
in the town of Firando, and every village, place, or hamlet in their
dominions brought a present, and all their subjects were spectators. The
kings themselves took especial care that every one, both high and low,
should eat and drink before they departed. Their acting, music, singing,
and poetry, were very harsh to our ears, yet the natives kept time to
it, both with hands and feet. Their musical instruments were small drums
or tabors, wide at both ends and small in the middle, resembling an
hour-glass, on one end of which they beat with one hand, while with the
other they strained the cords which surround it, making it to sound soft
or loud at their pleasure, and tuning their voices to its sound, while
others played on a fife or flute; but all was harsh and unpleasant to
our ears. I never saw a play of which I took such notice, as it was
wonderfully well represented, yet quite different from ours in
Christendom, which are only dumb-shews, while this was as truth itself,
and acted by the kings themselves, to preserve a continual remembrance
of their affairs.
On this occasion, the king did not invite the Dutch, which made our
being present seem the greater compliment. When I returned to our house,
I found three or four of the Dutchmen there, one of whom was in a
Japanese habit, and came from a place called _Cushma_,[37] which is
within sight of Corea. I understood they had sold pepper there and other
goods, and suspect they have some secret trade thence with Corea, or are
likely soon to have, and I trust if they do well that we shall not miss,
as Mr Adams was the man who put them upon this trade, and I have no
doubt he will be as diligent for the good of his own countrymen as he
has been for strangers. Hernando Ximenes was with Captain Brower when
the two men came from Cushma, and asked them whence they came, at which
Brower was very angry, telling him he should have no account of that
matter.
[Footnote 37: Key-sima, an island considerably to the N.E. of Firando,
and nearly midway between Niphon and Corea, from which it may be about
forty miles distant.--E.]
Towards night, I was informed that two Spaniards were arrived from
Nangasaki, and were lodged with _Zanzibar_. They sent for our jurebasso
to come to them, but I did not allow him, on which they and Zanzibar
came to our house. One of them was _Andres Bulgaryn_, a Genoese, who had
passed Firando only a few days before, and the other _Benito de Palais_,
pilot-major of the Spanish ship lately cast away on the coast of Japan,
the same person who came here formerly from Nangasaki to visit Captain
Adams. They said they had come to visit their friends, me in the first
place; and used many words of compliment, after which they entered into
conversation respecting our fugitives. They pretended that it was not
the fathers, as they called the jesuits, who kept our people from being
seen and spoken with, but the natives of Nangasaki, who they said were
very bad people. In fine, I shrewdly suspected these fellows of having
come a-purpose to inveigle more of our people to desert, as the others
did, wherefore I advised our master to have a watchful eye both to the
ship and boats, and to take special notice who kept company with our
men, as it was best to doubt the worst, for the best will save itself.
On the night of the 1st November, two houses were set a-fire on the
other side of the water, which were soon extinguished, but the villains
could not be found out. This day I sent word to Mr Foster on board, to
look well to the ship and the boats, and to the behaviour of our people,
as I strongly suspected the two Spaniards of being spies, come to entice
away our men. I sent him word likewise, that I understood the Spaniards
meant to invite him that day to dinner, but wished him to beware they
did not give him a _higo_.[38] He answered, that he had the same opinion
of them I had, and should therefore be mainly on his guard. He came soon
after on shore, and the Spaniards came to our house, where by much
entreaty they prevailed on Mr Foster and Mr William Eaton to go with
them to dinner at Zanzibar's house, along with Hernando and the other
two Spaniards. But these two Spaniards came to me, and desired me to
tell Mr Foster and those who went with him, to take heed they did not
eat or drink of any thing they did not see tasted by others, as they
were not to be trusted, which I communicated to Mr Foster and Mr Eaton.
Ximenes told me that Mr Adams had goods in his hands belonging to the
pilot-major, who had come in the hope of finding Mr Adams here, and
meant to wait his return. He said they had likewise brought letters from
the bishop and other fathers to the other two Spaniards, advising them
to return to Nangasaki, but which I think they will not do. I this day
sent our jurebasso to both kings and the other nobles, to give them
thanks for the kind entertainment we had received the day before.
[Footnote 38: From the sequel, this unexplained term seems to imply
treachery.--E.]
The 2d, some villains set fire to a house in the fish street, which was
soon put out, and the incendiaries escaped. It is generally thought
these fires were raised by some base renegados who lurk about the town,
and who came from Miaco: Yet, though much suspected, no proof has
hitherto been brought against them. There has, however, been orders
given to construct gates and barriers in different parts of all the
streets, with watches at each, and no person to be allowed to go about
in the night, unless he be found to have very urgent business. Another
villain got this night into the house of a poor widow, meaning to have
robbed her; but on her making an outcry, he fled into the wood opposite
our house, where the Pagoda stands.[39] The wood was soon after beset
all around by above 500 men, but the robber could not be found. At
night, when we were going to bed, there was a sudden alarm given that
there were thieves on the top of our house, endeavouring to set it on
fire. Our ladders being ready, I and others went up immediately, but
found nobody, yet all the houses of our neighbours were peopled on the
top like ours on similar alarms. This was judged to be a false alarm,
risen on purpose to see whether any one would be found in readiness. At
this very time there was a house set on fire, a good way from our house,
but the fire was soon quenched. The night before, three houses were set
a-fire in different parts of the town, but the fires were all
extinguished at the beginning, so that no hurt was done. At this time,
an order was issued to give notice of all the inhabitants dwelling in
every house, whether strangers or others; and that all who were liable
to suspicion should be banished from the dominions of the two kings of
Firando. Bars or gates were erected to shut up the passages at the ends
of all the streets, and watches were appointed in different places, with
orders not to go about crying and making a noise, as had been done
hitherto without either form or fashion. Yet, notwithstanding these
precautions, a villain set fire about ten o'clock this night to a house
near the Pagoda, opposite our house. He was noticed by the watch, who
pursued him in all haste, but he escaped into the wood above the Pagoda.
The wood was immediately beset by more than 500 armed men, and old king
Foyne came in person with many of his nobles to assist in the pursuit;
yet the incendiary escaped, and I verily believe he ran about among the
rest, crying _stop thief_ as, well as the best.
[Footnote 39: This word signifies either the idol, or the idol temple,
or both.--_Purch._]
On the night of the 4th, fire was set to several houses, both in the
town and country round. An order was now given, to have secret watches
in various parts of the town every night, and that no person should go
out during the night except upon important occasions, and then to have a
light carried before them, that it might be seen who they were. If this
rule be duly enforced, our house-burners will be put to their wits end.
I proposed these measures to the king and others above a week before,
and now they are put in execution.
On the 5th I received a letter from Domingo Francisco, the Spanish
ambassador, dated five days before from _Ximenaseque_, [Simonoseki,] and
another from George the Portuguese. The ambassador went over land from
that place to Nangasaki, and sent the letter by his servant, to whom I
shewed the commodities he enquired after, referring him for others till
the return of our general, but gave him an answer, of which I kept a
copy. The man chose two pieces of fine _Semian chowters_ and eight
pieces of white _bastas_, paying seven _tayes_ each for the _chowters,_
and two _tayes_ each for the _bastas_. A Spanish friar or Jesuit came in
the boat along with the ambassador's servant, and asked to see our ship,
which the master allowed him at my request, and used him kindly; for the
old saw has it, That it is sometimes good to hold a candle to the devil.
This day Mr Eaton, Hernando, and I dined with Unagense, and were kindly
entertained.
About ten o'clock of the 6th November, 1613, our general and all his
attendants arrived at Firando from the emperor's court, accompanied by
Mr Adams. Immediately after his arrival, he sent me, with John Japan,
our jurebasso, to visit both the kings, and to thank them for their
kindness, for having so well accommodated him with a barge or galley,
and for the care they had taken of the ship and every thing else during
his absence. They took this message in good part, saying they would be
glad to see our general at their houses. At this time certain merchants
of Miaco came from Nangasaki to our house to look at our commodities,
and among the rest took liking to ten pieces of _cassedy nill_, for
which they agreed to give three _tayes_ each. As had been done by other
merchants, I sent the goods to their lodging, expecting to receive the
money as usual; but they only sent me a paper, consigning me to receive
payment from _Semidono_, who was newly gone from Firando on a voyage,
and was met by our general. I sent back word to the merchants that I
must either have payment or the goods returned, to which they answered,
I should have neither one nor the other; and as the person with whom
they lodged refused to pass his word for payment, I was forced to apply
to both the kings for justice; but I first sent word aboard our ship, if
the boat of Miaco weighed anchor to go away, that they should send the
skiff to make her stay, which they did, and made her come to anchor
again. In the mean time I went to the kings. The younger king said that
_Semidono_ was able enough to pay me; but when I asked him if Semidono
refused to pay, whether he would, he answered no. While we were talking
about the matter, the old king came in, and told me he would take order
that I should be satisfied; so in the end the person with whom the
merchants lodged passed his word for payment of the thirty _tayes_; yet
the orders of old _Foyne Same_ had come too late, if our skiff had not
stopt the Miaco merchants. This day Captain Brower and all the
merchants of the Dutch factory came to visit our general, and
_Nobisone_ sent him a young porker as a present, with a message saying
he would come to visit him in a day or two.
§11. _Occurrences at Firando after the Return of Captain Saris_.[40]
The 7th of November, 1613, I sent in the first place some presents to
the two kings of Firando, and afterwards went to visit them. On the 8th,
Andrew Palmer, the ship's steward, and William Marnell, gunner's mate,
having been ashore all night and quarrelled in their cups, went out this
morning into the fields and fought. Both are so grievously wounded, that
it is thought Palmer will hardly escape with his life, and that Marnell
will be lame of his hands for life. The 9th I went aboard ship early,
and called the master and all the officers into my cabin, making known
to them how much I was grieved at the misconduct of some of them,
particularly of Palmer and Marnell, who had gone ashore without leave,
and had so sore wounded each other, that one was in danger of his life,
and the other of being lamed for ever; and besides, that the survivor
ran a risk of being hanged if the other died, which would necessarily
occasion me much vexation. I also said, I was informed that Francis
Williams and Simon Colphax were in the boat going ashore to have fought,
and that John Dench and John Winston had appointed to do the like. John
Dench confessed it was true, and that he had seen Palmer and Marnell
fighting, and had parted them, otherwise one or both had died on the
field. I told them these matters were exceedingly distressing to me, and
I trusted would now be remedied, otherwise the ship would be unmanned,
to the overthrow of our voyage, and the vast injury of the honourable
company which had entrusted us. After much contestation, they all
engaged to amend what was amiss, and not to offend any more, which I
pray God may be the case. I told them also, that old king Foyne had
complained to me, threatening, if any more of them went ashore to fight
and shed blood, contrary to the laws of Japan, he would order them to be
cut in pieces, as he was determined strangers should have no more
licence to infringe the laws than his own subjects.
[Footnote 40: We here resume the narrative of Captain Saris. Purch.
Pilgr. I. 378. The observations of Mr Cockes, contained in the three
preceding sub-sections, break off abruptly in the Pilgrims, as
above.--E.]
At my return ashore, old _Foyne Same_ came to visit me at the English
house, and told me that the piece of _Poldavy_, and the sash I gave him,
were consumed when his house was burnt down. This was in effect begging
to have two others, which I promised to give him. I likewise got him to
send some of his people aboard, along with John Japan, our jurebasso, to
intimate to our men that if any of them went ashore to fight, he had
given strict orders to have them cut in pieces. This I did in hopes of
restraining them in future from any more drunken combats. Towards night,
Juan Comas, a Spaniard, came from Nangasaki, bringing two letters from
Domingo Francisco, one for me, and the other for Mr Cockes, together
with three baskets of sugar as a present to me, and a pot of conserves,
with many no less sugared words of compliment in his letters, saying how
sorry he was that our seven fugitives had gone away during his absence,
excusing himself and the Jesuits, who he pretended had no hand in the
matter, and pretending they had never spoken against us, calling us
heretics. He said our men had gone from Nangasaki, three of them in a
Chinese or Japanese _soma_ for Manilla, and four in a Portuguese vessel.
Yet I esteem all these as vain words to excuse themselves, and throw the
blame on others; for the Spaniards and Portuguese mutually hate each
other and the Japanese, as these last do them.
The 11th I visited _Nobesane_, who used me kindly, and would have had me
dine with him next day, but I excused myself on account of the press of
business in which I was engaged, and the short time I had to stay. I met
old king Foyne at his house, who requested to have two pieces of English
salt beef, and two of pork, sodden by our cook, with turnips, radishes,
and onions, which I sent him. The 12th, the governors of the two kings
came to visit me at our factory, whence they went aboard the Clove,
accompanied by Mr Cockes, to signify to our crew that they should beware
of coming ashore to fight and shed blood; as, by the law of Japan, those
who went out to fight and drew weapons for that purpose, were adjudged
to death, and all who saw them were obliged to kill both offenders, on
pain of ruining themselves and all their kindred if they neglected
putting the combatants to death.
The 14th I sent Mr Cockes and our jurebasso to wait upon the kings, to
entreat they would provide me twelve Japanese seamen who were fit for
labour, to assist me in navigating the ship to England, to whom I was
willing to give such wages as their highnesses might deem reasonable.
The kings were then occupied in other affairs, so that my messengers
spoke with their secretaries, who said they needed not to trouble the
kings on that business, as they would provide me twelve fit persons; but
that there were several vagrant people about the town who would be
willing enough to go, yet were very unfit for my purpose, as they would
only consume victuals, and of whom the Dutch made use without making any
request on the matter, and it was not known what had become of these men
or of the ship; but, as the matter was now referred to them, they would
look out for such as were fit for our purpose.
The 18th, Foyne sent me word he would visit me, and meant to bring the
dancing girls of the country along with him, which he did soon after,
accompanied by three courtezans, and two or three men, who all danced
and made music after their fashion, though harsh to our ears. The 19th,
the Chinese captain, and George Duras, a Portuguese, came to visit me,
requesting me to send to _Semidono_ to procure pardon for two poor
fellows who were like to lose their lives for bidding a poor knave flee
who had stolen a bit of lead not worth three halfpence; and though the
malefactor was taken and executed, these men were in danger of the same
punishment, had I not sent Mr Cockes to _Semidono_ with my ring, to
desire their pardon for my sake, which he engaged to procure, and did in
effect.
The 20th, _Samedon_, king of _Crats_,[41] sent me word he meant to go on
board our ship, so I went there to meet him, and he came along with both
the kings of Firando, when we saluted them with five pieces of ordnance;
and we afterwards fired three with bullets at a mark, at the request of
Samedon, who gave me two Japanese pikes, having _cattans_ or _sables_ on
their ends. At their departure we again saluted them with seven guns,
one being shotted and fired at the mark. The 22d I sent a present to the
king of _Crats_, which was delivered to him at the house of _Tomesanes_
the young king, where he was at breakfast. Samedon accepted it very
kindly, sending me word by Mr Cockes that he was doubly obliged to me
for his kind entertainment aboard, and for now sending him so handsome a
present of such things as his country did not produce, all without any
desert on his part, and the only recompence in his power was, if ever
any of the English nation came into his dominions, he would give them a
hearty welcome, and do them all the service in his power.
[Footnote 41: This personage must have been governor of one of the
provinces, islands, or towns of Japan; but no place in that eastern
empire bears a name in modern geography which in the smallest degree
resembles Crats.--E]
The 25th, the purser and Mr Hownsell came ashore, and told me that
Andrew Palmer, the steward, had died the night before, Thomas Warner,
our surgeon, affirming that he owed his death to his own obstinacy, his
wound being curable if he would have been ruled. I desired that he might
be buried on an island as secretly as possible, as we were about to get
some Japanese into our ship, who might be unwilling to embark if they
heard of any one having died. On the 28th a Japanese was put to death,
who some said was a thief, and others an incendiary. He was led by the
executioner to the place of punishment, a person going before him
carrying a board, on which the crime for which he was to be punished was
written, and the same was exhibited on a paper flag carried over his
head. Two pikemen followed the culprit, having the points of their pikes
close to his back, ready to slay him instantly if he offered to resist.
The ship being ready to depart, several of the natives complained that
the ship's company owed them money, and desired to be paid. To prevent
greater inconvenience, I listened to these people, and wrote to the
master to make enquiry aboard as to who were in debt, that I might
satisfy their creditors, making deductions accordingly from their wages.
On the 26th I assembled my mercantile council to consult about leaving a
factory here in Firando, upon these considerations. 1. The encouragement
we had privately received at the Moluccas. 2. That the Dutch had already
a factory here. 3. The large privileges now obtained from the emperor of
Japan. 4. The certain advice of English factories established at Siam
and Patane. 5. The commodities remaining on hand appointed for these
parts, and the expected profit which farther experience might produce.
It was therefore resolved to leave a factory here, consisting of eight
Englishmen, three Japanese _jurebassos_ or interpreters, and two
servants. They were directed, against the coming of the next ships, to
explore and discover the coasts of Corea, _Tushmay_, other parts of
Japan, and of the adjoining countries, and to see what good might be
done in any of them.
The 5th of December, 1613, Mr Richard Cockes, captain and _Cape_
merchant of the English factory now settled at Firando in Japan, took
his leave of me aboard the Clove, together with his company, being eight
English and five others, as before mentioned. After their departure, we
mustered the company remaining aboard, finding forty-six English, five
_swarts_ or blacks, fifteen Japanese, and three passengers, in all
sixty-nine persons. We had lost since our arrival in Japan ten
Englishmen; two by sickness, one slain in a duel, and seven who deserted
to the Portuguese and Spaniards, while I was absent at the court of the
emperor. The English whom we left in the factory were Mr Richard Cockes,
William Adams, now entertained in the service of the company at a
hundred pounds a year, Tempest Peacock, Richard Wickham, William Eaton,
Walter Carwarden, Edward Saris, and William Nelson.
§12. _Voyage from Japan to Bantam, and thence Home to England_.
That same day, being the 5th December, we set sail with a stiff
northerly gale, steering S. by W. 1/2 a point westerly. By exact
observation on shore, we found the island of Firando to be in lat. 33°
30' N. and the variation 2° 50' easterly.[42] We resolved to keep our
course for Bantam along the coast of China, for which purpose we brought
our starboard tacks aboard, and stood S.W. edging over for China, the
wind at N.N.E. a stiff gale and fair weather. The 7th it blew very hard
at N.W. and we steered S.S.W. encountering a great current which shoots
out between the _island_ of Corea[43] and the main land of China,
occasioning a very heavy sea. The 8th, being in lat. 29° 40' N. we
steered W.S.W, on purpose to make Cape _Sumbor_ on the coast of China.
The sea was very rough, and the wind so strong that it blew our main
course out of the bolt ropes. The 9th, in lat. 28° 23', we sounded and
had forty-nine to forty-five fathoms on an oozy bottom. The weather was
clear, yet we could not see land. The 11th we had ground in forty-nine,
forty-three, thirty-eight, thirty-seven, and thirty fathoms, the water
being very green, and as yet no land to be seen.
[Footnote 42: The town of Firando is in lat. 33° 6' N. and even the most
northern part of the island of that name only reaches to 33° 17'. The
town is in long. 128° 42' E. from Greenwich.--E.]
[Footnote 43: Corea was long thought to be an island after the period of
this voyage. Astl. I. 492. c.--It is now known to be an extensive
peninsula, to the east of China, having the Yellow sea interposed.--E.]
The 12th, in thirty-five fathoms, and reckoning ourselves near the coast
of China, we had sight of at least 300 sail of junks, of twenty and
thirty tons each and upwards, two of which passed us close to windwards,
and though we used all fair means to prevail upon them to come aboard we
could not succeed, and seeing they were only fishing vessels we let them
pass. Continuing our course we soon espied land, being two islands
called the _Fishers islands_.[44] At noon our latitude was 25° 59' N.
and we had ground at twenty to twenty-six fathoms. About seven p.m.
while steering along the land, we came close by a rock, which by good
providence we had sight of by moonlight, as it lay right in our course.
When not above twice our ship's length from this rock, we had thirty
fathoms water, on which we hauled off for one watch, to give the land a
wide birth, and resumed our course S.W. after midnight. The wind was
very strong at N.E. and continually followed as the land trended. The
13th, in lat. 24° 35' N. and variation 1° 30' easterly, having the wind
strong at N.E. with fair weather, we steered S.W. keeping about five
leagues off the islands along the coast of China. The 15th we came among
many fisher boats, but had so much wind that we could not speak any of
them, but they made signs to us, as we thought to keep to the westwards.
At noon our lat. was 21° 40' N. and having the wind at N.N.E. a stiff
gale, we steered W.N.W. northerly, to make the land, and about two hours
afterwards had sight of it, although by our dead reckoning we ought
still to have been fifty-six leagues from it. It is to be noted, that
the islands along the coast of China are considerably more to the
southward than as laid down in the charts. About three p.m. we were
within about two leagues of an island called _Sancha_[45].
[Footnote 44: By the latitude indicated in the text, Captain Saris
appears to have fallen in with the coast of Fo-kien, and to have passed
through between that province and the island of Formosa, without
discovering the existence of that island.--E.]
[Footnote 45: Probably the island of Tchang-to-huen, to the S.W. of the
bay of Canton, the situation of which agrees with the latitude in the
text, and the sound of the two first syllables of which name has some
affinity with that given by Saris, evidently from Spanish or Portuguese
charts. At this part, of his voyage, Saris entirely misses to notice the
large island of Hai-nan.--E.]
The 18th, in lat. 15° 43' N. we had sight of an island called
Pulo-cotan, being high land, and is about twenty leagues, according to
report, from the shoal called _Plaxel_. In the morning of the 19th the
coast of Cambodia was on our starboard side, about two leagues off,
along which we steered S.E. by E. easterly, our latitude at noon being
13° 31' N. estimating the ship to be then athwart _Varella_. We have
hitherto found the wind always _trade_ along shore, having gone _large_
all the way from Firando, the wind always following us as the land
trended. The 20th at noon we were in latitude 10° 53', and three
glasses, or an hour and half after, we had sight of a small island,
which we concluded to be that at the end of the shoal called
_Pulo-citi_. We found the book of _Jan Huyghens van Linschoten_ very
true, for by it we have directed our course ever since we left Firando.
The 22d we had sight of _Pulo Condor_ about five leagues off, our
latitude at noon being 8° 20' N.
About four a.m. on the 25th we made the island of _Pulo Timon_, and two
hours afterwards saw _Pulo Tinga_. The 28th at three p.m. we had oosy
ground at twenty fathoms, having divers long islands on our starboard
and sundry small islands on our larboard, forming the straits of
China-bata, which we found to be truly laid down in a chart made by a
Hollander called _Jan Janson Mole_, which he gave to Mr Hippon, who gave
it to the company. _Pulo Bata_, one of these islands, is low land, and
is full of trees or bushes at the S.W. end.
A little before noon on the 29th, we perceived the colour of the water
a-head of the ship to change very much, by which observation we escaped
an imminent danger. This shoal seemed of a triangular shape, the S.W.
end being the sharpest, and is not far from the entrance into the
straits of _China-bata_. At noon our latitude was 4° 6' N. At eight p.m.
we came to anchor in seven fathoms, the weather threatening to be foul
in the night, the place very full of shoals, and our experience little
or nothing. Before our anchor took hold, we had six 1/4, five 1/2, six,
and then seven fathoms, soft sandy ground.
In the morning of the 30th we spoke the Darling, then bound for
Coromandel, her company consisting of twenty-one English and nine
blacks. By her we first learnt of the death of Sir Henry Middleton, the
loss of the Trades-increase, and other incidents that had occurred
during our voyage to Japan. In the night of the 30th God mercifully
delivered us from imminent danger, as we passed under full sail close by
a sunken ledge of rocks, the top of which was only just above water
within a stone's throw of our ship; and had not the noise of the
breakers awakened us, we had not cleared our ship. We instantly let go
our anchor, being in a rapid current or tide-way, in seventeen fathoms
upon oozy ground. When morning broke on the 31st we had sight of the
high land of Sumatra, having an island a-stern, the ledge of rocks we
had passed on our starboard, and three small islands forming a triangle
on our larboard bow. We were about eight leagues off the high land of
Java, but could not then get into the straits of Sunda, as the wind was
quite fallen.
The 1st January, 1614, being quite calm, was mostly spent at anchor. The
2d, having a little wind, we set sail, and about eight o'clock fell in
with the Expedition, homewards bound for England, laden with pepper, by
which ship we wrote to our friends in England. The 3d we came to anchor
in the road of Bantam, end to our great grief found no lading ready for
us, for which neglect I justly blamed those I had left to provide the
same, while they excused themselves by alleging they did not expect us
so soon back. I questioned _Kewee_, the principal Chinese merchant, who
came to visit me on board, as to the price of pepper. He answered, that
it was already known ashore I was homewards bound, and must necessarily
load pepper; and, as my merchants had not provided any before hand, I
might be assured it would rise. He said the price was then at twelve
dollars for ten sacks, but he could not undertake to deliver any
quantity at that price. I offered him twelve dollars and a half the ten
sacks, but he held up so high, that we had no hope of dealing for the
present. Of the ten persons left by us in the factory when we departed
for Japan, we found only five alive at our return, while we only lost
one man between Firando and Bantam.
I went ashore on the 4th to visit the governor of Bantam, to whom I
presented two handsome _cattans_, or Japanese swords, and other articles
of value; and this day I bargained with _Kewee_ for 4000 sacks of pepper
at thirteen dollars the ten sacks, bating in the weight 3 per cent and
directed the merchants to expedite the milling thereof as much as
possible. I employed the 5th in reducing the several English factories
at Bantam under one government, settling them all in one house; also in
regulating the expences of diet, that all might be frugally managed, to
prevent extravagance in rack-houses abroad, or in hanger-on blacks at
home, which had lately been the case. I directed also that there should
be fewer warehouses kept in the town, and that these might be better
regulated, and the goods stowed in a more orderly manner. Hitherto the
multiplication of factories, having one for each voyage, had occasioned
great expence, and had raised the price of pepper, as each outbid the
other, for the particular account of their own several voyages, with
great loss to the public.
The 6th was employed in re-weighing the pepper received the day before,
most of the sacks being found hard weight, and many to want a part of
what was allowed by the king's beam; wherefore I sent for the weigher,
whom I used kindly, entreating him to take a little more care to amend
this fault, which he promised to do, and for his better encouragement I
made him a present to the value of five dollars. The 16th being Sunday,
I staid aboard, and about 2 p.m. we observed the whole town to be on
fire. I immediately sent our skiff ashore to assist the merchants in
guarding our goods. The wind was so violent, that in a very short space
of time the whole town was burnt down, except the English and Dutch
factories, which it pleased God of his mercy to preserve.
Being ashore on the 20th, I procured two Chinese merchants, named
_Lackmoy_ and _Lanching_, to translate the letter which the king of
Firando in Japan had given me to deliver to our king, James I. It was
written in the Chinese character and language, which they translated
into the Malay, and which in English was as follows:
_To the King of Great Britain, &c._ "Most mighty king, I cannot
sufficiently express how acceptable your majesty's most loving letter,
and bountiful present of many valuable things, sent me by your servant
Captain John Saris, has been to me; neither the great happiness I feel
in the friendship of your majesty, for which I render you many thanks,
desiring the continuance of your majesty's love and correspondence. I am
heartily glad at the safe arrival of your subjects at my small island,
after so long a voyage. They shall not lack my help and furtherance to
the utmost, for effecting their so worthy and laudable purposes, of
discovery and commerce, referring for the entertainment they have
received to the report of your servant, by whom I send to your majesty
an unworthy token of my gratitude; wishing your majesty long life. Given
from my residence of Firando, the sixth day of the tenth month. _Your
majesty's loving friend, commander of this island of Firando in Japan,
FOYNE SAM-MASAM."_
My interpreters could not well pronounce his name, Lanching saying it
was _Foyne Foshin Sam_, while Lackmoy said it was written as above. This
comes to pass by reason of the Chinese characters, which, in proper
names, borrow the characters of other words, of the same or nearest
sound, and thereby occasion frequent mistakes.
The 22d, such houses as had escaped in the former fire of the 16th, were
now burnt down; yet the English and Dutch houses escaped, for which we
were thankful to God. On the 26th, a Dutch ship of 1000 tons arrived
from Holland, called the Flushing. At the island of Mayo, the company
mutinied against the captain, whom they would have murdered in his
cabin, had it not pleased God that a Scotsman revealed the plot when the
mutineers were already armed to carry it into effect, so that they were
taken between decks with their weapons in their hands. In this ship
there were several English and Scots soldiers. She did not remain at
Bantam, but sailed towards evening for Jacatra.
The 27th, our lading being fully procured, and several of our company
fallen sick, I went ashore to hasten our merchants to get us ready for
sailing. The 1st February, the Darling was forced back to Bantam; and
order was taken by mutual consultation for the proper care of her goods,
and for her immediate departure for _Succadanea_ in the island of
Borneo, and thence to Patane and Siam.
The 13th of February we got out from the straits of Sunda, in which the
tide of flood sets twelve hours to the eastwards, and the ebb twelve
hours to the westwards. On the 16th of May we anchored in the bay of
Saldanha, where we found the Concord of London, being the first ship set
out by the united company. We now found the natives of this place very
treacherous, making us to understand by signs; that two of their people
had been forcibly carried off. They had sore wounded one of the people
belonging to the Concord; and while we were up in the land, they
assaulted the people who were left in charge of our skiff, carried away
our grapnel, and had spoiled the boat-keepers if they had not pushed off
into deep water. The 19th a Dutch ship arrived bound for Bantam, the
master being Cornelius van Harte.
We remained here twenty-three days, where we thoroughly refreshed the
ship's company, and took away with us alive fourteen oxen and seventy
sheep, besides good store of fish and beef, which we _powdered_ there,
finding it to take salt well, contrary to former reports. For ten days
after leaving Saldanha, we had the wind N.W. and W.N.W. but after that
we had a fine wind at S.W. so that we could hold our course N.W. On the
27th September, thanks be to God, we arrived at Plymouth; where, for the
space of five or six weeks, we endured more tempestuous weather, and
were in greater danger of our lives, than during the whole voyage
besides.
§13. _Intelligence concerning Yedzo, or Jesso, received from a Japanese
at Jedo, who had been twice there_.[46]
Yedzo, or Jesso, is an island to the N.W. of Japan, from which it is ten
leagues distant. The natives are of white complexions, and
well-conditioned, but have their bodies covered all over with hair like
monkies. Their weapons are bows and poisoned arrows. The inhabitants of
the south extremity of this country understand the use of weights and
measures; but those who inhabit the inland country, at the distance of
thirty days journey, are ignorant of these things. They have much silver
and gold-dust, in which they make payment to the Japanese for rice and
other commodities; rice and cotton-cloth being of ready sale among them,
as likewise iron and lead, which are carried there from Japan. Food and
cloathing are the most vendible commodities among the natives of that
country, and sell to such advantage, that rice often yields a profit of
four for one.
[Footnote 46: This article is appended to the Voyage of Saris, in the
Pilgrims, vol. I. p. 384.--E.]
The town where the Japanese have their chief residence and mart in
Yetizo is called _Matchma_,[47] in which there are 500 households or
families of Japanese. They have likewise a fort here, called
_Matchma-donna_. This town is the principal mart of Yedzo, to which the
natives resort to buy and sell, especially in September, when they make
provision against winter. In March they bring down salmon and dried fish
of sundry kinds, with other wares, for which the Japanese barter in
preference even to silver. The Japanese have no other settled residence
or place of trade except this at Matchma [48]. Farther northward in
Yedzo there are people of a low stature like dwarfs.[49] The other
natives of Yedzo are of good stature like the Japanese, and have no
other cloathing but what is brought them from Japan. There is a violent
current in the straits between Yedzo and Japan, which comes from the sea
of Corea, and sets E.N.E. The winds there are for the most part like
those usual in Japan; the northerly winds beginning in September, and
ending in March, when the southerly winds begin to blow.
[Footnote 47: In modern maps, the southern peninsula of Yesso, or Yedso,
is named _Matsaki_, apparently the same name with that in the text.--E.]
[Footnote 48: In our more modern maps, there are four other towns or
residences on the western coast of the peninsula of Matsaki, named
Jemasina, Sirekosawa, Famomoli, and Aria.--E.]
[Footnote 49: The island of Kubito-sima, off the western coast of Yedzo,
is called likewise in our maps, the Isle of Pigmies.--E.]
§14. _Note of Commodities vendible in Japan_.[50]
Broad-cloths of all sorts, as black, yellow, and red, which cost in
Holland eight or nine gilders the Flemish ell, two ells and three
quarters, are worth in Japan, three, four, to five hundred.[51] Cloth of
a high wool is not in request, but such as is low shorn is most
vendible. Fine _bayes_ of the before-mentioned colours are saleable, if
well cottoned, but not such as those of Portugal. Sayes, _rashes_,
single and double bouratts, silk grograms, Turkey grograms; camblets,
_Divo Gekepert, Weersetynen, Caniaut, Gewart twijne_;[52] velvets, musk,
sold weight for weight of silver; India cloths of all sorts are in
request; satins, taffetas, damasks, Holland linen from fifteen to twenty
stivers the Flemish ell, but not higher priced; diaper, damasks, and so
much the better if wrought with figures or branches; thread of all
colours; carpets, for tables; gilded leather, painted with figures and
flowers, but the smallest are in best demand; painted pictures, the
Japanese delighting in lascivious representations, and stories of wars
by sea or land, the larger the better worth, sell for one, two, or three
hundred. Quick-silver, the hundred cattees sell from three to four
hundred.
[Footnote 50: This forms a part of the Appendix to the Voyage of Saris,
Purch. Pilg. I. 394; where it is joined to the end of observations by
the same author on the trade of Bantam, formerly inserted in this
Collection under their proper date.--E.]
[Footnote 51: This account is very vaguely expressed; but in the title
in the Pilgrims, the sales are stated to be in _masses_ and
_canderines_, each canderine being the tenth part of a masse. The
information contained in this short subdivision is hardly intelligible,
yet is left, as it may possibly be of some use towards reviving the
trade of Japan, now that the Dutch are entirely deprived of their
eastern possessions.--E.]
[Footnote 52: These articles, in italics, are unknown.]
The hundred cattees of vermilion are worth from three to six hundred.
Paint for women's faces, the hundred cattees are worth twenty-eight.
Cooper in plates, 125 Flemish pounds are worth from 90 to 100. Lead in
small bars, the 100 cattees from 60 to 88. Lead in sheets is in greater
request, the thinner the better, and 100 pounds Flemish sell for 80.
Fine tin, in logs or bars, 120 pounds Flemish bring 350. Iron, twenty
five Dutch ounces worth four. Steel, the 100 cattees, worth from one to
two hundred. Tapestry. Civet, the cattee worth from 150 to 200. China
root, the 100 cattees or pekul worth 40. China sewing gold, the paper
worth three masse three. Powdered Chinese sugar, the 100 cattees or
pekul worth forty to fifty. Sugar-candy, the pekul or 100 cattees, from
fifty to sixty. Velvets, of all colours, eight ells the piece, from 120
to 130. Wrought velvets, from 180 to 200. Taffetas of all colours, and
good silk, worth, the piece, from twenty-four to thirty or forty. Satin,
seven or eight ells long, the piece worth from 80 to 100. Figured satin,
from 120 to 150. _Gazen_, of seven pikes or ells, from forty to fifty.
Raw silk, the cattee of twelve pounds Flemish, from thirty to forty.
Untwisted silk, the weight of twenty-eight pounds Flemish, from thirty
to forty. Twisted silk, from twenty-eight to forty.
Drinking-glasses of all sorts, bottles, canns, cups, trenchers, plates,
beer-glasses, salt-sellers, wine-glasses, beakers, gilt looking-glasses
of large size, _Muscovy glass_, salt, writing-papers, table-books,
paper-books, _lead to neal_ pots. Spanish soap is in much request, and
sells for one masse the small cake. Amber beads, worth 140 to 160. Silk
stockings, of all colours. Spanish leather, neats leather, and other
kinds of leather used for gloves, worth six, eight, or nine. Blue
_candiques_ of China, from fifteen to twenty. Black _candiques_, from
ten to fifteen. Wax for candles, 100 pounds Flemish worth from 200 to
250. Honey, the pekul, worth sixty. _Samell_ of Cochin-China, the pekul,
worth 180. Nutmegs, the pekul, twenty-five. Camphor of Borneo, or
_barous, the pound hollans_, from 250 to 400. Sanders of _Solier_, the
pekul, worth 100. Good and heavy Callomback wood, the pound, worth one,
two, three, to five. Sapan, or red wood, the pekul, from twenty to
twenty-six. Good and large elephants teeth, from 400, to 500, 600, 700,
and even 800. Rhinoceros horns, the Javan cattee, worth thirty. Gilded
harts-horns, the piece, worth 300, 400, 500. Roch allum in request, in
so much that what cost only three gilders has sold for 100 gilders; but
not in demand by every one.
The Chinese in Japan will commonly truck for silver, giving gold of
twenty-three carats, at the rate of from fifteen to twenty times its
weight in silver, according as silver is plenty or scarce.
The following commodities are to be bought in Japan, and at the rates
here quoted. Very good hemp, 100 cattees, being 120 pounds of Holland,
are worth from sixty-five to seventy. _Eye-colours_ for dying blue,
almost as good as indigo, made up in round cakes, and packed 100 cakes
in a fardel, worth fifty to sixty. Dye-stuff for white, turning to red
colour, made up in fardels of fifty _gautins malios_, worth five to
eight. Very good white rice, cased, worth, the _fares_, eight
three-fifths. Rice of a worse sort, the bale, worth seven three-tenths.
At Jedo, Osaka, and Miaco, there is the best dying of all sorts of
colours, as red, black, and green; and for gliding gold and silver, is
better than the Chinese varnish. Brimstone is in great abundance, and
the pekul may be bought for seven. Saltpetre is dearer in one place than
another, being worth one and a half. Cotton-wool, the pekul, may be
bought for ten.
§15. _Supplementary Notices of Occurrences in Japan, after the Departure
of Captain Saris_.[53]
"This subdivision consists entirely of letters from Japan, and conveys
some curious information respecting the transactions of the English in
Japan, whence they have been long excluded. They are now perhaps of some
interest, beyond the mere gratification of curiosity, as, by the entire
expulsion of the Dutch from India, there seems a possibility of the
British merchants in India being able to restore trade to that distant
country. In the _Third_ PART of our Collection, various other relations
of Japan will be inserted."--E.
[Footnote 53: These are appended in the Pilgrims, vol. I. pp. 406--413,
to the observations of Mr. Richard Cocks, already given in conjunction
with the voyage of Captain Saris.--E.]
No. I. _Letter from Mr Richard Cocks, dated Firando, 10th December,
1614_.[54]
To this day, I have been unable to complete my old books of accounts,
owing to the dispatching of our people, some to one place and some to
another, and owing to the rebuilding of our house, and afterwards buying
a junk, and repairing her. She is now ready to set sail for Siam, having
been at anchor these ten days, waiting for a fair wind to proceed on her
voyage, at _Couchi_, a league from Firando, where your ship rode at your
departure from hence. She is called the Sea-Adventure, of about 200 tons
burden, in which Mr Adams goes as master, with Mr Wickham and Mr Edward
Sayers as merchants, in consequence of the death of Mr Peacock, slain in
Cochin-China, and the probability that Mr Carwarden has been cast away
in his return from thence, as we have no news of him or of the junk in
which he sailed, as I have at large informed the worshipful company.
[Footnote 54: This letter appears to have been written to Captain
Saris.--E.]
Since your departure from Japan, the emperor has banished all jesuits,
priests, nuns, and friars, from the country, shipping them off for
_Anacau_ [Macao] in China, or Manilla in the Philippine islands, and has
caused all their churches and monasteries to be pulled down or burnt.
_Foyne Same_, the old king of Firando, is dead, and _Ushiandono_, his
governor, with two other servants, cut open their bellies to bear him
company, their bodies being burned, and their ashes entombed along with
his. Wars are likely to ensue between _Ogusho Same_, the old emperor,
and _Fidaia Same_, the young prince, son of _Tico Same_, who has
strongly fortified himself in the castle of _Osaka_, having collected an
army of 80,000 or 100,000 men, consisting of malcontents, runaways, and
banished people, who have repaired from all parts to his standard, and
he is said to have collected sufficient provisions for three years. The
old emperor has marched against him in person, with an army of 300,000
men, and is at the castle of _Fusima_. The advanced parties of the two
armies have already had several skirmishes, and many have been slain on
both sides. The entire city of Osaka has been burned to the ground,
excepting only the castle, so that Mr Eaton had to retire with his goods
to _Sakey_,[55] yet not without danger, as a part of that town has
likewise been burnt. So great a tempest or tuffoon has lately occurred
at _Edoo_ [Jedo,] as had never been before experienced at that place.
The sea overflowed the whole city, obliging the people to take refuge on
the hills: and the prodigious inundation has defaced or thrown down all
the houses of the nobles, which you know were very beautiful and
magnificent.
[Footnote 55: It has been formerly explained that _Sakey_ was a town on
the river Jodo, directly opposite to Osakey or Osaka, the river only
being interposed.--E.]
Let this suffice for Japanese news; and I now proceed to inform you of
our success in selling our goods. The emperor took all our ordnance,
with most of our lead, and ten barrels of gunpowder, with two or three
pieces of broad-cloth. Most of our other broad-cloths are sold, namely,
black, hair-colour, and cinnamon-colour, at fifteen, fourteen, thirteen,
and twelve tayes the _tattamy_; but they will not even look at
Venice-reds and flame-colours, neither are _stammels_ in such request as
formerly, but they enquire much for whites and yellows. As the Dutch
sold most of their broad-cloths at low prices, we were forced to do so
likewise. In regard to our Cambaya goods, they will not look at our _red
Zelas_, blue _byrams_, or _dutties_, being the principal part of what is
now left us; and only some white bastas sell at fourteen or fifteen
masses each. _Cassedys nill, alleias_, broad _pintados_, with spotted,
striped, and checquered stuffs, are most in request, and sell at good
profit. We have also sold nearly half of our Bantam pepper for
sixty-five _masse_ the _pekull_, and all the rest had been gone before
now, had it not been for the war. I am in great hope of procuring trade
into China, through the means of Andrea, the China captain, and his two
brothers, who have undertaken the matter, and have no doubt of being
able to bring it to bear, for three ships to come yearly to a place near
_Lanquin_,[56] to which we may go from hence in three or four days with
a fair wind. Of this I have written at large to the worshipful company,
and also to the lord-treasurer.
[Footnote 56: As Nangasaki is uniformly named _Langasaque_ in this first
English voyage to Japan, I am apt to suspect the _Lanquin_ of the text
may have been Nan-kin.--E.]
Some little sickness with which I have been afflicted is now gone, for
which I thank God. Mr Easton, Mr Nealson, Mr Wickham, and Mr Sayer, have
all been very sick, but are all now well recovered, except Mr Eaton, who
still labours under flux and tertian ague. May God restore his health,
for I cannot too much praise his diligence and pains in the affairs of
the worshipful company. Jacob Speck, who was thought to have been cast
away in a voyage from hence to the Moluccas, is now returned to Firando
in the command of a great ship called the Zelandia, together with a
small pinnace called the Jacatra. The cause of his being so long missing
was, that in going from hence by the eastward of the Philippines, the
way we came, he was unable to fetch the Moluccas, owing to currents and
contrary winds, and was driven to the west of the island of Celebes, and
so passed round it through the straits of Desalon, and back to the
Moluccas. The Chinese complain much against the Hollanders for robbing
and pilfering their junks, of which they are said to have taken and
rifled seven. The emperor of Japan has taken some displeasure against
the Hollanders, having refused a present they lately sent him, and would
not even speak to those who brought it. He did the same in regard to a
present sent by the Portuguese, which came in a great ship from Macao to
Nangasaki. You thought, when here, that if any other ship came from
England we might continue to sell our goods without sending another
present to the emperor; but I now find that every ship which comes to
Japan must send a present to the emperor, as an established custom. I
find likewise that we cannot send away any junk from hence without
procuring the yearly licence from the emperor, as otherwise no Japanese
mariner dare to leave the country, under pain of death. Our own ships
from England may, however, come in and go out again when they please,
and no one to gainsay them.
We have not as yet been able by any means to procure trade from _Tushma_
into Corea; neither indeed have the inhabitants of Tushma any farther
privilege than to frequent one small town or fortress, and must not on
pain of death go beyond the walls of that place. Yet the king of Tushma
is not subject to the emperor of Japan.[57] We have only been able to
sell some pepper at Tushma, and no great quantity of that. The weight
there is much heavier than in Japan, but the price is proportionally
higher.
[Footnote 57: No place or island of any name resembling _Tushma_ is to
be found in our best maps. The name in the text probably refers to
_Tausima_, called an some maps _Jasus_, an island about forty miles
long, about midway between Kiusiu and Corea.--E.]
I have been given to understand that there are no great cities in the
interior of Corea, between which inland country and the sea there are
immense bogs or morasses, so that no one can travel on horseback, and
hardly even a-foot; and as a remedy against this, they have great
waggons or carts upon broad flat wheels, which are moved by means of
sails like ships. Thus, by observing the monsoons or periodical winds,
they transport their goods backwards and forwards, by means of these
sailing waggons. In that country they make damasks, sattins, taffaties,
and other silk stuffs, as well as in China.
It is said that _Fico Same_, otherwise called _Quabicondono_, the former
emperor of Japan, pretended to have conveyed a great army in these
sailing waggons, to make a sudden assault upon the emperor of China in
his great city of Pekin, where he ordinarily resides; but was prevented
by a nobleman of Corea, who poisoned himself to poison the emperor and
many of the nobles of Japan. On which occasion, as is said, the Japanese
lost, about twenty-two years ago, all that they had conquered in Corea.
James Turner, the youth who used to play the fiddle, left a girl here
with child; and though I gave her two tayes in silver to bring up the
child; she killed it as soon as it was born, which is a common thing in
this country. The whistle and chain belonging to Mr Foster, the master
of the Clove, are found, and are under the charge of Mr Adams, who will
be accountable for them. I meant to have sent you a Japanese almanack by
a former letter to the same effect as this, dated the 25th _ultimo_, and
sent by the Sea Adventure by way of Siam, but forgot to do so; and which
I now send along with this letter. I pray you that this letter may
suffice for your brother, Mr George Saris, and the rest of my loving
friends: And, with hearty commendations in general, I leave you all to
the holy protection of the Almighty; resting always your ever loving
friend at command, RICHARD COCKS.
_No. 2. Letter from Mr Richard Cocks, dated Firando, 10th December,
1614, to the Worshipful Thomas Wilson, Esq. at his House in the
Britain-burse[58] in the Strand._
[Footnote 58: Perhaps that now called Exeter Change.--E.]
My last to you was of the 1st December, 1613, from this island of
Firando in Japan, and sent by Captain John Saris in the ship Clove. In
that letter, I advised you how unkindly the Hollanders dealt with us at
the Moluccas; since which time there has not occurred any matter of
moment to communicate, except what I have detailed in another letter to
my good Lord Treasurer. It is given out here by the Hollanders, that our
East India Company and that of Holland are likely to join into one; and
if this prove true, it is thought it will be an easy matter to drive the
Spaniards and Portuguese out of these eastern parts of the world, or
else to cut them off from all trade. You would hardly believe how much
the Hollanders have already daunted the Portuguese and Spaniards in
these parts, especially in the Moluccas, where they daily encroach on
the Spaniards, who are unable to withstand them, and are even in fear
that they may shortly deprive them of the Philippine islands. The
Portuguese also are in great fear of being driven by them out of the
trade they now carry on from Ormus to Goa, and with Malacca and Macao in
China.
There is one thing of which I cannot yet conceive the issue, and that is
the robbing and plundering the Chinese junks, which is daily done by the
Hollanders in these parts, the goods whereof must amount to great value,
and suffice to fit out and maintain a great fleet, which is worthy of
consideration. Should the emperor of Japan fall out with the Hollanders,
and debar them from the trade of his dominions, which is not unlikely,
the Hollanders will then make prize of the Japanese junks as well as of
those of China; for their strength at sea in these parts is sufficient
to do what they please, if only they had a place to retire to for
revictualling and refitting their ships; for they are of late grown so
stout, that they mock at those who were formerly their masters and
teachers. It is very certain that they have got possession of several
fortresses at the Moluccas and other parts; yet, to my certain
knowledge, the natives in these parts are more inclined towards the
Spaniards, although at the first they were glad of the arrival of the
Hollanders, having been disgusted by the intolerable pride of the
Spaniards. But now they have time to reflect, that the Spaniards brought
them abundance of money, and were liberal though proud; while the poor
Hollanders, who serve there both by sea and land, have such bare pay,
that it can hardly supply clothes and food; and their commanders
allege, that all the benefits derived from conquest or reprisals, belong
to the states and the _Winthebbers_, as they call them. It is hard to
judge how all these things may end.
Were it not for the misbehaviour of the Hollanders, I am of opinion that
we should procure trade with China, as we only demand leave for three
ships to come and go there, and merely to establish factors there to
transact our business, without bringing any Jesuits or _padres_, whom
the Chinese cannot abide to hear of, because they came formerly in such
great numbers to inhabit the land, and were always begging and craving,
to the great displeasure of the pagans. I am however in good hope of
success, as our English nation has acquired a good fame and character
since our arrival, which I am given to understand has come to the ears
of the emperor of China, who has heard how we have been received by the
emperor of Japan, having large privileges allowed us, and also that we
have at all times held the Castilians in defiance both by sea and land.
I have been informed of these things by the Chinese who come hither, and
that the emperor and other great men of China delight to hear accounts
of our nation. I had almost forgotten to mention, that some China
merchants lately asked me, if we were allowed to trade with China,
whether the king of England would prevent the Hollanders from robbing
and spoiling their junks? Which question was rather doubtful to me, yet
I answered that his majesty would take measures to prevent the
Hollanders from injuring them.
We have lately had news that a tuffon or tempest has done vast injury at
Jedo, a city of Japan as large as London, where the Japanese nobility
have very beautiful houses, now mostly destroyed or greatly injured. The
whole city was inundated, and the inhabitants forced to take shelter in
the hills; a thing never before heard of. The palace of the king, which
is a stately building in a new fortress, has had all its gilded tiles
carried away by a whirlwind, so that none of them could be found. The
pagans attribute this calamity to some charms or conjurations of the
Jesuits, who were lately banished: but the Japanese converts to popery
ascribe it to the vengeance of God, as a punishment for having banished
these holy men.
We have lately had a great disaster in Cochin-China, to which place we
sent a quantity of goods and money, to the value of £730, as it cost in
England, under the care of Mr Tempest Peacock and Mr Walter Carwarden,
who went as merchants in a Japanese junk, carrying our king's letters
and a handsome present for the king of Cochin-China. They arrived at the
port called _Quinham_,[59] delivered his majesty's letters and present,
and were entertained with kind words and fair promises. The Hollanders,
seeing that we adventured to that country, would needs do the same, and
were at first kindly entertained; but in the end, Mr Peacock and the
chief Dutch merchant going ashore one day in the same boat, to receive
payment from the king for broad-cloth and other commodities they had
sold him, they were treacherously assailed on the water, their boat
overset, and both were killed in the water with harpoons, as if they had
been fishes, together with their interpreters and other attendants, who
were Japanese. Mr Carwarden being aboard our junk escaped sharing in
this massacre, and came away, but neither he nor the junk have ever been
since heard of, so that we fear he has been cast away.
[Footnote 59: _Turon_ is the port of Cochin-China in the present time,
and _Quinham_ is unknown in modern geography; perhaps the old name of
some island or village at the port or bay of Turon.--E.]
It is commonly reported here, both among the Chinese and Japanese, that
this was done by order of the king of Cochin-China in revenge against
the Hollanders, who had burnt one of his towns, and had slaughtered his
people most unmercifully. The origin of this quarrel was occasioned by a
large quantity of false dollars, sent to _Quinham_ by the Hollanders
some years ago, and put off in payment for silks and other Chinese
goods, to the great injury of the merchants of that country. When the
falsehood of the money was discovered, they laid hands upon the Dutch
factors, and are said to have put some of them to death. Upon this the
Dutch ships came upon the coast, and landed a body of men, who burnt a
town, putting man, woman, and child to the sword. This, as reported, was
the occasion of our present mischance, and of the slaughter of Mr
Peacock, because he was in company with the Hollanders. Along with this
letter, I send you a Japanese almanack, by which you will see the manner
of their printing, with their figures and characters. And so I leave you
to the holy protection of the Almighty, resting always, &c.
RICHARD COCKS.
No. 3. _Letter from Edmond Sayer, dated Firando, 5th December, 1615. But
having no Address_.
I received a letter from you by the hands of Captain Copendall of the
Horiander, who arrived here on the 29th of August this year, by which I
learnt your safe arrival at the Cape of Good Hope, homewards bound, and
of the loss of some of your company; and I make no doubt that, long ere
now, you are safe arrived in England, by the blessing of God. I sent you
a letter, dated in November, 1614, by the Dutch ship called the Old
Zealand, in which I informed you of the death of Mr Peacock and Walter
Carwarden, both betrayed in Cochin-China, to our great grief, besides
the loss of goods to the company.
The last year, Mr Wickham, Mr Adams, and I, when bound for Siam in a
junk we had bought, and meeting with great storms, our vessel sprung a
leak, and we were fain to bear up for the _Leukes_[60] islands, where we
had to remain so long, before we could stop our leaks, that we lost the
monsoon, and had to return here. We have fitted her out again this year,
and are now ready to sail again for Siam. My greatest hope in these
parts is, that we shall be able to establish trade with China, of which
we seem to have a fair prospect through the efforts of the China captain
and his brothers; and I make no doubt that we shall have a factory there
ere long.
[Footnote 60: The Liqueo islands are here obviously meant, a group to
the south of the south-western extremity of Japan, in 28° N. and long.
129° 30' W. from Greenwich; such being the latitude and longitude of the
centre of the great Liqueo, the principal island of the group.--E.]
This last summer we have had great troubles, in consequence of war
between the emperor and _Fidaia Same_, and we do not certainly know
whether the latter be slain or fled; but the emperor gained the victory,
with a vast loss of men on both sides.[61] Having no other news to
write, I commit you to the protection of the Almighty, and am, &c.
EDMOND SAYER.
[Footnote 61: In the text of the Pilgrims, this loss is estimated at
400,000, and in a marginal note at 40,000, both in words at length; for
which reason the number is omitted in the text.--E.]
No. 4. _Letter, with no address, from Edmond Sayer, dated Firando, 4th
December, 1616._
Worshipful Sir,--My duty always remembered. Having a favourable
opportunity, I could not omit to trouble you with a few lines. I am but
newly arrived here in Firando from a difficult and tedious voyage to
Siam, to which country we went in a junk belonging to the right
honourable company, in which Mr Adams was master, and myself factor.
Having bought there more goods than our own junk could carry, we
freighted another junk for Japan, in which Mr Benjamin Fry, the chief in
the factory at Siam, thought it proper for me to embark, for the safety
of the goods. The year being far spent, we were from the 1st June to the
17th September in our voyage between Siam and _Shachmar_, during which
we experienced many storms and much foul weather, and lost twenty of our
men by sickness and want of fresh water. The great cause of our tedious
and unfortunate voyage was in our not having a good pilot. The one we
had was a Chinese, who knew nothing of navigation; for, when out of
sight of land, he knew not where he was, nor what course to steer.
Besides he fell sick, and was unable to creep out of his cabin, so that
I was obliged to do my best to navigate our junk; which, with what small
skill I possessed, and by the aid of God, I brought safe to _Shachmar_,
where we arrived on the 17th of September, having then only five men
able to stand on their legs. In consequence, I arrived so late at
Firando that I could not go this year to Siam. But Mr William Eaton has
gone there in the company's junk, having two English pilots, named.
Robert and John Surges.--I am, &c. EDMOND SAYER.
_No. 5. Letter from Richard Cocks to Captain John Saris, dated Firando,
15th February, 1617.[62]_
[Footnote 62: Perhaps the date of this letter, according to modern
computation, ought to have been 1618, as in those days the year did not
begin till Lady-day, the 25th March.--E.]
My last letter to you was dated 5th January, 1616, and sent by way of
Bantam in the ship Thomas, which went from hence that year along with
another small ship called the Advice. In that letter I wrote you at
large of all things that had then occurred, and mentioned having
received two of your letters from London; one dated 4th November, 1614,
and the other 15th August, 1615. The Advice has since returned to
Japan, and arrived at Firando on the 2d of August last, and by her I had
a letter from the honourable company, dated 30th January, 1616.
You will perhaps have heard that Captain Barkeley, while on his
death-bed, narrowly escaped losing 6000 dollars, paid out for custom on
pepper; for, if he had died before it was found out, perhaps some other
man might have taken credit for paying that sum. It is a common saying,
that it is easy for those who live at Bantam to grow rich, as _no man
dies _without an heir_. We have been again this year before the emperor
of Japan, but could not procure our privileges to be enlarged, having
still only leave to carry on trade at Firando and Nangasaki, and our
ships to come only to Firando.
Mr Edmond Sayer went last year to Cochin-China with a cargo amounting to
about 1800 tayes, in goods and money; and when ready to cone away, was
defrauded of 650 tayes, by a Chinese and others, of whom he had bought
silk for the worshipful company. He had weighed out the money, waiting
to receive the silk, and the money lay in the room where he sat; but
some of the thievish people made a hole through the cane-wall of the
room, and stole away the money unperceived. I am sorry for this
mischance; but Mr Sayer is in hopes to recover it this year, as he left
a person to follow out the suit, and goes back himself in a Chinese
junk, with 2000 tayes in silver to purchase silk. He is to be
accompanied by one Robert Hawley, as his assistant and successor, in
case be should die, and Mr William Adams goes pilot, in place of the
Chinese. God send them a prosperous voyage, and that they may recover
the lost money. Our own junk, the Sea Adventure, made another voyage
last year to Siam, Mr William Eaton being merchant; and has gone back
again this year. God send them a prosperous voyage.
Last year, the Hollanders sent a fleet of ships from the Moluccas to
Manilla, to fight the Spanish fleet: But the Spaniards kept safe in port
for five or six months, so that the Hollanders concluded they durst not
come out at all, and therefore separated to look out for Chinese junks,
of which some say they took and plundered twenty-five, while others say
thirty-five. It is certain that they took great riches, and all under
the assumed name of Englishmen. At length the Spanish fleet put to sea,
and set upon five or six of the Dutch ships, the admiral of which was
burnt and sank, together with two other ships, the rest escaping. The
Spaniards then separated their fleet, to seek out the remaining Dutch
ships. The Spanish vice-admiral fell in with two Dutch ships one morning
and fought them both all day; but was at length constrained to run his
ship ashore and set her on fire, that she might not be taken by the
Hollanders. These two Dutch ships, and one that was in the former fight,
came afterwards to Firando, together with two other large Dutch ships
from Bantam, as big as the Clove, intending to have intercepted the
Macao ship, which they narrowly missed. Thus five great Holland ships
came this year to Firando, the smallest of them being as large as the
Clove. One of these, called the Red Lion, which was she that rode beside
us at the Moluccas, was cast away in a storm at Firando, together with a
Chinese junk they brought in as a prize. All the goods were recovered,
but were all wet. The emperor allows them to make good prize of all they
take.
The Black Lion, one of their ships, of 900 tons burden, was sent away
for Bantam, fully laden with raw silk and other rich Chinese
commodities. Another, called the Flushing, of 700 or 800 tons, is gone
for the Moluccas, fully laden with provisions and money. The Sun, a ship
of 600 or 700 tons, with a galliass of above 400 tons, are left to scour
the coast of China, to make what booty they can, and to return next
monsoon. The galliass has sailed already, but the Sun waits for the
Macao ship departing from Nangasaki, that she may endeavour to take her.
The Macao ship had actually sailed, but seeing the galliass, she
returned to Nangasaki, and will, as I think, hardly venture to sail this
year. As I said before, the Dutch have always robbed the Chinese under
the name of Englishmen, which has greatly injured our endeavours to
procure trade in that country; so that we have been obliged to send
people to give notice to the Chinese governors, that they were
Hollanders who have taken and plundered their junks, and not Englishmen.
In fine, I have advised the worshipful company at large of every thing
of moment, which I doubt not will be communicated to you. I send you
here inclosed a copy of my last year's letter; and so, committing you to
God, I rest your loving friend at command,
RICHARD COCKS.
No. 6. _Extract of a Letter from Richard Cocks, without Date or
Address_.
There came two friars in that ship as ambassadors from the viceroy of
New Spain, with a present for the emperor; but he would neither receive
the present, nor speak with them that brought it, even sending Mr Adams
to order them to quit his dominions, as he had formerly banished all men
of their cloth, and continued still in the same mind. It is said that
_Fidaia Same_ had promised to receive the jesuits again into Japan, if
he had got the victory and been settled in the empire. Had this taken
effect, we and the Hollanders had doubtless been turned out of Japan, so
that it is better as it is.
Last year, when we fitted out our junk, we employed a Spaniard, called
Damian Marina, the same person who thought to have gone with you in
company with George Peterson. This Damian was a good helmsman, and was
therefore employed by us, and another Spaniard, named Juan de Lievana,
went with them as passenger. The junk however lost her voyage, and they
returned to Nangasaki, where the carrak of Macao soon afterwards
arrived. Understanding that these two Spaniards had gone in our vessel,
the Portuguese arrested them and put them in irons in their ship,
condemning them to death as traitors to their king and country, for
serving their English enemies. I took their defence in hand, and
procured an order from the emperor to set them at liberty, to the great
displeasure of the Spaniards and Portuguese; and these two men are going
passengers to Bantam in the Hosiander.
We have had great troubles in Japan, in consequence of the wars, by
transporting our goods from place to place, to save them. Mr Adams is
gone again in the junk for Siam, accompanied only by Mr Edmond Sayer. Mr
Nealson is very sick; but Mr Wickham and Mr Eaton are both well. I long
to hear from you, and I pray you to deliver the inclosed to my brother.
Yours, most assured at command,
RICHARD COCKS.
No. 7. _Letter from Richard Cocks, without Address, dated Firando, 10th
March, 1620_.[63]
[Footnote 63: In the Pilgrims, the date of this letter is made 1610,
evidently by error of the press; and, as observed of No. 5, the real
date, according to modern computation, ought to be 1621. The
introductory paragraph is a note by Purchas, distinguished by inverted
commas, retained as a curious specimen of his mode of writing.--E.]
"Hollanders abuses of the English in those parts, are here published
for knowledge of these eastern affairs and occurrents, as it is meet in
a history. But neither were these national, but personal crimes, and
done in time and place of pretended hostility; and now, I hope,
satisfaction is or shall be made. Neighbourhood of region, religion, and
customs, are easily violated by drink, covetousness, and pride, the
three furies that raised these combustions. This history hath related
the worth of many worthy Hollanders: If it yields a close-stool for
Westarwood, as excrements rather than true Dutch, or a grain-tub or
swill-tub for some brave brewers and bores, that embrued with nobler
blood than themselves, prefer their brutish passions to God's glory,
religion, and public peace let it be no imputation to the nation, which
I love and honour, but to such baser spirits as have [like scorbutical
humours in these long voyages, and their longer peace and want of wonted
employments,] been bred as diseases to their, and infections to our
bodies. My intent is to present others with their acts, and myself with
prayers, that all may be amended."--_Purchas_.
* * * * *
It is now almost three years since I wrote your worship any letter. The
purpose of this is to inform you of the unlooked for and unruly
proceedings of the Hollanders against our English nation, in all these
parts of the world, not sparing us even in this empire of Japan,
contrary to the large privileges granted to us by the emperor, that the
Japanese should not meddle with or molest us. But these Hollanders,
having this year seven ships great and small in this port of Firando,
have, with sound of trumpet, proclaimed open war against our English
nation, both by sea and land, threatening to take our ships and goods,
and to kill our persons, as their mortal enemies. This was done by one
Adam Westarwood, their admiral or lord-commander, as they call him, and
was openly proclaimed aboard all their ships. They have even come to
brave us before our own doors, picking quarrels with us, and forcibly
entering our house, thinking to have cut all our throats, yet only
wounded two persons; and, had it not been for the assistance of the
Japanese our neighbours, who took our parts, they had assuredly slain us
all, as there were an hundred Hollanders to one Englishman. Not
contented with this, they took our boat when going about our business,
in which was one Englishman, whom they carried prisoner to their house,
threatening to put him to death; and indeed he was in imminent danger,
among a crowd of drunken fellows, who threatened to stab him with their
knives. This young man was Richard King, son to Captain King of
Plymouth. Besides this, as two of our barks were passing their ships,
within the town and harbour of Firando, they pointed a cannon at them,
which missed fire, yet shot at them with muskets, which missed the
Englishmen and killed a Japanese. For all this there is no justice
executed against them by the king of Firando, though he has received the
commands of the emperor to that effect.
Yon will also please to understand, that two of these ships which they
have brought to Firando are English ships, taken by them from Englishmen
in the Indies. They also took two other ships from us, which were riding
at anchor in the road of Patania, where we have a factory, and had not
the least suspicion of any such event. In this unwarrantable affair,
they killed Captain John Jordaine,[64] our chief president for the right
worshipful company in the Indies. Several others were then slain, and
the Hollanders carried the ships and goods away; but six of the
mariners, which were in these captured English ships, escaped from them
here at Firando, and came to our house. The Hollanders sent to me,
demanding to have these men given up to them. But I answered, that I
must first see their commission, that I might know by what authority
they presumed to take our ships and goods, and to slay our men, the
faithful subjects of his majesty. Upon this, they went to the _Tono_, or
king of Firando, desiring to have their _English slaves_,[65] as they
were pleased to call our men, delivered up to them. But they were told,
that they must first demand of the emperor, and whatever he ordained
should be obeyed; but that, in the meantime, he did not consider the
English to be their slaves. This was the grand occasion on which they
grounded their quarrel against us, and meant to have killed us all. But
I trust in God and his majesty, by the solicitations of our right
honourable and right worshipful employers, that his majesty will not
suffer his true and loyal subjects to lose their lives, ships, and goods
by this thievish and unthankful rabble, who are assembled in these parts
of the world, and who make a daily practice to rob and steal from all,
whether friends or foes: And I trust that you will become a solicitor in
this so just cause, against so inveterate an enemy.
[Footnote 64: This Captain Jordaine is said to have been treacherously
slain in the time of a treaty--_Purch._]
[Footnote 65: And who was the happy instrument of their own delivery,
from what they accounted slavery, but the English nation?--_Purch._]
This Adam Westarwood, their lord-commander, set my life to sale;
offering fifty dollars to any one that would kill me, and thirty dollars
for every other Englishman that they could slay: But hitherto God hath
preserved me and the rest in this place; for though they have wounded
two or three of our men, none have died. This villainous proceeding[66]
of their lord-commander was secretly told me by some of their own
people, who advised me and the rest of us to take heed to our safety.
They also informed me of the noble parentage of this their
lord-commander Westarwood, telling me that his father is a close-stool
maker at Amsterdam, or thereabouts; and that the best of their captains
are the sons of shoemakers, carpenters, or brewers. God bless their
honourable and worshipful generation! I would say, God bless me from
them. To make an end of this matter, I went up this year to the
emperor's court at Meaco, to complain of the abuses offered to us in his
dominions, contrary to the privileges his majesty had granted us. I had
very good words, and fair promises made me that we should have justice,
and that the _tono_ or king of Firando should be ordered to see it
performed: But as yet nothing has been done, though I have many times
made earnest suit on the subject.
[Footnote 66: Unchristian, uncivil, inhumane, immane, devilish
impiety.--_Purch._]
While I was at the court, and in the emperor's palace at Meaco, there
were several Spaniards and Portuguese there to pay their obeisance to
the emperor, as is their custom every year on the arrival of their
ships. There was also a Hollander at the court, who had lived almost
twenty years in Japan, and speaks the Japanese language very fluently.
In my hearing, and that of others, this fellow began highly to extol
their king of Holland, pretending that he was the greatest king in
Christendom, and held all the others under his command. He little
thought that we understood what he said; but I was not slack in telling
him, that he need not be so loud, for they had no king in Holland, being
only governed by a count, or rather that they governed him. Nay, if they
had any king at all in whom they could boast, it certainly was the king
of England, who had hitherto been their protector, and without whose aid
they had never been able to brag of their States. This retort made the
Spaniards and Portuguese laugh heartily at the poor Hollander, and made
him shut his mouth.
And now for the news of this country. The emperor is great enemy to the
name of Christians, especially to the Japanese who have embraced the
faith; so that all such as are found are put to death. While at Meaco, I
saw fifty-five martyred at one time, because they would not forsake the
faith, and among them were some children of five or six years old, who
were burnt in the arms of their mothers, calling on Jesus to receive
their souls. Also, in the town of Nangasaki, sixteen others were
martyred for the same cause, of whom five were burnt, and the rest
beheaded and cut in pieces, and their remains put into sacks and cast
into the sea in thirty fathoms deep: Yet the priests got them up again,
and kept their remains secretly as relics. There are many others in
prison, both here and in other places, who look hourly to be ordered for
execution, as very few of them revert to paganism. Last year, about
Christmas, the emperor deposed one of the greatest princes in all Japan,
called _Frushma-tay_, lord of sixty or seventy _mangocas_, and banished
him to a corner in the north of Japan, where he has a very small portion
in comparison with what was taken from him, and he had the choice of
this or of cutting open his own belly. It was thought that this would
have occasioned great troubles in Japan, for all the subjects of
_Frushma-tay_ were up in arms, and meant to hold out to the utmost
extremity, having fortified the city of _Frushma_, and laid in
provisions for a long time. But the _tay_ and his son, being then at the
emperor's court, were commanded to write to their vassals, ordering them
to lay down their arms and submit to the emperor, or otherwise to cut
open their own bellies. Life being sweet, they all submitted, and those
were pardoned who had taken up arms for their _tay_. The emperor has
given their dominions, which were two kingdoms, to two of his own
kinsmen; and this year the emperor has ordered the castle belonging to
Frushma to be pulled down, being a very beautiful and gallant fortress,
in which I saw him this year, and far larger than the city of Rochester.
All the stones are ordered to be conveyed to Osaka, where the ruined
castle, formerly built by _Fico-Same_, and pulled down by _Ogosha-Same_,
is ordered to be rebuilt three times larger than before; for which
purpose all the _tonos_ or kings have each their several tasks appointed
them; to be executed at their several charges, not without much
grumbling: For they had got leave, after so many years attendance at
court, to return to their own residences, and were now sent for again
all of a sadden to court, which angreth them not a little: "But go they
must, will they nill they, on pain of belly-cutting."
At this time there runs a secret rumour, that _Fidaia Same_ is alive,
and in the house of the _Dairo_[67] at Meaco; but I think it has been
reported several times before this that he was living in other places,
but proved untrue. There are some rich merchants here that belong to
Meaco, who are much alarmed by this report, lest, if true, the emperor
may burn Meaco; and who are therefore in haste to get home. Were Fidaia
actually alive it might tend to overthrow the emperor's power, for,
though a great politician, he is not a martial man: But be this as it
may, things can hardly be worse for us. I advised you in my last of the
destruction of all the Christian churches in Japan; yet there were some
remnants left at Nangasaki till this year, and in particular the
monastery of Misericiordia was untouched, as were all the church-yards
and burying-places; but now, by order of the emperor, all is destroyed,
all the graves and sepulchres of the Christians opened, and the bones of
the dead taken out by their parents and kindred, to be buried elsewhere
in the fields. Streets have been built on the scites of these churches,
monasteries, and burying-grounds, except in some places, where pagodas
have been erected by command of the emperor, who has sent heathen
priests to occupy them, thinking utterly to root out Christianity from
Japan. There were certain places near Nangasaki where several jesuit
fathers and other Christians were martyred, in the reign of _Ogosha
Same_, and where their parents and friends had planted evergreen-trees,
and erected altars near each tree, where many hundreds went daily to say
their prayers; but now, by command of the emperor, all these trees are
cut down, the altars destroyed, and the ground all levelled, it being
his firm resolution utterly to root out the remembrance of all matters
connected with Christianity.
[Footnote 67: The Dairo was formerly the sovereign of Japan, uniting the
supreme civil and spiritual power, committing the military affairs to a
kind of generalissimo, who usurped supreme authority, and reduced the
Dairo to be a kind of sovereign pontiff or chief-priest.--E.]
In the months of November and December, 1618, there were two comets seen
all over Japan. The first, rising in the east, was like a great fiery
beam, rent to the southwards, and vanished away in about the space of a
month. The other rose also in the east, like a great blazing star, and
went northwards, vanishing quite away within a month near the
constellation of Ursa-Major or Charles-waine. The wizards of Japan have
prognosticated great events to arise from these comets, but hitherto
nothing material has occurred, excepting the deposition of
_Frushma-tay_, already related.
I am almost ashamed to write you the news which the Spaniards and
Portuguese report, though some of them have shewn me letters affirming
it to be true, of a bloody cross having been seen in the air in England;
and that an English preacher, speaking irreverently of it from the
pulpit, was struck dumb: On which miracle, as they term it the king of
England sent to the pope, to have some cardinals and learned men brought
to England, as intending that all the people of England should become
Roman catholics. I pray you pardon me for writing of such nonsense,
which I do that you may laugh; yet I assure you there are many Spaniards
and Portuguese here who firmly believe it. I know not what more to write
you at this time: But I hope to come to England in the next shipping
that comes here; and I trust in God that I may find your worship in good
health.
RICHARD COCKS.
SECTION XVI.
_Ninth Voyage of the East India Company, in 1612, by Captain Edmund
Marlow_.[68]
We sailed from the Downs on the 10th February, 1612, in the good ship
James, and crossed the equator on the 11th April.[69] The 27th of that
month, at noon, we were in latitude, by observation, 19° 40' S. and in
longitude, from the Lizard, 11° 24' W. We this day saw an island
fourteen leagues from us in the S.E. which I formerly saw when I sailed
with Sir Edward Michelburne. It is round like Corvo, and rises rugged,
having a small peaked hill at its east end. Its lat. is 23° 30' S. and
long. 10° 30' W. from the Lizard; and there is another island or two in
sight, seven or eight leagues E.N.E. from this.[70]
[Footnote 68: Purch. Pilg. I. 440.--The relation of this voyage in the
Pilgrims is said to have been written by Mr John _Davy_, the master of
the ship: Probably the same John _Davis_, or _Davies_, formerly
mentioned as having frequently sailed as master to India in these early
voyages, and from whose pen Purchas published a _Rutter_, or brief book
of instructions for sailing to India. On the present occasion, this
voyage has been considerably abbreviated, especially in the nautical
remarks, which are now in a great degree obsolete and useless, and have
been already sufficiently enlarged upon in the former voyages to
India.--E.]
[Footnote 69: From some indistinct notices, in the commencement of this
voyage, the Dragon and Hosiander appear to have belonged to the _tenth_
voyage of the East India Company, and the Solomon to the _eleventh_
voyage; and that these three ships sailed from England at the same time
with the James, which belonged to the _ninth_ voyage.--E.]
[Footnote 70: This seemeth the island of Martin Vaz.--_Purch._ The
island of Trinidad, or Martin Vaz, is only in lat. 20° 15' S. and long.
29° 32' W. from Greenwich.--E.]
We saw the island of St Lawrence on the 29th June, and anchored in five
fathoms water in the bay of St Augustine on the 28th at night. Next day
we weighed, and brought the ship to anchor in the river, one anchor
being in thirty-five and the other in ten fathoms. A ship may ride here
in shallower water at either side, the deep channel being narrow. In
this anchorage no sea can distress a ship, being protected by the land
and shoals, so that it may well be called a harbour, from its safety. We
remained here twenty days, and sailed for Bantam on the 18th of July.
In the morning of the 24th September we saw the islands of Nintam, in
lat. 1° 30' S.[71] The sound between the two great islands is eighteen
leagues from Priaman, and eleven leagues from the shoals before _Ticoo_,
which must be carefully avoided during the night, by laying two or three
or four leagues off till day-light. When you see three hummocks that
resemble three islands, take care always to have a person stationed on
the outer end of the boltsprit to give warning of any spots in your way,
as there are coral beds, which may be easily seen and avoided. The
course from this sound for Ticoo or Priaman is E.N.E. to these shoals.
In passing this sound, keep your lead always going, and come no nearer
the large southern island than the depth of sixteen fathoms, as there
are shoals towards the east side, and a breach or ledge also off the
northern island, on the larboard going in for Priaman. When nearing the
shoals of Ticoo, set the three hummocks on the main, which look like
islands, as all the land near them is very low; and when you have these
hummocks N.E. by E. then are you near the shoals, and when the hummocks
are N.N.E. you are past the shoals. But great care is necessary
everywhere, as it is all bad ground hereabout, till past the high land
of _Manancabo_, which is in lat 4° 30' S. or thereby.
[Footnote 71: Pulo Mintao is probably here meant, which is to the south
of the line, but touches it at its northern extremity. The sound in the
text, is probably that between Pulo Botoa and Pulo Mintao.--E.]
We came to anchor in the road of Priaman on the 26th September, where
we found the Thomas, and remained fourteen days to refresh our sick men,
when the Hector and our ship sailed for Bantam, where we arrived in
company with the Janus and Hector on the 23d October. The 4th November
we weighed from the road of Bantam, intending to proceed by the straits
of Sunda for Coromandel; but the winds and currents were so strong
against us, that we were forced back into the straits of Sunda to refit
our ship, which was much weather-beaten. The 11th December, we anchored
again at Pulo Panian, and went to work to trim our ship and take in
ballast. Being ballasted, watered, and refitted, we sailed again on the
10th January, 1613, for the straits of Malacca. But, being too late in
the monsoon, and both wind and current against us, we got no farther
than seventy leagues from Bantam by the first of March, with much toil
to the men. Wherefore we concluded to take in wood and water, and to
return for Bantam by the outside of Sumatra.
Having again sailed for Coromandel, we were at noon of the 5th June,
1613, in lat. 12° N. and long. 23° W. from the salt hills, having been
carried by the currents 4° 30', or ninety leagues out of our reckoning.
Whoever sails from Bantam, either up or down, will find such uncertain
reckoning that he may well miss his destined port, unless he looks well
to the variation of the needle, which will help materially in ten or
fifteen leagues, and indeed there is no other way of dealing with these
currents. We now got sight of the land, which is so very low that the
pagodas or pagan churches are first descried. With the aid of the lead,
you may sail boldly on this coast of Coromandel in fifteen fathoms by
night, and ten by day; but a steady man must always be kept at the lead
on such occasions, as the sea shoals suddenly; for after thirteen
fathoms, it will suddenly fall off to shoal water, being like a well or
steep bank, and the ground ooze. The course along the coast is N. by E.
to Pullicate, and so to Masulipatam.
The 6th June we anchored at noon in the road of Pullicate, in eight
fathoms on sand. There is a middle ground, having only five fathoms, and
within that another, having six, seven, and eight. The marks for the
road where we anchored, are the round hill by the other hill, W. by N.
and the Dutch fort S.W. by W. The latitude is 13° 30' N. and the
variation 18° 10'. Departing from Pullicate roads on the night of the
7th, we were on the 8th in lat. 14° 40' at noon, having sailed
twenty-three leagues since last night, our depth of water being
twenty-three to twenty-fire fathoms, and our course N. by E. but the
lead is our sure guide on this coast, under God. The 9th at noon we were
in lat. 15° 30', having the land in sight, but not the high land of
_Petapoli_ [Putapilly]. During the last twenty-four hours, we sailed
seventeen leagues north, in fifteen and sixteen fathoms. The high land
now in sight is known by a pagoda or pagan temple, and is five leagues
from the high land of Putapilly, in the road of which place we anchored
on the 10th in five fathoms on sand, this new high land bearing from us
N.N.W. the platform of palm trees upon the island E.N.E. by E. and the
bar N.W. by N. The whole sea coast is low land. The latitude here is 15°
52'. Having established a factory, in which we left Mr George Chansey
and our purser as merchants, with other seven men to assist in taking
care of our goods, we sailed from Putapilly on the forenoon of the 19th.
We anchored in the road of Masulipatam on the 21st, where we found a
ship belonging to Holland. We remained here for six months, until the
6th January, 1614, and then set sail for Putapilly, where we arrived on
the 19th of that month, and remained there, taking in the merchants and
their goods till the 7th February, when we sailed for Bantam. We arrived
there on the 20th April, and on the 10th June set sail for Patane. By
noon of that day, being in lat. 5° 44' S. we had sight of the islands
nine leagues from Bantam, our course, after getting clear of the road,
being N.N.E. in five, six, seven, eight, twelve, fourteen, and so to
twenty-four fathoms. At six in the morning of the 11th, we were close
beside the two islands that are north from Bantam near Sumatra, in lat.
5° S. and in twenty fathoms; this being the surest course both going to
and from Bantam, but it is necessary to keep a good look-out for the
sand-banks which are even with the water. The 12th, being involved in a
strong adverse current, we were forced to anchor in a quarter less four
fathoms, in sight of a reef, twelve leagues short of Lucapara, and
forty-eight from Bantam.
The 14th, we came in with the island of Banda and the main of Sumatra,
and went through between them in five 1/2 fathoms. In this passage it is
proper to keep nearer the Sumatra shore, though the water is deeper on
the Banda side of the strait; as that side is rocky, while the side
towards Sumatra is oozy. The 16th we came to Palimbangan point; and the
17th at noon, being in lat, 1° 10' S. we anchored in nine fathoms, on
account of it falling calm with a strong current, the isle of Pulo Tino
being to seawards. The 30th, we anchored in the road of Patane in three
1/2 fathoms. On the 1st August we sailed to Sangora to trim our ship,
being a good place for that purpose under shelter of two islands hard by
the main, and fourteen or fifteen leagues from Patane. We anchored in
Sangora road, under the eastermost of the two islands, on the 4th; and
having put our ship into good trim, we came away on the 9th September,
and returned to Patane next day. We remained there a month taking in
the goods of the Globe, to carry them to Bantam, for which place we
sailed on the 9th October, and arrived at Bantam on the 9th November. We
continued there till the 27th January, 1615, to load our ship, and to
get all things in readiness for our voyage home to England.
The 29th we set sail from Bantam, homewards bound; and when some hundred
leagues from thence, our captain, Mr Edmund Marlow, died. He was an
excellent man, and well skilled in the mathematics and the art of
navigation. The first place at which we anchored was Saldanha bay, where
we arrived on the 29th April, 1615, and next day our consort the Globe
came in. Having well refreshed and refitted our ships, we set sail from
thence on the 17th May, and arrived at St Helena on the 3d June. Sailing
from thence along with our consort, on the 7th of that month, we arrived
in England on the 3d of August, giving praise to God for our safety.
SECTION XVII.
_Tenth Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1612, written by Mr
Thomas Best, chief Commander_.[72]
From the full tide of this voyage, in the Pilgrims, we learn that there
were two ships employed in this _tenth_ voyage, named the Dragon and the
Hosiander, in which were about 380 persons; and these were accompanied
by two other ships, the James and the Solomon, which belonged to other
voyages, each voyage being then a separate adventure, and conducted by a
separate subscription stock, as formerly explained in the introduction
to the present chapter. We learn from other parts of the Pilgrims, that
the James belonged to the _ninth_ voyage, related immediately before
this, and the Solomon to the _eleventh_, to be afterwards narrated.--E.
[Footnote 72: Purch. Pilgr. I.456.]
§1. _Observations during the Voyage from England to Surat_.
We sailed from Gravesend on the 1st of February, 1612. At noon on the
22d March we made the latitude 15° 20' N. and at two p.m. were abreast
of Mayo, one of the Cape Verd islands, being S.W. by S. about twelve
leagues from Bonavista. To the N. and N.N.W. of Mayo the ground is all
foul, and due N. of the high hummocks a great ledge of rocks runs out
from the land for five or six miles, a mile without which ledge there
are twenty fathoms water. On the west side of the island, you may borrow
in twelve or fifteen fathoms, till you come into the road, where we
anchored in twenty-four fathoms.
On the morning of the 28th March, we came close by an island in lat. 23°
30', and long. from the meridian of Mayo, 1° 50' E. We did not land upon
this island, but came within two or three miles of it, and in my opinion
there is hardly any anchorage to be found. It may probably produce some
refreshment, as it certainly has wood, which we saw, and it may have
water, as we observed a fair plain spot and very green on its southern
part; but we could find no ground within two or three miles of its
coast. E.N.E. some seven or eight leagues from this, there is another
island; and E. by S. or E.S.E. from the first island, about four or five
leagues, there are two or three white rocks.[73]
[Footnote 73: In the text it is not said if the latitude be N. or S. yet
S. is probably meant. No island is however to be found in the indicated
situation. In the _eleventh_ voyage, an island is said to have been
discovered in lat. 19° 34'S. certainly known to have been Trinidad,
Santa Maria d'Agosto, or Martin Vaz, of which hereafter.--E.]
We remained twenty-one days in Saldanha road, and bought for the
three[74] ships thirty-nine beeves and 115 sheep, which we paid for with
a little brass cut out of two or three old kettles. We got the sheep for
small pieces of thin brass, worth about a penny or three halfpence each;
and the beeves in the same manner for about the value of twelve-pence
a-piece. This is an excellent place of refreshment, as besides abounding
in beef and mutton, there is plenty of good fish, all kinds of fowls,
and great store of fat deer, though we could not kill any of these. It
has likewise excellent streams of fresh water, and a most healthful
climate. We landed eighty or ninety sick, who were lodged in tents, and
they all recovered their health in eighteen days, save one who died.
From the 7th to the 28th June, when we set sail from Saldanha bay, we
had continual fine weather, the sun being very warm, and the air
pleasant and wholesome.
[Footnote 74: One of the ships appears to have been separated from the
fleet, but it does not appear which.--E.]
We sailed from Saldanha road on the 28th June, and were 100 leagues to
the east of _Cabo das Aguilhas_ before we found any current, but it was
then strong. The 31st July at noon, we found the latitude 17° 8' S. our
longitude being 20° 47' E. and at four p.m. we saw the island of _Juan
de Nova_, distant four leagues E.S.E.[75] Its size, and I think we saw
it all, is about three or four miles long, all very low and rising from
the sea like rocks. Off the west end we saw breakers, yet could not get
ground with a line of 150 fathoms, sounding from our boat. The latitude
of this island, observed with great accuracy, is 17°,[76] and it seems
well laid down in our charts, both in regard to latitude and longitude.
It is a most sure sign of being near this island, when many sea fowl are
seen, and we accordingly saw there ranch fowl, some white, having their
wings tipped only with black, and others all black.
[Footnote 75: St Juan de Nova is in lat. 17° 50' S. and long. 45° 30'E.
from Greenwich--E.]
[Footnote 76: In lat. 17° S. and long. 60° E. is an island or bank
called Nazareth, Corados, or Garajos, a long way however from St Juan de
Nova.--E.]
The 3d August, in lat 13° 35' by observation, and longitude 22° 30' from
the Cape, we saw _Mal-Ilha_, one of the Comoros, about twelve leagues
off, having on the east part of it a very fair sugar-loaf hill.[77] At
the same time with this island, we had sight of that named Comoro,
bearing N.N.W. by W. being high land. At six a.m. of the 4th we were
close in with _Mal-Ilha_, and standing in for some place in which to
anchor, while some eight or nine miles from the shore, we saw the ground
under the ship in not less than eight or ten fathoms. The Hosiander, two
miles nearer the land, had four or five fathoms, and her boat was in
three fathoms. We then sent both our boats to sound, which kept shoaling
on a bank in eight, ten, and twelve fathoms, and off it only half a
cable's length had no ground with 100 fathoms. At the north end of
Mal-Ilha there is a fair big high island, about five or six miles in
circuit.[78] A bank or ledge of rocks extends all along the west side of
Mal-Ilha, continuing to the small high island; and from this little
island to Mal-Ilha may be some eight or nine miles, all full of rocks,
two of them of good height. Being at the north end of this ledge, and
the little island bearing S.E. you may steer in with the land, keeping
the island fair aboard; and within the rocks or broken ground and
Mal-Ilha there is a bay with good anchorage. To the eastwards, on coming
in from the ledge of rocks, there is a great shoal, the outermost end of
which is N.E. or N.E. by E. from the small island five or six miles, and
no ground between that we could find with forty or fifty fathoms line.
In fine, all the north side of Mal-Ilha is very dangerous, but the
above-mentioned channel is quite safe. I would have come to anchor here,
as there is a town about a mile east from the before-mentioned bay, the
people being very good, and having abundance of refreshments, as beeves,
goats, hens, lemons, cocoa-nuts in great plenty, and excellent water,
but could not get in, owing to the wind being directly south.
[Footnote 77: Mohilla, the Mal-ilha of the text, is in lat. 16° 44° S.
and long. 44° E. from Greenwich. Its difference of long. from the Cape
of Good Hope is 23° 45' E. Thus, in every instance hitherto, the
observations of lat. and long. by Captain Best, at least as printed by
Purchas, are grossly erroneous.--E.]
[Footnote 78: This description seems rather to refer to the island of
Mayotto, about thirty leagues E. of S. from Mohilla; the small island to
the north, or N. by W. being called Saddle Isle.--E.]
Two of my men had belonged to a Dutch fleet, that year when they
assaulted Mosambique, on which occasion they put in here, and recovered
the healths of 400 or 500 men in five weeks. Yet it is well named
Mal-Ilha, or the bad island, for it is the most dangerous of any place I
ever saw. It is next to Comoro, from which it is distant some twelve or
fourteen leagues S.S.E.
At dawn on the 1st September we got sight of land to the eastwards, four
or five leagues distant, my reckoning being then eighty or ninety
leagues short, owing, I suppose, to some current setting east from the
coast of Melinda; neither from the latitude of Socotoro to Damaun could
we see the sun, to know our variation. The 3d at seven a.m. we spoke two
country boats, which informed us that the town, church, and castle in
sight was Damaun. From these boats I got two men, who engaged to carry
the Dragon to the bar of Surat, promising not to bring us into less than
seven fathoms. On the 5th a Surat boat came on board with _Jaddow_ the
broker, who had served Captain William Hawkins three years, and Sir
Henry Middleton all the time he was here. There were likewise in this
boat the brother of the customer of Surat, and three or four others. All
these remained with us till the 7th, when we came to anchor at the bar
of Surat, in eight 1/4 fathoms at high water, and six 1/2 at neap tides.
At spring tides, however, I have found the tide to rise in the offing
three fathoms, and even three 1/2. The latitude of our anchorage was 21°
10' N. and the variation 16° 20' or 16° 27'.[79] On the 11th, _Thomas
Kerridge_ came aboard, with a certificate or licence under the seals of
the justice and governor of Surat, for our quiet and peaceable trade and
intercourse, and with kind entreaties to come ashore, where we should be
heartily welcomed by the people. They also brought off a letter or
narrative, written by Sir, Henry Middleton, which had been left in
charge of the _Moccadam_ of Swally. On the same day, I again sent Mr
Kerridge ashore, accompanied by Hugh Gettins.
[Footnote 79: Sorat bar is in lat. 21° 2' N. and long. 72° 50' E. from
Greenwich--E.]
§2. _Transactions with the Subjects of the Mogul, Fights with the
Portuguese, Settlement of a Factory, and Departure for Acheen_.
On the 13th September, 1612, sixteen sail of Portuguese frigates, or
barks, put into the river of Surat. The 22d, we determined in council to
send a dispatch to the king at Agra, signifying our arrival, and to
require his explicit answer, whether he would permit us to trade and
settle a factory; and if refused, that we would quit his country. The
30th, I got notice that Mr Canning, our purser, and William Chambers,
had been arrested ashore; wherefore I caused a ship of Guzerat to anchor
close beside me, determining to detain her till I should see how matters
went ashore. We also stopped a bark laden with rice from Bassare,
belonging to the Portuguese, out of which we took twelve or fourteen
quintals of rice, for which we paid at the rate of thirteen-pence the
quintal. When I had taken possession of the Guzerat ship, I wrote to the
chiefs of Surat, requiring them to send me all my men, together with the
value of the goods I had landed; on which I should deliver up their ship
and people, allowing them till the 5th of October to give me an answer;
at which time, if I had not a satisfactory answer, I declared my
determination to dispose of the ship and her goods at my pleasure. There
were some 400 or 450 men aboard that ship, ten of the chiefest among
whom I brought into my ship, to serve as hostages.
On the 6th October, _Medi Joffer_ came aboard my ship, accompanied by
four chiefs and many others, bringing me a great present, and came to
establish trade with us, and to solicit the release of the Guzerat ship.
On the 10th I left the bar of Surat, and came to Swally roads, where I
anchored in eight fathoms at high water. This road-stead is ten or
twelve miles north from the bar of Surat. The 17th, the governor of
_Aamadavar_ [Ahmedabad] came to the water side. I landed on the 19th,
having four principal persons sent aboard my ship, as pledges for my
safety. On the 21st I concluded upon articles of agreement with the
governor and merchants, of which the tenor follows:
"Articles agreed upon, and sealed, by the governor of Ahmedabad, the
governor of Surat, and four principal merchants; and to be confirmed by
the firmaun and seal of the Great Mogul, within forty days from the date
and sealing hereof, or else to be void; for the settlement of trade and
factories in the cities of Surat, Cambaya, Ahmedabad, Goga, or in any
other part or parts of the dominions of the Great Mogul in this country.
Witnessed by their hands and seals, the 21st of October, 1612."
1. All that concerns Sir Henry Middleton is to be remitted, acquitted,
and cleared to us; so that they shall never make seizure, stoppage, or
stay of our goods, wares, or commodities, as satisfaction for the same.
2. They shall procure at their own proper cost, from the King or Great
Mogul, his grant and confirmation of all the articles of this agreement,
under the great seal of his government, and shall deliver the same to
us, for our security and certainty of perpetual amity, commerce, and
dealing, within forty days from the date and sealing hereof.
3. It shall be lawful for the king of England to keep his ambassador
continually at the court of the Great Mogul, during all the time of this
peace and trade, there to accommodate and conclude upon all such great
and weighty matters as may in any respect tend to disturb or break the
said peace.
4. At all times, on the arrival of any of our ships in the road of
Swally, proclamation shall be made in the city of Surat, during three
successive days, that all the people of the country shall be free to
come down to the shore, and there to have free trade, dealing, and
commerce with us.
5. That all English commodities shall pay custom, according to the
value or price they bear, at the time of entry at the custom-house,
after the rate of three 1/2 per cent. ad valorem.
6. All petty and pedlar ware to be free from duty, that does not exceed
the value of ten dollars.
7. The English are to have ten _manu_ carried from the water side to
Surat for a _manuda_,[80] and at the same rate back; and are to be
furnished with carts on application to the _moccadam_ of Swally for
sending to Surat, and at that place by a broker with carts downwards to
the sea side at Swally.
[Footnote 80: This unexplained rate of carriage was probably ten
_manuda_ for one _mahinoodic_.--E.]
8. If any of our people die in the country, neither the king, the
governor, nor any inferior officer should pretend any title or claim to
any thing that had belonged to the deceased, neither should demand any
fees, taxes, or customs, upon the same.
9. In case all the men left in these parts should die before the return
of any of our ships, then some officer appointed for the purpose shall
make a true inventory and schedule of all monies, goods, jewels,
provisions, apparel, or other things, belonging to our nation, and shall
safely preserve and keep the same, to be delivered over to the general,
captain, or merchants of the first English ships that arrive afterwards,
from whom a regular receipt and discharge shall be given for the same.
10. That they shall guarantee all our men and goods on land, redeeming
all of both or either that may happen to be taken on the land by the
Portuguese; delivering both to us again free of all charges, or in lieu
thereof the full value of our said goods and men, and that without
delay.
11. Insomuch as there are rebels and disobedient subjects in all
kingdoms, so there may be some pirates and sea-rovers of our nation, who
may happen to come into these parts to rob or steal. In that case, the
trade and factory belonging to the English shall not be held responsible
or liable to make restitution for goods so taken; but we shall aid the
subjects of the Great Mogul, to the best of our power who may happen to
be thus aggrieved, by application to our king for justice against the
aggressors, and for procuring restitution.
12. That all victuals and provisions, required during the stay of our
ships in the roads of Surat and Swally, shall be free of custom,
provided they do not exceed the value of 1000 dollars.
13. That in all questions of wrongs and injuries offered to us and to
our nation, we shall receive speedy justice from the judges and others
in authority, according to the nature of our complaints and the wrongs
done to us, and shall not be put off by delays, or vexed by exorbitant
charges or loss of time.
On the 24th October, I landed the present intended for the Great Mogul,
which I brought to the tent of the governor of Ahmedabad, who took a
memorandum of all the particulars, as also a copy of our king's letter
to their sovereign. After which, as before agreed upon with the
governor, I sent them back aboard ship: For I had told him, unless his
king would confirm the articles agreed upon, and likewise write our king
a letter, that I would neither deliver the present nor our king's
letter; for, if these things were refused, then was their king an enemy
not a friend, and I had neither present nor letter for the enemy of our
king. At this time, however, I delivered our present to the governor,
and another to his son.
The 14th November, a great fleet of frigates or barks, consisting of
some 240 sail, came in sight. I thought they had come to attack us, but
they were a _caffila_ of merchantmen bound for Cambaya; as there comes
every year a similar fleet from Goa, Chaul, and other places to the
southwards, for Cambaya, whence they bring the greatest part of the
loading which is carried by the caracks and galleons to Portugal.
The 27th I received notice from Mr Canning and Edward Christian, who
were both ashore, that four galleons were fitted out from Goa, and were
coming to attack us, having been in full readiness, and at anchor on the
bar of Goa on the 14th November. The Portuguese fleet came in sight of
us on the 28th; and on the 29th drew near us with the tide of flood. At
two in the afternoon I got under weigh, and by four was about two
cables length from their vice-admiral, fearing to go nearer lest I might
have got my ship aground. I then opened a fire upon him, both with great
guns and small arms, and in an hour had peppered him well with some
fifty-six great shot. From him we received one small ball, either from a
minnion or saker, into our mizen-mast, and with another he sunk our
long-boat, which we recovered, but lost many things out of it.
The 30th at day-light, I set sail and steered among the midst of the
Portuguese fleet, bestirring ourselves manfully, and drove three of
their four ships aground on the bar of Surat; after which I anchored
about nine a.m. This morning the Hosiander did good service, coming
through also among the enemy's ships, and anchored beside me. At the
tide of flood, the three ships that were aground floated. We then
weighed and made sail towards them, they remaining at anchor. On getting
up to them, we spent upon three of them 150 great shot, and the morning
after some fifty more. At night, we gave the admiral a salute from our
four stern guns as a farewell; in return for which he fired one of his
bow guns, a whole or demi-culverine, the shot from which came even with
the top of our forecastle, went through our _Davie_, killed William
Burrel, and carried off the arm of another of our men. The Hosiander[81]
spent the whole of this day in firing against one of the ships that was
aground, and received many shots from the enemy, one of which killed
Richard Barker the boatswain.
[Footnote 81: Nathaniel Salmon of Leigh was master of the
Hosiander.--_Purch._]
Night coming on, we anchored some six miles from the Portuguese ships;
and at nine p.m. they sent a frigate down towards us, which came driving
right _athwart halse_ of the Hosiander, and being discovered by their
good watch, was speedily saluted by shot. The first shot made them hoist
sail, the second went through their sails, and, they immediately made
off.[82] Their intention certainly was to have set our ships on fire, if
they had found us off our guard.[83]
[Footnote 82: This frigate was sunk by the shot, as I was assured by Mr
Salmon the actor, and eighty of her men were taken up drowned.--_Purch._]
[Footnote 83: On this occasion the Portuguese had four great galleons
and some twenty-six frigates, or armed barks. In these fights they lost
all their _quondam_ credit, and 160 men, or as others say 500; and the
English settled trade at Surat in spite of all their efforts.--_Purch._]
We remained at anchor all the first December, the Portuguese not coming
to us nor we to them; though they might easily have come to us without
danger from the sands, but not so we to them. This day I called a
council, and it was concluded to go down to the south, that we might
have a broader channel, hoping that the galleons would follow us. We
accordingly went down some six or seven leagues on the 2d, but they did
not follow us; wherefore on the 3d we stood up again, and anchored
fairly in sight of them. We weighed again on the morning of the 4th, and
stood away before them, they following: But in the afternoon they gave
us over, and hauled in with the land, and at night we directed our
course for Diu. At night of the 5th, we anchored in fourteen fathoms
near the shore, four or five leagues eastwards of Diu.
The 9th we came to _Madafaldebar_[84] which is ten or eleven leagues E.
by N. from Diu, the coast between being very fair, and having no unseen
dangers. The depth near Diu is fifteen or sixteen fathoms, halfway to
_Madafaldebar_ twelve fathoms, then ten and nine, but not less; and in
nine fathoms we anchored in a fine sandy bay, on the west side of which
is a river coming from a considerable distance inland. This place is
some five or six miles west from the isles of _Mortie_[85] The 15th we
set sail to explore the bay of _Mohar_,[86] having been reported by some
of the people who had belonged to the Ascension to be a good place for
wintering in, or waiting the return of the monsoon for sailing to the
southwards. We accordingly anchored that night in the bay, which is nine
or ten leagues E.N.E. from Madafaldebar, finding the coast and
navigation perfectly good, with ten fathoms all the way, and no danger
but what is seen. I sent my boat ashore, and got twenty excellent sheep
for three shillings each, the best we had seen in the whole voyage. We
found the ruins of a great town at this place, but very few inhabitants.
[Footnote 84: From the indications in the text, this must be _Jaffrabat_
on the coast of Guzerat, about thirty-one miles E. by N. from Diu. The
name used in the text must be taken from the native language, while that
of modern geography is the Persian, Mogul, or Arabic name of the
place.--E.]
[Footnote 85: Called _Searbett_ in Arrowsmith's excellent map of
Hindostan, eight miles E.N.E. from Jaffrabat.--E.]
[Footnote 86: Called on the margin of the Pilgrims, _Moha, Mona_, or
_Mea_; and which from the context appears to be a bay immediately west
from _Wagnagur_.--E.]
There happened to be an army encamped in the neighbourhood of this
place, and on the 17th, the general sent four men to me, requesting a
conference. I landed on the 21st, and had much conversation with the
general, who greatly desired to have two pieces of ordnance from us,
making many fair promises of favour to our nation, and even presented me
with a horse and furniture and two Agra girdles or sashes; but I refused
him, having none to spare, and needing all we had for our defence. I
presented him in return with two vests of stammel cloth, two firelocks,
two bottles of brandy, and a knife.
The 22d, we saw the four galleons coming towards us, and at nine p.m.
they anchored within shot of where we lay. At sun-rise next morning we
weighed and bore down upon them, and continued to fight them till
between ten and eleven a.m. when they all four weighed and stood away
before the wind. We followed them two or three hours, but they sailed
much better large than we, so that we again came to anchor, and they
likewise anchored about two leagues from us. In this days fight, I
expended 133 great shot, and about 700 small. At sunrise of the 24th we
again weighed and bore down upon the galleons, and began to fight them
at eight a.m. continuing till noon, having this day expended 250 great
shot, and 1000 small. By this time both sides were weary, and we all
stood to sea, steering S. by E. The galleons followed us till two or
three p.m. when they put about and come to anchor. I now took account of
our warlike ammunition, and found more than half our shot expended, the
store of the Hosiander being in a similar situation. We had now
discharged against the enemy 625 great shot, and 3000 small.
Being about four or five leagues from the land, we met with a sand, on
which there was only two or two 1/2 fathoms, laying S.S.E. or thereabout
from _Mosa_. I went over it in nine fathoms, at which time the two high
hills over _Gogo_ were nearly N. from us. Upon this sand the Ascension
was cast away. Between the main and this sand, the channel is nine and
ten fathoms, and the shoaling is rather fast. We continued steering S.
with the tide of ebb, and anchored in eight fathoms, finding the tide to
set E.N.E. and W.S.W. by the compass. At midnight of the 24th we
weighed, standing S.S.E. and at two p.m. of the 25th we anchored in
seventeen fathoms at high water, full in sight of Damaun, which bore
E.S.E. In the afternoon of the 26th we anchored off the bar of Surat.
The 27th we went to Swally road, when Thomas Kerridge and Edward
Christian came aboard.
On the 6th of January, 1613, the _Firmaun_ from the Great Mogul, in
confirmation of peace and settlement of a factory for trade, came to
Swally as a private letter; wherefore I refused to receive it, lest it
might be a counterfeit, requiring that the chief men of Surat should
come down and deliver it to me, with the proper ceremonials.
Accordingly, on the 11th, the sabandar, his father-in-law Medigoffar,
and several others, came to Swally, and delivered the Firmaun to me in
form, making great professions of respect for our nation in the name of
their king. The 14th we landed all our cloth, with 310 elephants teeth,
and all our quicksilver. This day likewise the Portuguese galleons came
within three or four miles of us. The 16th, I landed Anthony Starkey,
with orders to travel over land for England, carrying letters to give
notice of our good success.[87]
[Footnote 87: Mr Starkey and his Indian companion or guide were poisoned
on the way by two friars.--Purch.]
The 17th, having received all my goods from Surat, I set sail at night,
leaving these coasts. The 18th we passed the four galleons, which all
weighed and followed us for two or three hours; but we finally separated
without exchanging shots. The 19th, when abreast of Basseen, we stopt
three Malabar barks, which had nothing in them, and from one of which we
took a boat. The 20th at night we were abreast of Chaul, both town and
castle being full in sight. In the afternoon of the 21st we were abreast
of Dabul, where we boarded three junks belonging to Calicut, laden with
cocoanuts. The 22d in the morning, the Hosiander sent her boat aboard
two junks, and at noon we were at the rocks, which are ten or eleven
leagues N. of Goa, and six or eight miles from the main. Two or three of
these rocks are higher than the hull of a large ship. At six p.m. we
were abreast of Goa, which is easily known by the island at the month of
the river, on which island there is a castle. All the way from Damann to
Goa, the coast trends nearly N. and S. with a slight inclination to N.W.
and S.E. the whole being very fair and without danger, having fair
shoaling and sixteen or seventeen fathoms some three or four leagues off
shore, with good-anchorage every where.
The 24th we saw a fleet of sixty or eighty frigates or barks bound to
the southwards, being in lat. 13° 00' 30". The high land by the sea now
left us, and the shore became very low, yet with fair shoaling of
sixteen and seventeen fathoms some three or four leagues off. In the
afternoon we went into a bay, where all the before-mentioned frigates
were at anchor, together with three or four gallies. We brought out a
ship with us, whence all the Portuguese fled in their boats, and as two
frigates lay close aboard of her, they had carried away every thing
valuable. Next day we examined our prize, and found nothing in her
except rice and coarse sugar, with which we amply supplied both ships;
and having taken out her masts, and what firing she could afford, we
scuttled and sunk her, taking out likewise all her people, being twenty
or twenty-five Moors. The 26th we met a boat belonging to the Maldives
laden with cocoa-nuts and bound for Cananor, into which I put all the
people of the prize, except eight, whom I kept to assist in labour, one
of them being a pilot for this coast.
The 27th we were a little past Calicut, abreast of Paniany, our lat. at
noon being 10° 30' N. In the morning of the 28th, we saw Cochin, which
is known by the towers and castle, being in lat 9° 40' N. or thereby.
All the way from Goa to Cochin we never had above twenty fathoms,
though, sometimes four or five leagues from the land; and when only
three, four, or six miles off, the depths were from ten to twelve
fathoms. From lat 11° 30' N. to Cochin, the land was all very low by the
water side; but up the country it was very high all along. Four or five
leagues to the north of Cochin, there is a high land within the country,
somewhat like a table mountain, yet rounded on the top, having long high
mountains to the north of this hill. All this day, the 28th, we sailed
within six or eight miles of the land, in nine, ten, and twelve fathoms.
We anchored on the 30th in fifteen fathoms, about twenty-six leagues to
the north of Cape Comorin right over against a little village, whence
presently came off six or eight canoes with water and all kinds of
provisions; the name of this place is _Beringar_, which our mariners
usually call Bring-John, being in the kingdom of Travancor. The 1st
February, the king sent me a message, offering to load my ship with
pepper and cinnamon, if I would remain and trade with him. The 5th we
were abreast of Cape Comorin, where we had a fresh gale of wind at E. by
N. which split our fore-top-sail and main bonnet, yet a canoe with eight
men came off to us three or four leagues from the land. We were here
troubled with calms and great heat, and many of our men fell sick, of
which number I was one. On the 8th we were forced back to the roads of
_Beringar_. This place has good refreshments for ships, and the people
are very harmless, and not friends to the Portuguese. From this place to
Cape Comorin, all the inhabitants of the sea coast are Christians, and
have a Portuguese priest or friar residing among them. It is to be
remarked, that the whole coast, even from Damaun to Cape Comorin, is
free from danger, and there is fair shoaling all the way from Cochin to
that cape, having sixteen, eighteen, and twenty fathoms close to the
land, and no ground five or six leagues off, after you come within
twenty-five or thirty leagues of the Cape. The variation at Damaun was
16° 30'; halfway to the Cape about 15°, and 14° at the cape, the
latitude of which is 7° 30' N. [_exactly_ 7° 57'].
In the afternoon we were fair off the Cape, and found much wind at
E.S.E. giving small hope of being able to go eastwards till the end of
the monsoon, which our Indians reported would be about the end of April.
So I bore up, and came to anchor, four or five leagues within the Cape,
in twenty fathoms close by two rocks. About two miles right off these
two rocks is a sunken rock, which is very dangerous, especially if
sailing in twenty fathoms, but by keeping in twenty-four fathoms all
danger is avoided. We remained here nine days, when we again made sail.
In the morning of the 28th we had sight of Ceylon, some eight or nine
leagues E.S.E. being in lat. 7° N. At 4 p.m. we were close in with that
island, in thirteen, fifteen, and sixteen fathoms. The 1st of March, at
6 p.m. we were abreast of Columbo, the lat. of which is about 6° 30' N.
[7° 2']; having twenty-four and twenty-five fathoms three leagues off.
The 12th we stood in with the land, and anchored in twenty-four fathoms,
the wind being S.E. and S. I sent my boat ashore four leagues to the
north of _Punta de Galle_, and after some time a woman came to talk with
one of our Indians who was in the boat. She said we could have no
provisions: but by our desire she went to tell the men. Afterwards two
men came to us, who flatly refused to let us have any thing, alleging
that our nation had captured one of their boats; but it was the
Hollanders not the English. The 14th, in the morning, the southern point
of Ceylon, called _Tanadare_ [Dondra], bore E.S.E. of us, some five
leagues off. This point is in lat. 5° 30' [5° 54' N.], and is about ten
or twelve leagues E.S.E. from Punta de Galle. The 17th we were near one
of the sands mentioned by Linschoten, being two leagues from the land.
We had twenty-five fathoms water, and on the land, right opposite this
sand, is a high rock like a great tower. The land here trends E.N.E.[88]
[Footnote 88: Owing probably to careless abbreviation by Purchas, this
solitary notice is all that is given of the voyage between Dondra-head
in Ceylon and Acheen, in the north-west end of Sumatra, to which the
observation in the text seems to refer.--E.]
§3. _Occurrences at Acheen, in Sumatra_.
At noon of the 12th April, 1613, we came to anchor in the road of
Acheen, in twelve fathoms, but ships may ride in ten or even eight
fathoms; the best place in which to ride being to the eastward of the
castle, and off the river mouth. I landed the merchants on the 13th; but
the king did not come to town till the 15th, when he sent me his _chop_
or licence to land, which was brought by an eunuch, accompanied by the
_Xabander_ and six or eight more, to whom I gave 120 _mam_. I landed
along with them, and two hours afterwards the king sent me a present of
some provisions, I having sent him on my landing a present of _two
pieces_;[89] the custom being to make the king some small present on
landing, in return for which he sends several dishes of meat.
[Footnote 89: These _pieces_, so often mentioned in the early voyages,
were probably fowling-pieces, or European fire-arms.--E.]
On the 17th, the king sent an elephant, with a golden bason, for our
king's letter, which I accompanied to court, attended by forty of our
men, who were all admitted into the king's presence. After many
compliments, the king returned me our king's letter, that I might read
it to him; and accordingly the substance of it was explained in the
native language, with the contents of which he was well pleased. After
some time, the king told me that he would shew me some of his
diversions, and accordingly caused his elephants to fight before us.
When six of them had fought for some time, he caused four buffaloes to
be brought, which made a very excellent and fierce fight; such being
their fierceness that sixty or eighty men could hardly part them,
fastening ropes to their hind-legs to draw them asunder. After these,
some ten or twelve rams were produced, which fought very bravely. When
it was so dark that we could hardly see, these sports were discontinued,
and the king presented me with a banquet of at least 500 dishes, and
such abundance of hot drinks as might have sufficed to make an army
drunk. Between nine and ten at night, he gave me leave to depart,
sending two elephants to carry me home; but as they had no coverings I
did not ride either of them.
On the 18th, I went again to court by appointment of the king, when we
began to treat concerning the articles formerly granted by his
grandfather to Mr James Lancaster; but when we came to that in which all
goods were to be brought in and carried out free from customs, we broke
off without concluding any thing. The 19th the ambassador of Siam came
to visit me, and told me, that about thirty months before, three
Englishmen had waited upon his king, who gave them kind entertainment,
being rejoiced at receiving letters from the king of England. He also
said that his king would be much pleased if our ships came to his ports,
telling me what great quantities of Portugal cloth, for so he called our
English cloth, would sell in his country. According to his opinion, the
colours most saleable in his country are, _stammel_ and other reds,
yellows, and other light, gay, and pleasing colours, such as those
already in most request at Surat. He also told me, that his king had
made a conquest of the whole kingdom of Pegu, as that he is now the most
powerful sovereign in the east, except the emperor of China, having
twenty-six tributary kings under his government and authority, and is
able to equip for war 6000 elephants. Their coin is all of silver, gold
being less esteemed, and of less proportional value than with us. That
country produces great abundance of pepper and raw silk; and he said the
Hollanders have factories at Patane, an excellent port, where they are
called English. Siam likewise, according to him, is a good port, and
nearer the court than Patane: Those who go to the city in which the king
resides land always at the port of Siam, whence the royal residence is
twenty days journey by land. I requested from the ambassador to give me
a letter to his sovereign, and letters also to the governors of the
maritime towns in Siam, in favour of the English nation, when we should
come upon these coasts, which he promised me. And, lastly, in token of
friendship we exchanged coins; I giving him some of our English coin,
and receiving from him the coins of Siam. I had often, after this first
interview, friendly intercourse with this ambassador.
I went to court on the 20th, butt had no opportunity to speak with the
king; whereupon I sent to the king's deputy, or chief minister, and
complained of having been dishonoured, and of having been abused by the
_shahbander_. He promised me speedy redress, and that he should inform
the king without delay, which indeed he did that same day. On the day
following, the king sent two officers of his court to me, to intimate
that I might repair freely to his court at all times, passing the gate
without hindrance or waiting for his _criss_. He also removed the
shahbander of whom I had complained, and appointed a gentleman, who had
formerly been his vice-ambassador to Holland, to attend upon me at all
times to court, or any where else, at my pleasure. The 24th I went to
court, and had access to the king, who satisfied me in all things, and
promised to ratify and renew all the articles formerly agreed upon
between his predecessor and Mr James Lancaster. After many compliments,
he gave me leave; and presently after my return, he sent me an elephant
to attend upon me, and to carry me at all times to any place I pleased.
This is a sign of the highest honour and esteem, as no person may have
an elephant, or ride upon one, but those whom the king is pleased to
honour with that privilege.
The 2d of May, the king invited me to his fountain to swim, and I was
there accordingly along with him, the place being some five or six miles
from the city; and he even sent me two elephants, one to ride upon, and
the other to carry my provision. Having washed and bathed in the water,
the king made me partake of a very splendid banquet, in which there was
too much arrak, the whole being eaten and drank us we sat in the water;
and at this entertainment all his nobles and officers were present. Our
banquet continued from one till towards five in the evening, when the
king allowed me to depart. Half an hour afterwards, all the strangers
were permitted to go away, and presently afterwards he came away
himself.
On the 14th, some Portuguese came to Acheen on an embassy from the
governor of Malacca to the king; and as the wind was scant, they landed
three leagues to the east of Acheen road. I immediately sent the
Hosiander, of which I appointed Edward Christian captain, to go in
search of the bark from Malacca, which was brought to me on the 17th:
But the king sent me two messengers, desiring me to release her and her
people and cargo; which I refused, till I had examined the bark and her
contents; saying, however, that in honour and respect for his majesty, I
should then do whatever he was pleased to desire. Afterwards, I was
informed by Mr Christian, that there were only four or five bales of
goods in the bark, and that nothing she contained had been meddled with.
Being satisfied of this I went ashore, and found my merchants were at
the court. They returned presently, saying, that the king was greatly
displeased at the capture of the Portuguese bark in his port, protesting
by his god that he would make us all prisoners, if she were not
released. Having notice that I was ashore, the king presently sent for
me; and, as I was on my way to the court, I met with a gentleman from
the king, who desired me in his name to release the bark; but I told him
I must first see and speak to the king. I was then brought into the
king's presence, and, after much discourse with him, I gave him the
bark and all her contents; with which he was so much pleased, that he
gave me the title of _Arancaia Puto_, signifying the _honourable white
man_, requiring all his nobles to call me by that name. In farther proof
of his satisfaction with my conduct on this occasion, he sold me all his
benzoin at my own price, being twenty _tailes_ the bahar, though then
selling commonly at thirty-four and thirty-five tailes. He at the same
time expressed his esteem and affection for me in the strongest terms,
desiring me to ask from him whatever I thought proper. I only requested
his letters of recommendation and favour for Priaman, which he most
readily promised; and, at my taking leave, he both made me eat some
mangoes, of which he was then eating, and gave me some home with me.
On the 27th, _Malim Cairy_ came to Acheen, by whom I received letters
from our merchants at Surat, as also a copy of the _firmaun_, sent them
from Agra, bearing date the 25th January, in the seventh year of the
then reigning Great Mogul, by which everything was confirmed that had
been agreed upon between the governor of Ahmedabad and me. The 17th of
June, a Dutch merchant came to Acheen from Masulipatam, who had been
eight months on his way, from whom we learnt the death of Mr Anthony
Hippon at Patane, and of Mr Brown, master of the Globe, who died at
Masulipatam, where our people had met with evil usage. The 24th I
received of the king his present for the king of England, consisting of
a _criss_ or dagger, a _hasega_, four pieces of fine Calicut lawn, and
eight camphire dishes.[90]
[Footnote 90: In the translation of the letter accompanying these
presents, to be noticed hereafter, they are thus described:--"A criss
wrought with gold, the hilt being of beaten gold, with a ring of stones;
an Assagaya of Swasse, half gold half copper; eight porcelain dishes
small and great, _of camfire one piece of souring stuff_; three pieces
of callico lawns."--The passage in Italics is inexplicable, either in
the words of the letter, or in the description in the text.--E.]
The 3d of July, the fleet of armed vessels belonging to Acheen arrived,
being only twenty days from the coast of Johor, at which place they had
captured the factory of the Hollanders, making prize of all their goods,
and had brought away some twenty or twenty-four Dutchmen as prisoners.
The 7th, I received the king's letter for Priaman, together with a
_chop_ or licence for my departure; and on the 12th, taking my leave of
Acheen, I embarked. In the morning of the 13th I set sail. It is to be
noted, that, from the 12th April to the middle of June, we had much rain
here at Acheen, seldom two fair days following, and accompanied, by much
wind in sudden gusts. From the 15th June to the 12th July, we had
violent gales of wind, always at S.W. or W.S.W. or W.
§4. _Trade at Tecoo and Passaman, with the Voyage to Bantam, and thence
Home to England_.
Leaving Acheen, as said before, on the 13th July, 1613, we came in sight
of _Priaman_ on the 3d of August, it being then nine or ten leagues off,
N.E. by E. and clearly known by two great high hills, making a great
_swamp_ or saddle between them. We saw also the high land of _Tecoo_,
which is not more than half the height of that of Priaman, and rises
somewhat flat. At the same time likewise we saw the high land of
_Passaman_, some seven or eight leagues north of Tecoo, mid-way between
Tecoo and Priaman, which mountain is very high, and resembles Aetna in
Sicily.[91] In the afternoon of the 7th we came to Tecoo, and anchored
to the eastward of the three islands in seven fathoms, the southmost
isle bearing W.S.W. the middle isle W.N.W. and the northern isle N. 1/2
E. our anchorage being a mile from them.
[Footnote 91: Perhaps this observed similarity with Aetna is meant to
indicate that this hill also is a volcano.--E.]
I sent ashore my merchants on the 19th, and landed myself in the
afternoon. Next day, by advice of our council, the Hosiander was sent to
Priaman, with the letter of the king of Acheen. She sailed from Tecoo on
the 12th, and came back on the 18th, when she was dispatched to Bantam.
The 25th there came a junk from Bantam, the owners of which were
Chinese. They confirmed to me the reported death of Sir Henry Middleton,
with the loss of most of the men belonging to the Trades-increase, in
consequence of her main-mast breaking, while heaving her down for
careening her bottom. She was now returned from Pulo-Pannian to Bantam,
and they said that three hundred Chinese had died while employed at work
upon her.
The 28th a boat I had sent to Passaman returned, having been well
entertained at that place, and brought with them the _Scrivano_ to deal
with me, with whom accordingly I concluded a bargain. The 29th, the
governor of Tecoo sent for me to come ashore, when I went to wait upon
him. He was in council, with all the chiefs of the district, and, after
a long discussion, we agreed on the following price of pepper. In the
first place, we were to pay eighteen dollars the bahar; then there was
8d. the bahar for lastage or weighing, 30d. for _canikens_, and 35 d.
for _seilars_: Besides all which they bargained for presents to sixteen
chiefs or great men. On the 30th, Henry Long came from Passaman, and
informed me that Mr Oliver had fallen sick, and that several others of
our men had died there; upon which I sent my pinnace to bring back Mr
Oliver and all others who survived, and to discontinue our factory at
that place.
The 21st October, the Hosiander returned from Bantam, bringing me
letters from the English merchants at that place; saying that they had
17,000 bags of pepper ready, all of which I might have, or any part of
it I thought proper, if I chose to come for it, at thirteen dollars the
_timbane_. On this, and several other considerations, I held a
mercantile council, in which it was agreed that the Hosiander should be
left at _Tecoo_ for the sale of our Surat goods, all of which were
accordingly put on board her for that purpose, and I departed in the
Dragon for Bantam from the road of Tecoo on the 30th October. I remained
in this road of Tecoo eleven weeks, in which time I bought 115 or 120
tons of pepper, and buried twenty-five of our men. All of these either
died, or contracted their mortal illnesses at Passaman, not at Tecoo;
and surely, if we had not attempted to trade at Passaman, all, or at
least most of these, might have now been living. Wherefore, I earnestly
advise all of our nation to avoid sending any of their ships or men to
Passaman, for the air there is so contagious, and the water so
unwholesome, that it is impossible for our people to live at that place.
I set sail from Tecoo on the 30th October, and arrived in the road of
Bantam on the 11th November, where I anchored in a quarter less four
fathoms, [3-3/4 fathoms.] Next day I convened our English merchants on
board my ship, and agreed on the price of pepper at thirteen dollars the
_bahar_, which is 600 pounds of our weight. Having concluded my business
at this place, I set sail for Saldanha bay; where I bought for a small
quantity of copper, worth perhaps between three and four pounds, 494
sheep, 4 beeves, and 9 calves. We sailed again from that place on the
4th March, 1614; and on the day of our departure, the natives brought us
more live-stock than we knew how to dispose of; but we brought away
alive, eighty sheep, two beeves, and one calf.
The 24th of March we saw St Helena, eight or nine leagues to the W.N.W.
its latitude, by my estimation, being 16° S. and its long, from the Cape
of Good Hope, 22° W. At three p.m. we anchored in the road of that
island, right over-against the Chappel. While at St Helena, finding the
road from the Chappel [church valley], to where the lemon-trees grow, a
most wicked way, insomuch that it was a complete day's work to go and
come, I sent my boats to the westward, in hopes of finding a nearer and
easier way to bring down hogs and goats. In this search, my people found
a fair valley; some three or four miles to the S.W. which leads directly
to the lemon-trees, and is the largest and finest valley in the island,
after that at the Chappel, and is either the next, or the next save one,
from the valley of the Chappel. At this valley, which is some three or
four miles from that of the Chappel, and is from it the fourth valley or
swamp one way, and from the point to the westward the second, so that it
cannot be missed, it is much better and easier for getting provisions or
water, and the water is better and clearer. The road or anchorage is all
of one even ground and depth, so that it is much better riding here than
at any other part of the island; and from this place, a person may go up
to the lemon-trees and back again in three hours. We here got some
thirty hogs and pigs, and twelve or fourteen hundred lemons; but if we
had laid ourselves out for the purpose, I dare say we might have got 200
hogs, besides many goats.
Continuing our voyage home, we got sight of the Lizard point on the 4th
June, 1614, our estimated longitude from the Cape of Good Hope being
then 27° 20', besides two degrees carried by the currents; so that the
difference of longitude, between the Cape and the Lizard, is 29° 20', or
very nearly. Though we had then only left the Cape of Good Hope three
months before, and were only two months and nine days from St Helena,
more than half our company was now laid up by the scurvy, of which two
had died. Yet we had plenty of victuals, as beef, bread, wine, rice,
oil, vinegar, and sugar, as much as every one chose. All our men have
taken their sickness since we fell in with Flores and Corvo; since which
we have had very cold weather, especially in two great storms, one from
the N. and N.N.E. and the other at N.W. so that it seemeth the sudden
coming out of long heat into the cold is a great cause of scurvy. All
the way from the Cape of Good Hope to the Azores, I had not one man
sick.
The 15th of June, 1614, we came into the river Thames, by the blessing
of God, it being that day six months on which we departed from Bantam in
Java.
SECTION XVIII.
_Observations made during the foregoing Voyage, by Mr Copland, Chaplain,
Mr Robert Boner, Master, and Mr Nicholas Whittington, Merchant_.[92]
[Footnote 92: Purch. Pilgr. I. 466. On this occasion, only such notices
as illustrate the preceding voyage are extracted.--E.]
§1. _Notes extracted from the Journal of Mr Copland, Chaplain of the
Voyage_.
The bay of Saldhana, and all about the Cape of Good Hope, is healthful,
and so fruitful that it might well be accounted a terrestrial paradise.
It agrees well with our English constitutions; for, though we had ninety
or an hundred sick when we got there, they were all as well in twenty
days as when we left England, except one. It was then June, and we had
snow on the hills, though the weather below was warmish. The country is
mixed, consisting of mountains, plains, meadows, streams, and woods
which seem as if artificially planted on purpose, they are so orderly;
and it has abundance of free-stone for building. It has also plenty of
fish and wild-fowl, as geese, ducks, and partridges, with antelopes,
deer, and other animals. The people were very loving, though at first
afraid of us, because the Dutch, who resort hither to make train-oil,
had used them unkindly, having stolen and killed their cattle; but
afterwards, and especially on our return, they were more frank and kind.
They are of middle size, well limbed, nimble and active; and are fond of
dancing, which they do in just measure, but entirely naked. Their dress
consists of a cloak of sheep or seals-skin to their middle, the hair
side inwards, with a cap of the same, and a small skin like that of a
rat hanging before their privities. Some had a sole, or kind of sandal,
tied to their feet. Their necks were adorned with greasy tripes, which
they would sometimes pull off and eat raw; and when we threw away the
guts of beasts and sheep we bought from them, they would eat them half
raw and all bloody, in a most beastly and disgusting manner. They had
bracelets about their arms of copper or ivory, and were decorated with
many ostrich feathers and shells. The women were habited like the men,
and were at first very shy; but when here on our return voyage, they
became quite familiar, even lifting their rat-skins: But they are very
loathsome objects, their breasts hanging down to their waists. The hair
both of the men and women is short and frizzled. With these people
copper serves as gold, and iron for silver. Their dwellings are small
tents, removable, at pleasure; and their language is full of a strange
_clicking_ sound, made by doubling their tongues in their throats. There
is a high hill, called the _Table Mountain_, which covers all the
adjoining territory for an hundred miles. The natives, who are quite
black, behaved to us very peaceably, but seemed to have no religion, yet
their skins were slashed or cut, like the priests of Baal; and one
seemed to act as chief, as he settled the prices for the whole. Some of
our people went a considerable way into the country, and discovered many
bays and rivers.
When at Surat, the Guzerats took some of our sea-coal to send to their
sovereign, the Great Mogul, as a curiosity. At this place there came
against us a Portuguese squadron of four galleons, attended by
twenty-five or twenty-six armed barks or frigates, commanded by an
admiral named Nuno de Accunna, and having all red colours displayed, in
token of defiance. When advised by the sabander to keep between us and
the shore, he proudly answered, That he scorned to spend a week's
provisions on his men in hindering us from trade, as he was able to
force us to yield to his superior force in an hour. After three fights,
they sent one of their frigates against us, manned with six or seven
score of their best men, intending to set us on fire, but they were all
sunk.
_Medhaphrabad_,[93] formerly a fine walled city, has been entirely
ruined in the wars of the Moguls. It has still a strong castle, held by
a refractory chief of the Rajapoots, and was besieged by the nabob,
having fifty or sixty thousand men in his camp. The nabob dwelt in a
magnificent tent, covered above with cloth of gold, and spread below
with Turkey carpets, having declared he would not desist from the siege
till he had won the castle. He sent a horse, and two vests wrought with
silk and gold, to our general Captain Best, with four vests for four
others. On the 23d and 24th of December, we fought again with the
Portuguese, in view of the whole army of the Moguls, and forced them to
cut their cables and flee from us, being better sailing vessels than
ours.
[Footnote 93: Called Madafaldebar in the preceding section, and there
supposed to be the place now named Jaffrabat, on the coast of
Guzerat.--E.]
I rode from Swally to Surat in a coach drawn by oxen, which are
ordinarily used in this country for draught, though they have plenty of
excellent and handsome horses. On the way I was quite delighted to see
at the same time the goodliest spring and harvest combined I had ever
seen any where, often in two adjoining fields, one as green as a fine
meadow, and the other waving yellow like gold, and ready to cut down;
their grain being wheat and rice, of which they make excellent bread.
All along the road there were many goodly villages, full of trees which
yield a liquor called _toddy_, or palm-wine, which is sweet and
pleasant, like new wine, being strengthening and fattening. They have
grapes also, yet only make wine from the dried raisins. In Surat there
are many fair houses built of stone and brick, having flat roofs, and
goodly gardens, abounding in pomegranates, pomecitrons, lemons, melons,
and figs, which are to be had at all times of the year, the gardens
being continually refreshed with curious springs and fountains of fresh
water. The people are tali, neat, and well-clothed in long robes of
white callico or silk, and are very grave and judicious in their
behaviour. The sabander assured us that we had slain 350 of the
Portuguese; but we heard afterwards, that above 500 were killed or
maimed. Our general sent letters for England by land, but the messenger
and his Indian attendant were poisoned by two friars. A second letter
was entrusted to a mariner, which reached its destination.
We anchored in the road of Acheen on the 12th April, 1613, where we were
kindly received by the king. On the 2d of May, all the strangers then at
Acheen were invited to a banquet at a place six miles from the town, and
on this occasion two elephants were sent for our general. To this place
all the dishes were brought by water by boys, who swam with one hand,
while each carried a dish in--the other; and the drink was brought in
the same manner. When the guests had satisfied themselves with tasting
any of the dishes, which indeed they must of all, the remainder was
thrown into the river. In this feast there were at least 500 dishes
served, all well dressed. It continued from one o'clock till five; but
our general, who was wearied with sitting so long in the water beside
the king, was dismissed an hour before the other guests. The captain or
chief merchant of the Dutch factory, either by taking too much strong
drink, or from sitting too long in the cold water, caught an illness of
which he died soon after.
The 2d June we were entertained by a fight of four elephants with a wild
tyger, which was tied to a stake; yet did he fasten on the legs and
trunks of the elephants, making them to roar and bleed extremely. This
day, as we were told, one eye of a nobleman was plucked out by command
of the king, for having looked at one of the king's women, while bathing
in the river. Another gentleman, wearing a sash, had his head cut round,
because it was too large. Some he is said to throw into boiling oil,
some to be sawn in pieces, others to have their legs cut off, or spitted
alive, or empaled on stakes. The 25th of June, the king of Acheen sent
our general a letter for the king of England, most beautifully written
and painted, of which the following is a translation of the
preamble.[94]
[Footnote 94: Being merely complimentary, it has not been deemed
necessary to give any more of this letter than the hyperbolical titles
assumed by the petty Mallay rajah.--E.]
_PEDUCKA SIRIE, Sultan, King of kings renowned in war, sole king of
Sumatra, more famous than his ancestors, feared in his dominions, and
honoured in all the neighbouring countries. In whom is the true image of
a king, reigning by the true rules of government, formed as it were of
the most pure metal, and adorned by the must splendid colours. Whose
seat is most high and complete; whence floweth, as a river of fine
crystal, the pure and undefiled stream of bounty and justice. Whose
presence is like the most pure gold: King of Priaman, and of the
mountain of gold: Lord of nine sorts of precious stones: King of two
Umbrellas of beaten gold; who sitteth upon golden carpets; the furniture
of whose horses, and his _own armour, are of pure gold; the teeth of his
elephants being likewise of gold, and every thing belonging to them. His
lances half gold half silver; his small shot of the same; a saddle also
for an elephant of the same; a tent of silver; and all his seals half
gold half silver. His bathing-vessels of pure gold; his sepulchre also
entire gold, those of his predecessors being only half gold half silver.
All the services of his table of pure gold; &c.
This great king sendeth this letter of salutation to James, king of
Great Britain, &c._
This king of Acheen is a gallant-looking warrior, of middle size, and
full of spirit. His country is populous, and he is powerful both by sea
and land. He has many elephants, of which we saw 150 or 180 at one time.
His gallies are well armed with brass ordnance, such as demi-cannons,
culverins, sackers, minions, &c. His buildings are stately and spacious,
though not strong; and his court or palace at Acheen is very pleasant,
having a goodly branch of the main river surrounding and pervading it,
which he cut and brought in from the distance of six miles in twenty
days, while we were there. At taking leave, he desired our general to
offer his compliments to the king of England, and to entreat that two
white women might be sent him: "For," said he, "if I have a son by one
of them, I will make him king of Priaman, Passaman, and the whole pepper
coast; so that you shall not need to come any more to me, but may apply
to your own English king for that commodity."
§2. _Notes concerning the Voyage, extracted from the Journal of Mr
Robert Boner, who was Master of the Dragon_.
The regular trade-wind is seldom met with till two or three degrees
south of the equator. Tornados are sure to be encountered in two or
three degrees north of the line, and sometimes even four degrees. It is
necessary to use the utmost diligence in getting well to the south, as
in that consists the difference between a good and bad voyage, and the
health of the men depend greatly on that circumstance. In passing the
line, it is proper so to direct the course from the island of Mayo as to
cross between the longitudes of _seven_ and _nine_ degrees _west_ of the
Lizard, if possible. At all events be careful not to come within _six_
degrees, for fear of the calms on the coast of Guinea, and not beyond
_ten_ degrees west from the Lizard if possible, to avoid the W.N.W.
stream which sets along the coast of Brazil to the West Indies; and in
crossing the line, in 7°, 8°, or 9° west of the Lizard, you shall not
fear the flats of Brazil: For the general wind in these longitudes is at
E.S.E. or S.E. so that you may commonly make a S.S.W. course, so as to
keep the ship full that she may go speedily through; for there is much
loss of time in hauling the ship too close by the wind, and it is far
better therefore to give her a fathom of the sheet.
In making for the bay of Saldanha [_Table bay,_] keep between the
latitudes of 33° 50' and 34° 20' of S. lat. so as to be sure of coming
not much wide of the bay. If, on seeing the land, it appear high, you
are then to the S.W. of the bay: if low sand-hills, you are then to the
northward of the bay. In falling in with, the high land to the
southward, which is between the Cape of Good Hope and the bay, the land
trends N.N.W. and S.S.E. seven leagues from the Cape, and then trends
away N.E. and S.W. towards the point of the Sugar-loaf, some four
leagues. From this point of the _Sugar-loaf_ lieth _Penguin_ island; but
keep fair by the point, as two miles from Penguin island there are two
shoals. From the point to the island there are some seven or eight miles
N. and S. and so, borrowing on that point, in eight or nine fathoms,
steer a course S.E. and E.S.E. till you bring the _Table_ S.S.W. and the
_Sugar-loaf_ S.W. by W. when you may anchor in 6 or 6 1/2 fathoms as you
please; and then will the point of land by the _Sugar-loaf_ bear W.N.W.
some two leagues off, and _Penguin_ island N.N.W. some three leagues
distant. The latitude of the point going into the bay of Saldanha
[_Table bay,_] is 34° 5' S.[95] On coming in there is nothing to fear,
though the air be thick, as the land is bold within a cable's length of
the shore.
[Footnote 95: Only 33° 54'--E.]
In my opinion, the current near Cape _Aguillas_ sets to the southward
not above fifty or sixty leagues from the land: Wherefore, in going to
the eastwards, it is right to have sixty leagues from land, so that you
may miss that current. For 90 or 100 leagues beyond Cape _Aguillas_, the
land trends E. by N. and not E.N.E. as in the charts.
In my opinion the gulf of Cambaya is the worst place in all India for
worms; wherefore ships going to Surat ought to use every precaution
against injury from them. At Acheen our general was denominated
_Arancaya Pattee_ by the king, who showed him extraordinary favour,
sending for him to be present at all sports and pastimes; and all our
men were very kindly used by the people at this place, more so than any
strangers who had ever been there before.
§3. _Extracts from a Treatise, written by Mr Nicholas Whittington, who
was left as Factor in the Mogul Country by Captain Best, containing some
of his Travels and Adventures_.
The sheep at the Cape of Good Hope are covered with hair instead of
wool. The beeves are large, but mostly lean. The natives of that
southern extremity of Africa are negroes, having woolly heads, flat
noses, and straight well-made bodies. The men have only one testicle,
the other being cut out when very young.[96] Their apparel consists of a
skin hung from their shoulders, reaching to their waist, and two small
rat-skins, one before and the other behind, and all the rest of their
body naked, except a kind of skin or leather-cap on their heads, and
soles tied to their feet, considerably longer and broader than the foot.
Their arms are very scanty, consisting of bows and arrows of very little
force, and lances or darts very artificially made, in the use of which
they are very expert, and even with them kill many fish. They are in use
to wear the guts of sheep and oxen hanging from their necks, smelling
most abominably, which they eat when hungry, and would scramble for our
garbage like so many dogs, devouring it quite raw and foul.
[Footnote 96: Captain Saris told me that some have two; but these are of
the baser sort and slaves, as he was told by one of these marked by this
note of gentility.--_Purch._]
At Surat, although Sir Henry Middleton had taken their ships in the Red
Sea, they promised to deal fairly with us, considering that otherwise
they might burn their ships and give over all trade by sea, as _Mill
Jaffed_, one of the chief merchants of Surat, acknowledged to us. While
at Surat, every one of us that remained any time ashore was afflicted
with the flux, of which Mr Aldworth was ill for forty days. The custom
here is, that all strangers make presents on visiting any persons of
condition, and they give other presents in return.
Finding it impossible to have any trade at Surat, as the Portuguese
craft infested the mouth of the river, our general removed with the
ships to Swally roads, whence we might go and come by land without
danger, between that place and Surat. Mr Canning had been made prisoner
by the Portuguese, but the viceroy ordered him to be set ashore at
Surat, saying, "Let him go and help his countrymen to fight, for we
shall take their ships and all of them together." He was accordingly
liberated, and came to us at Swally. The purser had likewise been nearly
taken; but he escaped and got on board. The 3d October, _Seikh Shuffe_,
governor of _Amadavar_, [Ahmedabad], the chief city of Guzerat, came to
Surat and thence to Swally, where he entered into articles of agreement
for trade and friendship.
The 29th of October, four Portuguese galleons and a whole fleet of
frigates, or armed grabs, hove in sight. Our general went immediately to
meet them in the Dragon, and fired not one shot till he came between
their admiral and vice-admiral, when he gave each of them a broadside
and a volley of small arms, which made them come no nearer for that day.
The other two galleons were not as yet come up, and our consort the
Hosiander could not get clear of her anchors, so that she did not fire a
shot that day. In the evening both sides came to anchor in the sight of
each other. Next morning the fight was renewed, and this day the
Hosiander bravely redeemed her yesterday's inactivity. The Dragon drove
three of them aground, and the Hosiander so _danced the hay_ about them,
that they durst never show a man above hatches. They got afloat in the
afternoon with the tide of flood, and renewed the fight till evening,
and then anchored till next day. Next day, as the Dragon drew much
water, and the bay was shallow, we removed to the other side of the bay
at _Mendafrobay_, [Jaffrabat], where _Sardar Khan_, a great nobleman of
the Moguls, was then besieging a castle of the _Rajaputs_, who, before
the Mogul conquest, were the nobles of that country, and were now
subsisting by robbery. He presented our general with a horse and
furniture, which he afterwards gave to the governor of Gogo, a poor town
to the west of Surat.
After ten days stay, the Portuguese having refreshed, came hither to
attack us. Sardar Khan advised our general to flee; but in four hours we
drove them out of sight, in presence of thousands of the country people.
After the razing of this castle, Sardar Khan reported this gallant
action to the Great Mogul, who much admired it, as he thought none were
like the Portuguese at sea. We returned to Swally on the 27th December,
having only lost three men in action, and one had his arm shot off:
while the Portuguese acknowledged to have lost 160, though report said
their loss exceeded 300 men.
The 13th January, 1613, I was appointed factor for the worshipful
company, and bound under a penalty of four hundred pounds. Our ships
departed on the 18th, the galleons not offering to disturb them: and at
this time Anthony Starkey was ordered for England. Mr Canning was
seventy days in going from Surat to Agra, during which journey he
encountered many troubles, having been attacked by the way, and shot in
the belly with an arrow, while another Englishman in his company was
shot through the arm, and many of his peons were killed and wounded. Two
of his English attendants quitted him, and returned to Surat, leaving
only two musicians to attend upon him. He arrived at Agra on the 9th
April, when he presented our king's letter to the Great Mogul, together
with a present of little value; and being asked if this present came
from our king, he answered that it only came from the merchants. The
Mogul honoured him with a cup of wine from his own hand, and then
referred him, on the business of his embassy, to Morak Khan. One of his
musicians died, and was buried in the church-yard belonging to the
Portuguese, who took up the body, and buried it in the highway; but on
this being complained of to the king, they were commanded to bury him
again, on penalty of being all banished the country, and of having all
the bodies of their own dead thrown out from the church-yard. After
this, Mr Canning wrote that he was in fear of being poisoned by the
jesuits, and requested to have some one sent up to his assistance, which
was accordingly agreed to by us at Surat. But Mr Canning; died on the
29th of May, and Mr Kerridge went up on the 22d of June.
At this time I was to have been sent by the way of Mokha to England; but
the master of the ship said it was impossible, except I were
circumcised, to go so near Mecca. The 13th October, 1613, the ship
returned, and our messenger made prisoner at the bar of Surat by the
Portuguese armed frigates, [grabs] worth an hundred thousand pounds, and
seven hundred persons going to Goa.[97] This is likely to be of great
injury here, for no Portuguese is now permitted to pass either in or out
without a surety; and the Surat merchants are so impoverished, that our
goods are left on our hands, so that we had to send them to Ahmedabad.
John Alkin, who deserted from Sir Henry Middleton to the Portuguese,
came to us at this time, and told us that several of their towns were
besieged by the Decaners, and other neighbouring Moors, so that they
had to send away many hundred Banians and others, that dwelt among them,
owing to want of provisions; and indeed three barks came now with these
people to Surat, and others of them went to Cambaya. Their weak
behaviour in the sea-fight with us was the cause of all this.
[Footnote 97: Probably owing to careless abridgement by Purchas, this
passage is quite unintelligible. The meaning seems to be, That the ship
in which was the English messenger, having a cargo worth 100,000_l_.
sterling, and 700 persons aboard, bound on the pilgrimage to Mecca, was
taken and carried into Goa.--E.]
About this time also, Robert Claxon of the Dragon, who had deserted to
the Portuguese for fear of punishment, came to us accompanied by a
German who had been a slave among the Turks. One Robert Johnson, who was
with the Portuguese, and meant to have come to us, was persuaded by
another Englishman, while passing through the Decan, to turn mussulman,
and remain in that country, where he got an allowance of seven shillings
and sixpence a-day from the king, and his diet from the king's table.
But he died eight days after being circumcised. Robert Trully, the
musician, fell out with Mr Kerridge at Agra, and went to the king of
Decan, carrying a German with him as interpreter. They both offered to
turn Mahometans, and Trully, getting a new name at his circumcision,
received a great allowance from the king, in whose service he continues;
but the German, who had been, formerly circumcised in Persia, and now
thought to have deceived the king, was not entertained; whereupon he
returned to Agra, where he serves a Frenchman, and now goes to mass.
Robert Claxon, above mentioned, had also turned Mahometan in the Decan,
with a good allowance at court; but, not being contented, he came to
Surat, where he was pitied by us for his seeming penitence; but being
entrusted with upwards of forty pounds, under pretence of making
purchases, he gave us the slip and returned to the Decan. Thus there are
at present four English renegadoes in the Decan, besides many
Portuguese. The 27th October, 1613, we received letters sent by Mr
Gurney of Masulipatam, written by Captain Marlow of the ship Janus,
informing us of his arrival and trade at that place.
From Surat I went to _Periano_? three _coss_; thence to Cossumba, a
small village, ten _coss_; and thence to Broach, ten _coss_. This is a
very pretty city on a high hill, encompassed by a strong wall, and
having a river running by as large as the Thames, in which were several
ships of two hundred tons and upwards. Here are the best calicoes in the
kingdom of Guzerat, and great store of cotton. From thence I went to
_Saninga_ [Sarang], ten coss; to _Carrou_? ten c. and then fourteen c.
to _Boldia_ [Brodrah], a smaller city than Broach, but well built,
having a strong wall, and garrisoned by 3000 horse under _Mussuff Khan_.
I went thence ten c. to a river named, the _Wussach_, [the Mahy?] where
Mussuff was about to engage with the rajaputs who lay on the opposite
side of the river, the chief of whom was of the race of the former kings
of Surat. Thence other fourteen coss to _Niriand_,[Nariad] a large town
where they make indigo; and thence, ten c. more to _Amadabar_, or
Ahmedabad, the chief city of Guzerat, nearly as large as London,
surrounded by a strong wall, and seated in a plain by the side of the
river Mehindry. There are here many merchants, Mahometans, Pagans, and
Christians; with great abundance of merchandize, which chiefly are
indigo, cloth of gold, silver tissue, velvets, but nothing comparable to
ours, taffeties, _gumbucks_, coloured _baffaties_, drugs, &c. _Abdalla
Khan_ is governor of this place, who has the rank and pay of a commander
of 5000 horse. From, thence, on my way to Cambay, I went seven c. to
_Barengeo_, [Baregia] where every Tuesday a _cafilla_ or caravan of
merchants and travellers meet to go to Cambay, keeping together in a
large company to protect themselves from robbers. From thence sixteen c.
we came to Soquatera, a fine town with a strong garrison; whence we
departed about midnight, and got to Cambay about eight next morning, the
distance being ten _coss_.
In November, we rode to _Sarkess_, three coss from Ahmedabad, where are
the sepulchres of the Guzerat kings, the church and handsome tombs being
kept in fine order, and many persons resort to see them from all parts
of the kingdom. At the distance of a coss, there is a pleasant house
with a large garden, a mile round, on the banks of the river, which
_Chon-Chin-Naw_,[98] the greatest of the Mogul nobles, built in memory
of the great victory he gained at this place over the last king of
Guzerat, in which he took the king prisoner, and subjugated the kingdom.
No person inhabits this house, and its orchard is kept by a few poor
men. We lodged here one night, and sent for six fishermen, who in half
an hour caught more fish for us than all our company could eat.
[Footnote 98: This name seems strangely corrupted, more resembling the
name of a Chinese leader than of a Mogul Khan or Amir. Perhaps it ought
to have been Khan-Khanna.--E.]
The 28th November, we received intelligence at Ahmedabad, that three
English ships had arrived at _Larry Bunder_, the port town of
_Guta-Negar-Tutla_, [Tatta] the chief city of _Sindy_. I was sent
thither, and came on the 13th December to _Cassumparo_, where I overtook
a cafilla or caravan travelling to _Rahdunpoor_, six days journey on my
way. We went thence to _Callitalouny_, a fair castle; thence seven c. to
_Callwalla_, a pretty village, given by the emperor Akbar to a company
of women and their posterity for ever, to bring up their children in
dancing and music. They exhibited their talents to our caravan, and
every man made them some present, and then they openly asked if any of
us wanted bedfellows. On the 16th we went eight _coss_ to _Cartya_,
where is a well-garrisoned fortress. We remained here till the 18th,
waiting for another caravan for fear of thieves, and then went to
_Deccanaura_,[99] on which day our camel was stolen and one of our men
was slain. The 19th we travelled ten c. to _Bollodo_, a fort held by
_Newlock Abram Cabrate_ for the Mogul, and who that day brought in 169
heads of the Coolies, a plundering tribe. The 20th in thirteen c. we
came to a fort named _Sariandgo_, and the 21st in ten c. we arrived at
_Rhadunpoor_, a large town with a fort. We remained here till the 23d,
to provide water and other necessaries for our journey through the
desert.
[Footnote 99: It singularly happens, in the excellent map of Hindoostan
by Arrowsmith, that none of the stages between Ahmedabad and Rahdunpoor
are laid down, unless possibly _Decabarah_ of the map may be _Decanauru_
of the text; while Mr Arrowsmith actually inserts on his map the route
of Whittington across the sandy desert of Cutch, between Rahdunpoor and
the eastern branch of the Indus, or _Nulla Sunkra_, and thence through
the Delta to Tatta.--E.]
The 23d, leaving Rhadunpoor, we travelled seven coss, and lay all night
in the fields, having that day met a caravan coming from Tatta that had
been plundered of every thing. On the 24th I sent off one of my peons
with a letter to Larry Bunder, who promised to be there in ten days, but
I think he was slain by the way; we went twelve c. that day. The 25th we
travelled fourteen c. and lodged by a well, the water of which was so
salt that our cattle would not drink it. The 26th ten c. to such
another well, where our camels took water, not having had any for three
days. The 27th after fourteen c. we lodged on the ground; and the 28th,
in ten c. we came to a village called _Negar Parkar_. In this desert we
saw great numbers, of wild asses, red deer, foxes, and other wild
animals. We stopt all the 29th, and met another caravan, that had been
robbed within two days journey of Tatta. _Parkar_ pays tribute yearly to
the Mogul; but all the people from thence to _Inno_, half a day's
journey from Tatta, acknowledge no king, but rob and spare at their
pleasure. When any of the Moguls come among them, they set their own
houses on fire, and flee into the mountains; and as their houses are
only built of straw and mortar, they are soon rebuilt. They exact
customs at their pleasure, and even guard passengers through the desert,
not willing they should be robbed by any but themselves. The 30th we
left Parkar, and after travelling six coss, we lay at a tank or pond of
fresh water. The 31st we travelled eight c. and lay in the fields beside
a brackish well. The 1st January, 1614, we went ten c. to _Burdiano_,
and though many were sick of this water, we had to provide ourselves
with a supply for four days. The 2d we travelled all night eighteen c.
The 3d, from afternoon till midnight, we went ten c. The 4th twelve c.
This day I fell sick and vomited, owing to the bad water. The 5th, after
seven c. we came to three wells, two of them salt and one sweetish. The
6th, having travelled ten c. we came to _Nuraquimire_, a pretty town,
where our company from Rhadunpoor left us. We who remained were two
merchants and myself with five of their servants, four of mine, ten
camels, and five camel-drivers.
This town of _Nuraquimire_ is within three days journey of Tatta, and to
us, after coming out of the desert, seemed quite a paradise. We agreed
with a kinsman of the Rajah, or governor, for twenty _laries_, or
shillings, to conduct us on the remainder of our journey. We accordingly
departed on the 8th, and travelled ten c. to _Gaundajaw_, where we had
been robbed but for our guard. The 9th we were twice set upon, and
obliged to give each time five _laries_ to get free. We came to
_Sarruna_, a great town of the _rajputs_ with a castle, fourteen _coss_
from Tatta. We visited the governor, _Ragee Bouma_, eldest son to sultan
_Bulbul_, who was lately captured by the Moguls and had his eyes pulled
out, yet had escaped about two months ago, and was now living in the
mountains inviting all his kindred to revenge. The _Ragee_ treated me
kindly as a stranger, asking me many questions about my country. He
even made me sup with him, and gave me much wine, in which he so
heartily partook, that he stared again. A banian at this place told me
that Sir Robert Sherly had been much abused by the Portuguese and the
governor of _Larry Bunder_, having his house set on fire, and his men
much hurt in the night; and that on his arrival at Tatta, thirteen days
journey from thence, he had been unkindly used by the governor of that
city. He likewise told me of the great trade carried on at Tatta, and
that ships of 300 tons might be brought up to Larry Bunder; and advised
me to prevail upon _Ragee Bouma_ to escort us to Tatta.
According to this bad advice, we hired the _Ragee_ for forty _laries_ to
escort us with fifty horsemen to the gates of Tatta. We departed from
_Sarruna_ on the 11th January, and having travelled five coss we lay all
night by the side of a river. Departing at two next morning, the Ragee
led us in a direction quite different from our right road, and came
about daybreak into a thicket, where he made us all be disarmed and
bound, and immediately strangled the two merchants and their five men by
means of their camel ropes. After stripping them of all their clothes,
he caused their bodies to be flung into a hole dug on purpose. He then
took my horse and eighty rupees from me, and sent me and my men up the
mountains to his brothers, at the distance of twenty coss, where we
arrived on the 14th, and where I remained twenty days a close prisoner.
On the 7th February, an order came to send me to _Parkar_, the governor
of which place was of their kindred, and that I should be sent from
thence to Rhadunpoor; but I was plundered on the way of my clothes and
every thing else about me, my horse only being left me, which was not
worth taking away.
Arriving at Parkar on the 28th February, and finding the inhabitants
charitable, we were reduced to the necessity of begging victuals; and
actually procured four mahmoodies by that means, equal to as many
shillings. But having the good fortune to meet a banian of Ahmedabad,
whom I had formerly known, he relieved me and my men. We were five days
in travelling from Parkar to Rhadunpoor, where I arrived on the 19th
March, and went thence to Ahmedabad on the 2d April, after an absence of
111 days. Thence to Brodia and Barengeo, thence sixteen c. to Soquatera,
and ten c. to Cambay. We here crossed the large river, which is seven
coss in breadth,[100] and where many hundreds are swallowed up yearly.
On the other side of the river we came to _Saurau_,[101] where is a town
and castle of the _razbootches_ or rajputs. The 16th of April I
travelled twenty-five coss to Broach. The 17th I passed the river
[Narbuddah], and went ten c. to _Cossumba_; and on the 18th thirteen c.
to Surat.
[Footnote 100: The great river in the text is assuredly the upper part
of the gulf of Cambay, where the tide sets in with prodigious rapidity,
entering almost at once with a vast wave or bore, as described on a
former occasion in the Portuguese voyages.--E.]
[Footnote 101: Probably Sarrode, on the south side of the entry of the
river Mahy.--E.]
According to general report, there is no city of greater trade in all
the Indies than Tatta in Sinde; its chief port being Larry Bunder, three
days journey nearer the mouth of the river. There is a good road without
the river's mouth, said to be free from worms; which, about Surat
especially, and in other parts of India, are in such abundance, that
after three or four months riding, were it not for the sheathing, ships
would be rendered incapable of going to sea. The ports and roads of
Sinde are said to be free. From Tatta they go in two months by water to
Lahore, and return down the river in one. The commodities there are
_baffatys_, stuffs, _lawns_ [muslins], coarse indigo, not so good as
that of Biana. Goods, may be carried from Agra on camels in twenty days
to _Bucker_ on the river Indus, and thence in fifteen or sixteen days
aboard the ships at the mouth of the Indus. One may travel as soon from
Agra to Sinde as to Surat, but there is more thieving on the Sinde road,
in spite of every effort of the Mogul government to prevent it.
The inhabitants of Sinde consist mostly of Rajputs, Banians, and
Baloches, the governors of the cities and large towns being Moguls. The
country people are rude; going naked from the waist upwards, and wear
turbans quite different from the fashion of the Moguls. Their arms are
swords, bucklers, and lances; their bucklers being large and shaped like
bee-hives, in which they are in use to give their camels drink, and
their horses provender. Their horses are good, strong, and swift, and
though unshod, they ride them furiously, backing them at a year old. The
Rajputs eat no beef or buffalo flesh, even worshipping them; and the
Moguls say that the Rajputs know how to die as well as any in the world.
The Banians kill nothing, and are said to be divided into more than
thirty different casts, that differ somewhat among them in matters of
religion, and may not eat with each other. All burn their dead; and when
the husband dies, the widow shaves her head, and wears her jewels no
more, continuing this state of mourning as long as she lives.
When a Rajput dies, his wife accompanies his body to the funeral pile in
her best array, attended by all her friends and kindred, and by music.
When the funeral pile is set on fire, she walks round it two or three
times, bewailing the death of her husband, and then rejoicing that she
is now to live with him again: After which, embracing her friends, she
sits down on the top of the pile among dry wood, taking her husband's
head on her lap, and orders fire to be put to the pile; which done, her
friends throw oil upon her and sweet perfumes, while she endures the
fire with wonderful fortitude, loose not bound. I have seen many
instances of this. The first I ever saw was at Surat, the widow being a
virgin of ten years old, and her affianced husband being a soldier slain
in the wars at a distance, whence his clothes and turban were sent to
her, and she insisted on burning herself along with these. The governor
refused to give her permission, which she took grievously to heart, and
insisted on being burnt; but they durst not, till her kindred procured
leave by giving the governor a present, to her great joy. The kindred of
the husband never force this, but the widow esteems it a disgrace to her
family not to comply with this custom, which they may refrain from if
they choose: But then they must shave their heads, and break all their
ornaments, and are never afterwards allowed to eat, drink, sleep, or
keep company with any one all the rest of their lives. If, after
agreeing to burn, a woman should leap out of the fire, her own parents
would bind her and throw her in again by force; but this weakness is
seldom seen.
The Banian marriages are made at the age of three years or even under;
and two pregnant women sometimes enter into mutual promises, if one of
their children should prove male and the other female, to unite them in
marriage. But these marriages are always in the same cast and religion,
and in the same trade and occupation; as the son of a barber with the
daughter of a barber, and so on. When the affianced couple reach three
years of age, the parents make a great feast, and set the young couple
on horseback dressed in their best clothes, a man sitting behind each to
hold them on. They are then led about the city in procession, according
to their state and condition, accompanied by bramins or priests and many
others, who conduct them to the pagoda or temple; and after going
through certain ceremonies there, they are led home, and feasts are
given for several days, as they are able. When ten years of age, the
marriage is consummated. The reason they assign for these early
marriages is, that they may not be left wifeless, in case their parents
should die. Their bramins are esteemed exceedingly holy, and have the
charge of their pagodas or idol temples, having alms and tithes for
their maintenance; yet they marry, and follow occupations, being good
workmen and ready to learn any pattern. They eat but once a day, washing
their whole bodies before and after meat, and use ablutions after the
natural evacuations.
The _Baloches_ are Mahometans, who deal much in camels, and are mostly
robbers by land or on the rivers, murdering all they rob; yet are there
very honest men among them in Guzerat and about Agra. While I was in
Sinde, they took a boat with seven Italians and a Portuguese friar, all
the rest being slain in fight. This was ripped up by them in search of
gold.[102]
[Footnote 102: This is obscurely expressed, leaving it uncertain _what_
was ripped up in search of gold: The boat, the bodies of the slain, or
the prisoners.--E.]
John Mildnall, or Mildenhall, an Englishman, had been employed with
three other young Englishmen, whom he poisoned in Persia, to make
himself master of the goods. He was himself also poisoned, yet, by means
of preservatives, he lived many months afterwards, though exceedingly
swelled, and so came to Agra with the value of 20,000 dollars. On this
occasion I went from Surat for Agra, on the 14th May, 1614. I arrived
first at _Bramport_, [Bushanpoor] where Sultan _Parvis_ lives, situated
in a plain on the river _Taptee_ or of Surat, which is there of great
breadth, and at this place there is a large castle. Thence I went to
Agra in twenty-six days, having travelled the whole way from Surat to
Agra, which is 700 coss or 1010 English miles, in thirty-seven days of
winter, during which time it rained almost continually. From Surat to
Burhanpoor is a pleasant champain country, well watered with rivers,
brooks, and springs. Between Burhanpoor and Agra the country is very
mountainous, not passable with a coach, and scarcely to be travelled on
camels. The nearest way is by _Mando_, passing many towns and cities on
every day's journey, with many high hills and strong castles, the whole
country being well inhabited, very peaceable, and clear of thieves.
Agra is a very large town, its wall being two coss in circuit, the
fairest and highest I ever saw, and well replenished with ordnance; the
rest of the city being ruinous, except the houses of the nobles, which
are pleasantly situated on the river. The ancient royal seat was
_Fatipoor_, twelve coss from Agra, but is now fallen into decay. Between
these two is the sepulchre of the king's father, to which nothing I ever
saw is comparable: yet the church or mosque of _Fatipoor_ comes near it,
both being built according to the rules of architecture. In Agra the
Jesuits have a house and a handsome church, built by the Great Mogul,
who allows their chief seven rupees a-day, and all the rest three, with
licence to convert as many as they can: But alas! these converts were
only for the sake of money; for when, by order of the Portuguese, the
new converts were deprived of their pay, they brought back their beads
again, saying they had been long without pay, and would be Christians no
longer. In consequence of the Portuguese refusing to deliver back the
goods taken at Surat, the king ordered the church doors to be locked up
and they have so continued ever since; so the _padres_ make a church of
one of their chambers, where they celebrate mass twice a day, and preach
every Sunday, first in Persian to the Armenians and Moors, and
afterwards in Portuguese for themselves, the Italians, and Greeks.
By them I was informed of the particulars of Mildenhall's goods, who had
given them all to a French protestant, though himself a papist, that he
might marry a bastard daughter he had left in Persia, and bring up
another. The Frenchman refusing to make restitution, was thrown into
prison and after four months all was delivered up.
Between Agumere and Agra, at every ten _coss_, being an ordinary day's
journey, there is a _Serai_ or lodging house for men and horses, with
hostesses to dress your victuals if you please, paying a matter of
three-pence for dressing provisions both for man and horse. And between
these two places, which are 120 coss distant, there is a pillar erected
at every _coss_, and a fair house every ten coss, built by Akbar, on
occasion of making a pilgrimage on foot from Agra to Agimere, saying his
prayers at the end of every coss. These houses serve for accommodating
the king and his women, no one else being allowed to use them. The king
resides at Agimere on occasion of wars with _Rabna_, a rajput chief, who
has now done homage, so that there is peace between them. I made an
excursion to the Ganges, which is two days journey from Agra. The
Banians carry the water of the Ganges to the distance of many hundred
miles, affirming that it never corrupts, though kept for any length of
time. A large river, called the _Geminie_ [Jumna], passes by Agra.
On the 24th of May, 1616, while on our voyage home to England, we went
into Suldunha bay, where were several English ships outwards bound,
namely, the Charles, Unicorn, Janus, Globe, and Swan, the general being
Mr Benjamin Joseph. We arrived safe at Dover on the 15th September,
1616.
* * * * *
John Mildenhall, mentioned in the foregoing article, left England on the
12th February, 1600, and went by Constantinople, Scanderoon, Aleppo,
Bir, Caracmit, Bitelis, Cashbin, Ispahan, Yezd, Kerman, and Sigistan, to
Candhar; and thence to Lahore, where he arrived in 1603. He appears to
have carried letters from Queen Elizabeth to the Great Mogul, by whom he
was well received, and procured from him letters of privilege for trade
in the Mogul dominions. He thence returned into Persia, whence he wrote
to one Mr Richard Staper from Cashbin, on the 3d October, 1606, giving
some account of his travels, and of his negociations at the court of the
Mogul. This letter, and a short recital of the first two years of his
peregrinations, are published in the Pilgrims, vol. I. pp. 114--116, but
have not been deemed of sufficient importance for insertion in this
collection.--E.
SECTION XIX.
_Eleventh Voyage of the East India Company, in 1612, in the
Salomon_.[103]
We sailed from Gravesend on the 1st February, 1611, according to the
computation of the church of England, or 1612 as reckoned by others. We
were four ships in company, which were counted as three separate
voyages, because directed to several parts of India: The James, which
was reckoned the _ninth_ voyage, the Dragon and Hosiander the _tenth_,
and our ship, the Salomon, as the _eleventh_.
[Footnote 103: Purch. Pilgr. I. 486. This unimportant voyage is only
preserved, for the sake of continuing the regular series of voyages
which contributed to the establishment of the East India Company. We
learn from Purchas that it was written by Ralph Wilson, one of the mates
in the Salomon, who never mentions the name of his captain. This voyage,
as given by Purchas, contains very little information, and is therefore
here abridged, though not extending to two folio pages in the
Pilgrims.--E.]
I would advise such as go from Saldanha bay with the wind at E. or S.E.
to get to a considerable distance from the land before standing
southwards, as otherwise the high lands at the Cape will take the wind
from them; and if becalmed, one may be much troubled, as there is
commonly in these parts a heavy sea coming from the west. Likewise, the
current sets in for the shore, if the wind has been at N.N.W. or W. or
S.S.W. And also the shore is so bold that no anchorage can be had.
The 18th October, we espied the land, being near _Celeber_ in the island
of Sumatra, in about 3° of south latitude. The 2d November, coming
between Java and a ragged island to the westwards of the point of
_Palimbangan_, we met a great tide running out so fast that we could
hardly stem it with the aid of a stiff gale. When afterwards the gale
slacked, we came to anchor, and I found the tide to run three 1/2
leagues in one watch. I noticed that this tide set outwards during the
day, and inwards through the night. This day at noon the point of
Palimbangan bore N.E. by E. three leagues off, and from thence to the
road of Bantam is five leagues, S.S.E. 1/3 E. The latitude of Bantam is
6° 10' S. and the long. 145° 2' E. This however is rather too much
easterly, as I think the true longitude of Bantam is 144° E. from
Flores.[104]
[Footnote 104: The long. of Bantam is 106° E. from Greenwich. That in
the text appears to have been estimated from the island of Flores, which
is 31° 20' W. from Greenwich, so that the longitude of Bantam ought to
have been stated as 137° 20' E. from Flores, making an error of excess
in the text of seven or eight degrees.--E.]
The 7th March, at five p.m. while in lat. 20° 34' S. we descried land
nine leagues off, N.E. 1/2 N. The S.E. part of this island is somewhat
high, but falleth down with a low point. The W. part is not very high,
but flat and smooth towards the end, and falls right down. The south and
west parts of this island is all surrounded with shoals and broken
ground, and we did not see the other sides; yet it seemed as if it had
good refreshments. The longitude of this island is 104° from Flores, but
by my computation 107°.[105] In these long voyages, we do not rely
altogether on our reckoning, but use our best diligence for discovering
the true longitudes, which are of infinite importance to direct our
course aright.
[Footnote 105: No island is to be found in the latitude and longitude
indicated in the text.--E.]
SECTION XX.
_The Twelfth Voyage of the East India Company, in 1613, by Captain
Christopher Newport_.[106]
The full title of this voyage, as given in the Pilgrims, is as
follows:--"A Journal of all principal Matters passed in the Twelfth
Voyage to the East India, observed by me _Walter Payton_, in the good
ship the _Expedition_.--Whereof Mr _Christopher Newport_ was captain,
being set out _Anno_ 1612. Written by the said _Walter Payton_." The
date of the year of this voyage, according to our present mode of
computation, was 1613, as formerly explained at large, the year being
then computed to commence on the 25th March, instead of the 1st
January.--E.
[Footnote 106: Purch. Pilgr. I. 488.]
§1. _Observations at St Augustine, Mohelia, and divers Parts of Arabia_.
The 7th January, 1613, we sailed from Gravesend for India, in the good
ship Expedition of London, about the burden of 260 tons, and carrying
fifty-six persons; besides the Persian ambassador and his suite, of whom
there were fifteen persons, whom we were ordered to transport to the
kingdom of Persia, at the cost of the worshipful company. The names of
the ambassador and his people were these. Sir Robert Sherley the
ambassador, and his lady, named Teresha, a Circassian; Sir Thomas
Powell, and his lady, called Tomasin, a Persian; a Persian woman, named
Leylye; Mr Morgan Powell; Captain John Ward; Mr Francis Bubb, secretary;
Mr John Barbar, apothecary; John Herriot, a musician; John Georgson,
goldsmith, a Dutchman; Gabriel, an old Armenian; and three Persians,
named Nazerbeg, Scanderbeg, and Molhter.
In the morning of the 26th April; we fell in with a part of the land of
Ethiopia, [Southern Africa,] close adjoining to which is a small island,
called _Conie island_, [Dassen island] all low land, and bordered by
many dangerous rocks to seawards. It is in the lat. of 33° 30' S. The
wind falling short, we were constrained to anchor between that island
and the main, where we had very good ground in nineteen or twenty
fathoms. We sent our boat to the island, where we found Penguins, geese,
and other fowls, and seals in great abundance; of all which we took as
many as we pleased for our refreshment. By a carved board, we observed
that the Hollanders had been there, who make great store of train-oil
from the seals. They had left behind them the implements of their work,
together with a great copper cauldron standing on a furnace, the
cauldron being full of oil; all which we left as we found them.
Having spent two days here at anchor, and the wind coming favourable, we
weighed and proceeded for the Cape of Good Hope, and arrived, by God's
grace, at Saldanha on the 30th of April, where we found six ships at
anchor. Two of these, the Hector and James, were English, and the other
four Hollanders, all homeward bound. We here watered, and refreshed
ourselves well with reasonable abundance of the country sheep and
beeves, which were bought from the natives, and plenty of fresh fish,
which we caught with our seyne. The 10th May the Pepper-corn arrived
here, likewise homewards bound; and as she was but ill provided with
necessaries, we supplied her from our scanty store as well as we could
spare.
Being all ready to depart with the first fair wind, which, happened on
the 15th May, we then sailed altogether from the bay, taking leave
according to the custom of the sea, and we directed our course for St
Augustine. In our way we had sight of _Capo do Arecife_,[107] part of
the main land of Africa, in lat. 33° 25' S. on the 24th May, the compass
there varying 6° 9'. The 15th June we got sight of the island of St
Lawrence or Madagascar, and on the 17th came to anchor close beside port
St Augustine, meaning to search the soundings and entrance into the bay
before we went in, as there was no one in the ship well acquainted with
it. Having done this, we went in next day, and came to anchor in ten
fathoms, yet our ship rode in forty fathoms. We had here wood and
water, and great abundance of fresh fish, which we caught in such
quantities with the seyne as might have served for six ships companies,
instead of our own. But we could get no cattle from the natives, who
seemed to be afraid of us; for, though they came once to us, and
promised to bring us cattle next day, they seemed to have said so as a
cover for driving away their cattle, in which they were employed in the
interim, and they came no more near us. Some days after, we marched into
the woods with forty musketeers, to endeavour to discover some of the
natives, that we might buy cattle; but we only found empty houses, made
of canes, whence we could see the people had only gone away very
recently, as their fires were still burning, and the scales of fish they
had been broiling were lying about. We also saw the foot-marks of many
cattle, which had been there not long before, and had to return empty
handed.
[Footnote 107: The latitude in the text indicates Burtrenhook, near the
mouth of the Groot river, this being probably the Dutch name, while that
in the text is the Portuguese.--E.]
The entry into the port of St Augustine resembles that of Dartmouth
haven; and on going in, you must bring the wood, called
Westminster-hall, to which it has some resemblance, to bear N.E. by E.
and then steer due E. borrowing a little towards the south side of the
bay, where your soundings will be thirteen, nine, eight, and seven
fathoms, all good ground, till you be shut within the shoal. After this
you have deep water till you come into the road, and then have seven,
eight, and ten fathoms. But if you go too far behind the hill on the
larboard hand, which resembles an old barn, you shall then have thirty
and forty fathoms. St Augustine is in lat 23° 30' S. the var. being 15°
40'.[108]
[Footnote 108: Long. 44° 20' E. from Greenwich.--E.]
We sailed from St Augustine on the 23d June, directing our course for
the island of Mohelia, and on the 3d July we had sight of an island
called Juan, nine or ten leagues E. by S. from Mohelia. We came also
this day to anchor at Mohelia, between it and some broken land off its
southern side. We had here great abundance of refreshments, and very
cheap; for we bought five bullocks in exchange for one Levant sword, and
had goats, hens, pine-apples, cocoa-nuts, plantains, oranges, lemons,
and limes, for trifles worth little. Such bullocks as we had for money
cost a dollar each, or ten pieces of 4-1/2d.; at which rate we
purchased forty-one beeves. The natives of this island are chiefly Moors
[negroes], but there are Arabians, Turks, and others also among them;
and they are much engaged in wars with the people of _Juan_, [Hinznan or
Johanna,] and Comoro islands in their neighbourhood. They told us that
the king of the island died the day we arrived, being succeeded by his
son, _Phanehomale_, who was only of tender years, and was to reign under
the protection of the queen his mother. His brother-in-law, as chief
man, accompanied by several other people of condition, came down to bid
us welcome, and used us very kindly. Both he and many others of the
islanders spoke tolerably good Portuguese, so that I had much
conversation with them, and was informed of every thing I wished to
know.
In this island they build barks, in which they trade along the coast of
Melinda and Arabia, disposing of slaves and fruit, by which means they
supply themselves with dollars, and with such articles as they need. I
suspect also that they have some dealings with the Portuguese, but they
would not let us know this, lest we might suspect them of treachery.
They told me that we were welcome, and that the whole island was at our
command to do us service; but, if we had been Portuguese, they would
have put us all to the sword. In my opinion, however, it would be
dangerous to repose too much confidence in them. The king's
brother-in-law shewed me a letter of recommendation of the place,
written in Dutch, and left there by a Hollander; and he requested of us
to leave a letter to the same purport, certifying their honest and
friendly dealings, that they might be able to show to others of our
nation. To this we consented, and I gave them a writing, sealed by our
captain, expressing the good entertainment we had received, and the
prices of provisions; yet recommending to our countrymen, not to trust
them any farther than might seem consistent with their own safety. They
speak a kind of Moorish language, somewhat difficult to learn; so that I
could only pick up the few words following, which may serve to ask for
provisions and fruits, by such as do not understand Portuguese, or in
speaking to any of the natives who have not that language.
_Gumbey_, a bullock.
_Buze_, a goat.
_Coquo_, a hen.
_Sinzano_, a needle.
_Seiavoye_, cocoa-nuts.
_Demon_, lemons.
_Mage_, water.
_Surra_, a kind of drink.
_Soutan_, the king.
_Quename_, a pine-apple.
_Cartassa_, paper.
_Tudah_, oranges.
_Arembo_, bracelets.
_Figo_, plantains.
This island of Mohelia is in lat 12° 10' S.[109] and has good anchorage
in its road in forty fathoms. Having watered and refreshed ourselves
sufficiently, we sailed from thence on the 10th of July, directing our
course for the island of Socotora. The 19th we passed to the north of
the equator; and on the 25th we had sight of land, which we supposed to
have been Cape Guardafui, at the entrance into the Red Sea; and so,
taking a departure for Socotora, we were unable to find it. We were
therefore obliged to consider how we might shelter ourselves against the
fury of the winter in these parts, and also to procure refreshments;
wherefore we determined to sail for the islands of _Curia Muria_, which
are in about the latitude of 18° N.[110] over against the desert of
_Arabia Felix_. In our way; the weather was continually so foggy, that
we were unable at any time to see half an English mile before us, such
being usual in these seas in the months of July, August, and September.
In all this time both the sun and stars were so continually obscured,
that we were never able to get an observation, by which to regulate or
correct our dead reckoning; but, God being our guide, we at length
groped out the land by means of the lead. We could now clearly perceive
the colour of the water to be changed to white, with many yellow grassy
weeds floating on the surface; and heaving the lead continually as we
advanced, we at length struck ground in forty-three fathoms. Proceeding
nearer the land, our sounding lessened to twenty-two fathoms, when we
anchored on good ground; and though we distinctly heard the rut of the
shore at no great distance, we could not perceive the land till next
day, when the weather was somewhat clearer. We then sent our skiff in
shore, to see if any place could be discovered of more security for our
ship to ride in; but, on account of the great sea that came rolling into
the bay, the surge was so violent that they could not come near the
shore, and had to return as they went; only that they had been able to
descry some fair stone-houses by the sea-side, which proved to be
_Doffar_, in Arabia Felix.
[Footnote 109: Lat. 13° 35' S. Long. 45° 30' E. from Greenwich.--E.]
[Footnote 110: These islands are at the mouth of a bay of the same name
on the oceanic coast of that portion of Arabia named Mahra, in long, 55°
30' E. from Greenwich.--E.]
When God sent us a little clear weather, we could perceive a high cape
on the western side of the bay, which we discovered from our skiff the
second time it was sent, and could plainly see that it formed a very
good road for all kinds of winds, except between the E. and S. by E.
points. We were thankful to God for this discovery, and warped our ship
to that road, with much toil to our men, as it was six or seven leagues
from the place where we had anchored. On the 3d of August, having
brought our ship to anchor in that road, we went ashore in the boat to a
little village by the sea-side, called _Resoit_, inhabited mostly by
Arabian fishermen, who entertained us kindly, and gave us all the
information we desired respecting the country. The governor also of
_Doffar_ came down to us, whose name was _Mir Mahommed Madoffar_, who
bade us kindly welcome, and presented us with three bullocks, and some
sheep, goats, hens, sugar-canes, plantains, cocoa-nuts, and the like. In
return we made him a present of a fine damasked fowling-piece, double
lockt, which he greatly admired. He appeared to desire our friendship as
much as we did his; and he gave us licence to land at all times when we
were inclined. He also gave orders to have a market established for us
at the village of Resoit, that we might be supplied with every kind of
provision that the country affords. Their cattle were both dear and
lean, and fresh water so scarce, bad, and difficult to be had, that we
were forced to hire the natives to bring it down to us in skins from a
distance, paying them at the rate of twenty-four shillings for the fill
of five pipes.
Before leaving this place, Mir Mahommed desired us to leave a writing of
commendation in his favour, specifying the kind and good entertainment
we had received. This was accordingly granted, and I wrote it upon
parchment, beginning it in large letters, the purport being similar to
that granted at Mohelia, and this also was signed by the captain. The
governor also sent us three notes signed by himself, for the purpose of
being given by us to other ships, if they should happen to come upon
this part of the coast, as we had been constrained to do, by which he
might know our ships from those of other nations, and give them good
entertainment accordingly. Cape _Resoit_ is in lat. 16° 38' N. and has
good anchorage in 5-1/2 or 6 fathoms.
The 28th August, we set sail from thence, directing our course for the
coast of Persia, coasting along the oceanic shore of Arabia; it being
our chiefest object to set the lord ambassador on shore, as, by reason
of the news we had received at the Cape of Good Hope, our expectations
of trade at Surat, Dabul, and all other parts thereabouts, were
frustrated. The 2d September, we sailed close beside an island on the
coast of Arabia, called _Macyra_, in lat. 20° 30' N. And on the 4th of
that month we passed the eastermost point of Arabia, called Cape
_Rassalgat_, in lat. 22° 34' N.[111]
[Footnote 111: This Cape is in lat. 23° N. and long. 58° 45'E. from
Greenwich.--E.]
* * * * *
_Note_.--In explanation of the disappointment of trade at Surat, &c.
there is the following marginal note in the Pilgrims, vol. I. p.
490.--"These news at the Cape were, Captain Hawkins coming away in
disgust, as denied leave to trade; the English being often wronged by
the Mogul, in frequent breach of promise, as already shewn; for which
they forced a trade in the Red Sea on the Mogul subjects. Which
afterwards procured the privileges granted to Captain Best, as already
related, lest the Moguls should have the sea shut up to them, and all
their trade stopt. They were the more induced to grant these privileges
to the English, on seeing them able to withstand the Portuguese, whose
marine force had held the Guzerat people under maritime subjection, and
made them afraid to trade with the English."--_Purch._
§2. Proceedings on the Coast of Persia, and Treachery of the Baloches_.
Having crossed the gulf from Cape Rasalgat, on the 10th September we got
sight of the coast of Persia, in the lat. of 25° 10' N. When some seven
leagues from the land, we sent our skiff ashore to make enquiry
concerning the country, and to seek out some convenient place in which
to land his lordship, having Sir Thomas Powell, with two of the
ambassador's Persian attendants, and _Albertus_, our own linguist, that
we might be able to converse with the natives. They came to a little
village called _Tesseque_,[112] where they spoke with some camel-drivers
and other country-people; from whom they learnt that the country was
called _Getche Macquerona_ [Mekran], and the inhabitants _Baloches_, all
living under the government of a king, named _Melik Mirza_, whose chief
residence was some five or six days journey from thence, at a port named
_Guadal_. They were farther informed, that all the country of _Mekran_
paid tribute yearly to the king of Persia. When informed of our purpose
to land the ambassador, they told us that, by means of _Melik Mirza_,
his lordship might have a safe conveyance in nine days to _Kermshir_, in
the province of _Kerman_; and from thence might travel in eleven days
more to _Ispahan_ in Persia.
[Footnote 112: Tize is laid down upon this part of the Persian coast, in
lat 25° 25' N. and long. 60° 80' E. from Greenwich: Perhaps the Tesseque
of the text.--E.]
We then sailed along the coast, and on the 11th of the month we sent our
boat ashore with Sir Thomas Powell, accompanied as before, to make
farther enquiries, and to endeavour to hire a pilot to direct our course
for Guadal, as we were unacquainted with the coast. They came to a place
called _Pesseque_, about a day's journey from Tesseque, where they had
similar accounts with the former, all commending the port of Guadal as
the best place at which the ambassador could land. Wherefore, being
unable to procure a pilot, we resolved, with God's blessing, to sail to
that place with all the speed we could. On the 13th, while on our way,
we espied coming towards us from the eastwards, two great boats, called
_teradas_, which were sailing along shore for Ormus. Whereupon, that we
might procure a pilot from them, we manned our skiff sufficiently to
bring them by force to our ship, if entreaties were unavailing, yet
without meaning to offer them the smallest injury, or even to send them
away dissatisfied.
When our skiff came up with them, instead of answering the hails of our
men, they waved our skiff to leeward with a drawn sword; on which,
thinking to fear them, and make them lower their sail, our men fired a
random shot towards them, which they answered by firing another directly
at our skiff, followed by half a hundred arrows, to which our men
answered by plying all their muskets. But our skiff was unable to hold
way with them, as they were under sail, and had therefore to return to
the ship, with one man very dangerously wounded by an arrow in the
breast, who afterwards recovered. As we in the ship saw the skiff
returning without them, we hoisted out our long-boat, and sent her after
the two _teradas_, we following with the ship as near the shore as we
could with safety; for it was now of much importance that we should
speak with them, on purpose to avoid their spreading scandalous reports
of us in the country, which might have frustrated our chief hopes of
landing the ambassador at _Guadal_, being the place we most depended
upon, and being destitute of any other place for the purpose, should
this fail, considering the unwelcome intelligence we had got concerning
Guzerat at the Cape.
Our long boat, having fetched up with the _teradas_, drove them into a
bay whence they could not escape; on which the native mariners sailed so
far into the bay, that one of the teradas was cast away on the beach,
and the other had nearly shared the same fate, but was saved by our men
just without the surf. Most of the _balloches_ leapt overboard, and
several of them narrowly escaped drowning; while nine of them were
brought by our men to our ship along with the _terada_, part of whom
they had taken out of the water. There were originally twenty-six
balloches in the two teradas, but all the rest escaped ashore by
swimming through the surf. When these men came aboard our ship, they
were found to belong to Guadal; and when told that we were sorry for the
loss of their other bark, as we meant them no harm, but only wished to
speak with them, that we might learn the navigation to their port, they
were glad to learn we had no evil intentions, thinking we had been as
merciless as themselves, and acknowledged their loss proceeded from
their own folly.
We then informed them that we were bound for Guadal, on purpose to land
a Persian ambassador there, and that we earnestly entreated the master
of the terada, whose name was _Noradin_, to pilot us to that place, for
which we would satisfy him to his contentment. Knowing that he could not
chuse, he consented to go with us, on condition we would permit the
terada and his men to proceed to Muscat, whither they were originally
bound; but we did not think this quite safe, lest they might communicate
news of our arrival among the Portuguese, and thought it better to take
the bark along with us to Guadal, to manifest our own good intentions.
Noradin accordingly consented, between fear and good will, and was much
made of by us to reassure his confidence. On the passage to Guadal, we
had much conference with him and his men, both respecting the state of
the country, the character of their king, and the means of the
ambassador travelling from thence into Persia. Their answers and reports
all confirmed what we had been already told on the coast, and gave us
hopes of success. The terada was about fifteen tons burden, and her
loading mostly consisted in the provisions of the country, as rice,
wheat, dates, and the like. They had a Portuguese pass, which they
shewed us, thinking at first we had been of that nation. I translated
this, to show in what subjection the Portuguese keep all the natives of
these countries, as without such a pass they are not suffered to
navigate these seas, under penalty of losing their lives, ships, and
goods.
_Antonio Pereira de la Cerda, Captain of the Castle of Muscat, &c._
"Know all to whom these presents are shewn, that I have hereby given
secure licence to this _terada_, of the burden of fifty _candies_,
whereof is master Noradin, a Mahomedan _baloche_, dwelling in Guadal, of
the age of fifty years, who carries for his defence four swords, three
bucklers, five bows, with their arrows, three calivers, two lances, and
twelve oars. And that in manner following: She may pass and sail from
this castle of Muscat, to Soar, Dobar, Mustmacoraon, Sinde, Cache,
Naguna, Diu, Chaul, and Cor. In going she carries goods of _Conga_, as
raisins, dates, and such like; but not without dispatch from the
custom-house of this castle, written on the back hereof. In this voyage
she shall not carry any prohibited goods, viz. steel, iron, lead,
tobacco, ginger, cinnamon of Ceylon, or other goods prohibited by his
majesty's regulations. And conforming thereto, the said _terada_ shall
make her voyage without let or hindrance of any generals, captains, or
any of the fleets or ships whatever of his majesty she may happen to
meet with. This licence shall be in force for one whole year, in going
and returning; and if expired, shall continue in force till the
completion of her voyage.
_Given at the Castle of Muscat, this_ 16_th November_, 1611.
_Written by Antonio de Peitas, notary of the said factory,
&c._
_Sealed and signed by_
ANTONIO PEREIRA."
The certificate on the back was thus:
"_Registered in the book of Certificates, folio xxxii, et sequ._
Signed, ANT. PEITAS."
The 17th September, we sailed past some high rugged cliffs, close to
which, as Noradin told us, was a good watering place, at a village named
_Ivane_, fifteen leagues west from Guadal. That same evening we arrived
at Guadal, and anchored for the night off the mouth of the port, whence
about thirty boats came out next morning to fish, some of which came to
speak with the _balloches_ we had aboard. What conversation passed among
them we did not understand, being in the _balloche_ language. Betimes on
the 18th, we cleared our pilot and his boat, and he departed well
contented. Soon after, the ambassador sent Nazerbeg, one of his Persian
attendants, on shore in our skiff, with a message to the governor
concerning his landing and passing through that country into Persia.
While on the way, our skiff was met by the governor's boat, coming off
to our ship, and Nazerbeg was taken into that boat, which carried him to
the shore, whence he was accompanied by many of the natives to the
governor's tent. He here delivered his message in Persian, which these
people understand as well as their own language, and was kindly
entertained. The answer from the governor was to this effect: That,
although this country of Mekran did not belong to the king of Persia, it
yet owed love and duty thereto, having been long tributary to the king
and his predecessors, and still was. He farther said, that the king of
Mekran was the king of Persia's slave, with many other hollow
compliments, and that the ambassador should be made as welcome as in
Persian all this only tending to allure his lordship ashore by treachery
to his ruin, as appeared by the event.
With this answer Nazerbeg returned, being accompanied on board by about
a dozen of the most ancient men of the balloches, to confirm the same.
On coming aboard, these men saluted the ambassador most submissively, in
the name of the governor of Guadal, and on their own behalf some even
offering to kiss his feet; and told his lordship that he was most
fortunate in coming to their city at this time, as only the day before
the viceroy had come down with a troop of men, to visit a saint, and
therefore his lordship would be conducted with infinite safety through
the country, and protected from the danger of rebels and thieves, who
infested the country between Mekran and Persia, and might either go
through Kerman or Segistan to Ispahan. They added, that the viceroy
would supply his lordship with camels and horses, and every other
requisite for the journey, and would gladly give him every other
accommodation in his power. They said, moreover, that they were much
rejoiced at having such an opportunity of shewing their unfeigned love
and duty towards the king of Persia, and that the ambassador should be
dispatched on his journey from Guadal in two days, if he were so
inclined. They told us, that our ship should be supplied with water, and
every other necessary of which we were in want; and they gave us three
bags of bruised dates, of about 300 pounds weight, with two boats,
saying the fishing-boats were ordered to give us two fish a-piece daily,
on account of their government, which they did accordingly.
By these shews of good-will, all men concurring in the same fair story,
both now and formerly, we were thoroughly satisfied, and had no distrust
that they meant not as well as they said. The lord ambassador,
especially, was much rejoiced at the prospect of being thus enabled to
reach Persia in twenty days, as they said; and we not less so, in
bringing our long-desired hopes to a bearing. But God, from whom no
secrets of the heart can be hidden, knew their treacherous intentions
towards us; and had not his mercy exceeded his justice, we had been
utterly destroyed, and it had never been known what became of us, our
ship, or our goods.
Being quite satisfied with these fair promises, the ambassador got every
thing in readiness, and in the morning of the 19th September, sent his
money and all his baggage on shore with the _balloches_ boats, which
came aboard for the purpose. They also brought a message from the
viceroy and governor, saying they had provided tents for his lordship
and all his followers, close to their own, where they would be happy to
receive him as soon as he pleased to land. Into this tent accordingly
all the ambassador's goods were carried, and some of his followers were
appointed by his orders to remain there in charge of them, till he
should himself land, intending to have gone ashore the same day, about
four in the afternoon, of which he sent word to the viceroy. In the mean
time our boat went ashore with empty casks to bring off fresh water, and
in her went the Persian followers of the ambassador, and three or four
more of his people, to see the careful landing of his goods, and to
accompany them to the tents.
While the ambassador's baggage was landing, some of the natives asked,
if these were all the things the ambassador had to send ashore? To which
it was answered, that these were all, except jewels and such like
things, which were to come along with himself. Some other natives
standing by, observed among themselves, That it was no matter, as these
were enough for the soldiers. This was overheard and understood by
Nazerbeg, who concealed it for the time, though it raised some suspicion
in his mind, as he said afterwards: Yet so strongly was he prepossessed
by the agreement of all that had passed before, that he could not bring
himself to believe their intentions were bad. He listened, however, more
attentively to all that was said afterwards among them, but could hear
nothing that savoured of double-dealing.
A little while afterwards, Nazerbeg met with one _Haji Comul_,[113] whom
God made an instrument to disclose the devilish project of the balloches
to circumvent and destroy us, and who now revealed the particulars of
their bloody designs. Nazerbeg was amazed, and even chid _Comul_ for not
having told this before the goods were landed. As the time appointed for
the landing of the ambassador was at hand, Nazerbeg was fearful he might
have come ashore before he could get to our ship to forewarn him.
Wherefore, hastening to the shore, where, as God would have it, our
skiff was still filling water, he told our men there was treachery
plotting against us on shore, and entreated them to row him to the ship
with all possible speed. He was therefore brought off immediately, yet
hardly a moment too soon, as the ambassador and all his suite, together
with our captain and all the principal officers among us, willing to
grace the ambassador as far as we could for the honour of our country,
were already in the waste, and ready to go on shore. When Nazerbeg had
communicated his news, we were as ready to change our purpose as we had
been before to go ashore. The purport of what he had learnt from _Haji
Comul_ was as follows:--
The viceroy and governor had agreed together to entice as many of us as
they possibly could ashore, on purpose to cut all our throats; which
done, they meant to have set upon the ship, and having taken her, to
seize every thing she contained. They had made minute enquiry into our
numbers, and had got a particular enumeration of the state and condition
of every person in the ship, all of whom they intended to put to death
without mercy, except the surgeon, the musicians, the women, and the
boys. Their reverence for the king of Persia, of which they had so
boasted, was all a mere pretence to deceive; for they were all rebels,
and it was death to talk of the king of Persia in Guadal. Though we now
understood their intended plot, for which God be praised, and were
sufficiently put upon our guard to prevent its execution by arming
ourselves, knowing that we were able to defend ourselves from injury on
board, although they had great numbers of boats, and above 1500 men
armed with muskets, besides others; yet were we at a loss how we might
recover his lordship's goods, and his three men who were ashore along
with them. But God, who had thus miraculously delivered us from their
cruel treachery, opened likewise our understandings, so that we
recovered all according to our wish, in the following manner:--
As the viceroy and his fellows expected the immediate landing of the
ambassador and followers, together with the captain and others of us, we
sent Nazerbeg again ashore, with instructions what to do. He was to
inform the viceroy that the ambassador was not very well, and had
therefore deferred his landing till next morning, which was Monday the
20th September. He was also directed to request the viceroy and
governor, to send two or three of their boats for him very early, to
bring the women and others of his company ashore, as the ship's boats
were too small; and to say, that the ambassador expected to be attended
by some men of condition from the viceroy, to come in the boats, out of
respect to the king of Persia, whose person he represented. This
message, being well delivered, took the desired effect, and the viceroy
readily promised to comply with every thing required. Having finished
this part of his introductions, Nazerbeg was to repair to the tent where
the baggage was lodged, and to fetch from one of the trunks, two bags of
money containing £200 sterling, and some other things of value, if he
could so contrive without being noticed, as it was wished to conceal the
knowledge we had of the villainous intentions of these barbarians.
Nazerbeg was also desired to use dispatch, and to desire the three
servants of the ambassador to remain all night at the tents, with
promise of being relieved next morning. All was done as directed, and
not only was the money brought away, but a trunk also containing Lady
Shirley's apparel. When the balloches enquired the reason of taking that
trunk back to the ship, they were told it contained the lady's
night-clothes, and that it was to be brought ashore again next day.
[Footnote 113: In Purchas this person is named _Hoge_ Comul; but we
suspect it ought to be _Haji_, intimating that he had made the
pilgrimage of Mecca and Medina.--E.]
The ambassador having thus recovered his money, wished much to get back
one other large trunk, containing things of value, and the three men
which were ashore with his baggage, even if all the rest were lost. For
this purpose, we filled, over night, a large chest and a night-stool,
with billets of wood, rubbish, stones, and other useless matters, to
make them heavy, binding them up carefully with mats and ropes to give
them an air of importance. Nazerbeg was instructed to take these on
shore, to be left in place of the large trunk which he was to bring
away, under pretence that it belonged to one of the merchants, and had
been landed by mistake. The three men at the tent were to accompany him
back to the ship, with their musical instruments, and the _balloches_
were to be told they were wanted by the lord ambassador to accompany him
with their music on his landing.
Every thing being thus properly arranged, we saw next morning early, the
three boats coming off for the purpose of bringing his lordship on
shore, according to promise. We then manned our skiff, and sent her
ashore to put our plan into execution, by which we hoped to entrap the
_balloches_ in the snare they had laid for us. In the mean time, we
received the people from the three boats into our ship, consisting of
seven or eight persons of some condition, among whom was our friend
_Haji Comul_; all the rest being slaves and fishermen. We kept them in
discourse on various matters, to pass away time till our skiff could get
back. During this conversation, one of them said that the viceroy
earnestly desired we might bring our _slurbow_[114] ashore with us, as
he wished much to see it, which we readily promised, to satisfy them. We
soon after had the pleasure to see our skiff returning, having been
completely successful, as it not only brought away the trunk and the
three men, but also one of the chief men among the _balloches_, whom
Nazerbeg enticed along with him. As soon as he came on board, he and the
rest desired to see our gun-rooms, in which they had been told we had
all our fire-works, of which they were in great dread, particularly of
our _slurbow_ and fire-arrows; and this answered exactly to our wishes,
as we meant to have enticed them below, that we might disarm them of
their long knives or daggers. When all these principal persons were down
below in the gun-room, all our people being armed and in readiness, and
dispersed in different parts of the ship, some on deck, some between
decks, and others in the gunroom, to arrest and disarm the traitors;
and when the concerted signal was given, this was instantly
accomplished, to their great astonishment, yet without resistance.
[Footnote 114: From circumstances mentioned in the sequel, this seems to
have been a species of cross-bow for discharging fire-arrows.--E.]
We then laid open to them our knowledge of their murderous intentions,
saying their lives were now in our hands, as they had themselves fallen
into the pit they had dug for us; and, if we served them right, we
should now cut them in pieces, as they meant to have done by us. Yet
they stoutly denied the whole alleged plot. We detained six of the
chiefest men among them, and two of their boats, sending all the rest
a-shore, being all naked rascals, except one, by whom we sent a message
to the viceroy and governor, That, unless he sent us back all the goods
and baggage we had ashore, without abstracting even the smallest
portion, we would carry off those we had now in our custody. When this
message was delivered to the viceroy and governor, they sent back word
by the same messenger, that, if we would release the _balloches_, all
our goods should be sent to us, and at the same time making many hollow
declarations that no evil had ever been intended against us. On
receiving this message, and in sight of the messenger, all our prisoners
were immediately put in irons; and two letters were wrote to the viceroy
in Persian, one by us and the other by the prisoners, intimating in the
most determined terms, that the prisoners would be all put to death, if
the goods were not safely returned without delay, giving only two hours
respite at the most, the sand-glass being set before them as the
messenger left the ship, that he might be induced to make haste. By
these sharp means, we constrained them to restore every thing in the
most ample manner; and this being done, we released the men and boats,
according to promise, and sent them away. One man named _Malim
Simsadim_, whom we had learnt, from _Haji Comul_, was an experienced
pilot for _Sinde_ and _Cambay_, we detained for that purpose, promising
to reward him according to his merits.
Thus, by God's assistance, to whom be endless praise for our
deliverance, we happily extricated ourselves from this dangerous and
intricate affair, which was entirely concluded by six p.m. of the 20th
September. We set sail that same night with our new pilot and _Haji
Comul_, which last remained along with us, as his life would have been
in danger among that accursed crew, for revealing their diabolical plot.
We now bent out course for Sinde, as willing to avoid all subsequent
dangers which these blood-thirsty balloches might attempt to plot
against us. In our way, we had much conversation with Comul, whom we
much esteemed and respected for the excellent service he had done
towards us. _Comul_ was a native of Dabul in India, his father being a
Persian of the sect of Ali, in which _Comul_ was a churchman, or priest,
having likewise some skill in medicine and surgery, in which capacity he
had resided in the tent of the governor of Guadal, and owing to which
circumstance he had overheard their infernal plot. He had obtained leave
to come aboard our ship, under pretence of procuring certain ointments
or balsams, which he alleged had been promised him by our surgeons. He
said that, on hearing their murderous intentions, his heart yearned
within him, to think we should be led like sheep to the slaughter by
such bloody butchers, and that God willed him to reveal their plot to
us. He farther told us, that to his knowledge, they had already betrayed
three ships in the same manner; that they were all rebels against the
King of Persia, refusing to pay the tribute which they and their
ancestors had been accustomed to; and that the king of Persia had levied
an army, which waited not for from Guadal, with the purpose to invade
the country next winter.
This country of _Macquerona_, or Mekran, is on the main land of Asia,
bordering upon the kingdom of Persia. The port of _Guadal_ is nearly in
the lat. of 25° N, the variation being 17° 15' [lat. 24° 40' N. long.
61° 50' E.]. It has good anchorage in four or five fathoms. At night of
the 21st September, the day after leaving Guadal, our _balloche_ pilot
brought our ship in danger of running on a shoal, where we had to come
suddenly to anchor till next morning. The 24th at night, while laying
to, because not far from Cape Camelo, a Portuguese frigate, or bark,
passed close beside us, which at first we suspected to have been an
armed galley, for which cause we prepared for defence in case of need.
3. _Arrival at Diul-ginde,[115] and landing of the Ambassador: Seeking
Trade there, are crossed by the slanderous Portuguese: Go to Sumatra and
Bantam; and thence Home to England_.
[Footnote 115: This singular name ought perhaps to have been Diul-Sinde,
or Diul on the Indus, or Sinde river, to distinguish it from Diu in
Guzerat.--E.]
The 26th September, 1613, we came to anchor right before the mouth of
the river _Sinde_, or Indus, by the directions of a pilot we had from
one of the boats we found fishing at that place. We rode in very good
ground, in a foot less five fathoms, the mouth of the river being E. by
N. being in the latitude of 24° 38' N.[116] That same day, the
ambassador sent two of his people, to confer with the governor about his
coming ashore, and procuring a passage through that country into Persia.
The governor, whose name was _Arah Manewardus_, who was of _Diul_,[117]
was most willing to receive the ambassador, and to shew him every
kindness, both in regard to his entertainment there, and his passage
through his province or jurisdiction. To this intent, he sent a
principal person aboard, attended by five or six more, to welcome his
lordship with many compliments, assuring him of kind entertainment.
Presently after there came boats from _Diul_ for his accommodation, in
which he and all his people and goods went ashore on the 29th September,
all in as good health as when they embarked in our ship from England. At
his departure we saluted him with eleven guns, and our captain entrusted
him with a fine fowling-piece, having two locks, to present to the
governor of Tatta, a great city, a day's journey from Diul,[118] both
cities being in the dominions of the Great Mogul. We also now set ashore
our treacherous _balloche_ pilot, _Sim-sadin_, though he better merited
to have been thrown into the sea, as he endeavoured twice to have cast
us away; once by his own means, as formerly alluded to, and afterwards
by giving devilish council to the pilot we hod from the fisher boat at
this place.
[Footnote 116: The river Indus has many mouths, of which no less than
_seventeen_ are laid down in Arrowsmith's excellent map of Hindoostan,
extending between the latitudes of 24° 45' and 23° 15' both N. and
between the longitudes of 67° 12' and 69° 12' both east. That mouth
where the Expedition now came to anchor, was probably that called the
_Pitty_ river, being the most north-western of the Delta, in lat 24° 45'
N. and long. 67° 12' E. from Greenwich; being the nearest on her way
from Guadal, and that which most directly communicates with Tatta, the
capital of the Delta of the Indus.--E.]
[Footnote 117: Such is the vague mode of expression in the Pilgrims; but
it appears afterwards that he was governor of Diul, at which place Sir
Robert Shirley and his suite were landed. It singularly happens, that
Diul is omitted in all the maps we have been able to consult; but from
the context, it appears to have been near the mouth of the Pitty river,
mentioned in the preceding note. It is afterwards said to have been
fifteen miles up the river, in which case it may possibly be a place
otherwise called _Larry Bunder_, about twenty miles up the Pitty, which
is the port of Tatta.--E.]
[Footnote 118: Tatta is not less than seventy-five English miles from
the mouth of the Pitty, and consequently sixty from Diul.--E.]
When the lord ambassador left us, we requested he would send us word how
he found the country disposed, and whether we might have trade there;
and for this purpose, we gave his lordship a note in writing of what we
chiefly desired, which was to the following purport: "That our coming to
this port was purposely to land his lordship; yet, as we had brought
with us certain commodities and money, we were willing to make sales of
such and so much of those as might suit, if we could obtain licence and
protection for quiet trade; and, with the governor's permission, would
settle a factory at this place, to which, though now but slenderly
provided, we would afterwards bring such kinds and quantities of goods
us might be most suitable for sale. The commodities we now had, were
elephants and morse teeth, fine fowling-pieces, lead and tin in bars,
and some Spanish dollars. If we could not be permitted to trade, we
requested leave to provide ourselves, with refreshments, and so to
depart."
The 30th September, the ambassador had an audience of the governor
concerning all his business, to whom he shewed the _firmaun_ of the king
of Persia, as also the pass of the king of Spain, thinking thereby to
satisfy the jealousy of the Portuguese residents at that place, who
reported, on pretended intelligence from Ornus, that Don Roberto Shirley
was come from England with three ships to the Indies, on purpose to
steal. They peremptorily refused to give credence to the Spanish pass,
saying it was neither signed nor sealed by their king, in which they
could not possibly be mistaken, knowing it so well, and therefore that
it was assuredly forged. On this, the ambassador angrily said, that it
was idle to shew them any king's hand-writing and seal, as they had no
king, being merely a waste nation, forcibly reduced under subjection to
the king of Spain, and mere slaves both to him and his natural subjects.
Yet the Portuguese boldly stood to their former allegations, insisting
that the ambassador had other two ships in the Indies. Then _Arah
Manewardus_ sharply reproved them for their unseemly contradictions of
the Persian ambassador, and ordered them out of the room.
The ambassador then made a speech to the governor concerning our
admittance to trade at his port, on which the governor expressed his
readiness to do so, all inconveniences understood, and desired the
ambassador to send for one or two of our merchants, that he might confer
with them on the subject. Upon this the ambassador wrote to us on the 2d
October, saying what he had done in our affairs, and sending us
assurance for our safe going and returning. Being thereby in good hope
of establishing trade at this place, if not a factory, and to make sale
of the small quantity of goods we now had, Mr Joseph Salbank and I, by
advice of the captain and others, made ourselves ready and went ashore
that same morning in one of the country boats. Our ship lay about four
or five miles from the mouth of the river, from whence we had fifteen
miles to travel to _Diul_, where the ambassador was, so that it was late
in the evening before we landed there.
In our way we met a Portuguese frigate or bark, bound for Ormus, on
purpose to prevent any of their ships coming till we were gone. This
bark went close past our ship, taking a careful review of her, and so
departed. As soon as we were landed, three or four Portuguese came up to
us, asking if we had brought any goods ashore, and such like questions;
but we made them no reply, pretending not to understand their language,
that we might the better understand them for our own advantage, if
occasion served. There then came another Portuguese, who spoke Dutch
very fluently, telling me many things respecting the country and people,
tending to their ill conduct and character, thinking to dissuade us from
endeavouring to have any trade there. Soon after, the officers of the
customs came, and conducted us to the castle, but we could not have an
audience of the governor that night, as it was already late. The
officers, who were mostly banians, and spoke good Portuguese, searched
every part about us for money, not even leaving our shoes unsearched;
and perceiving that we were surprised at this, they prayed us to be
content therewith, as it was the custom of the country. To this I
replied, that though the Portuguese might give them cause for so bad a
fashion, yet English merchants did not hide their money in their shoes
like smugglers. Then the governor's servants came to us, and lighted us
from the castle to the house in which the ambassador lodged, where we
were made heartily welcome, and were lodged all the time we staid in
Diul, and at no expence to us. Seeing us landed, and hearing we came to
treat with the governor for settling trade at that place, the Portuguese
spread many slanderous and malignant lies against our king, country, and
nation, reporting that we were thieves, and not merchants, and that we
derived our chief subsistence by robbing other nations on the sea.
In the morning of the 3d October, the governor sent word to the
ambassador that he would see and converse with us in the afternoon. In
the mean time, we had notice that the Portuguese were using every effort
with him and others to prevent our being entertained, both by offering
him gratifications if he would refuse us, and by threatening to leave
the place if we were received, pretending that they would not remain
where thieves were admitted. Yet the governor sent for us, commanding
four great horses, richly caparisoned, to be sent to the ambassador's
house, for his lordship, Sir Thomas Powell, Mr Salbank, and me, and sent
also a number of his servants to conduct us to the castle; all the
ambassador's servants went likewise along with him, each carrying a
halbert. In this manner we rode through some part of the city, the
people in all the streets flocking out to see us, having heard talk of
Englishmen, but never having seen any before, as we were the first who
had ever been in that part of the country.
On coming to the castle, we were received in a very orderly manner, and
led through several spacious rooms, where many soldiers were standing in
ranks on each side, all cloathed from head to foot in white dresses. We
were then conducted to a high turret, in which the governor and some
others sat, who rose up at our entrance and saluted us, bidding us
kindly welcome. We then all sat down round the room, on carpets spread
on the floor, according to their fashion. The governor again bid us
welcome, saying he was glad to see Englishmen in that country; but said,
in regard to the trade we desired to have there, that the Portuguese
would by no means consent to our having trade, and threatened to desert
the place if we were received. Yet, if he could be assured of deriving
greater benefit from our trade than he now had from that of the
Portuguese, he should not care how soon they left him, as he thought
well of our nation. In the mean time, however, as he farmed the customs
of that port from the king, to whom he was bound to pay certain sums
yearly for the same, whether they were actually received or not, he was
under the necessity of being circumspect in conducting the business,
lest he might incur the displeasure of the king, to his utter ruin. He
then told us that the customs from the Portuguese trade, together with
what arose from their letting out their ships to hire to the Guzerats
and Banians, amounted to a _lack_ of rupees yearly, which is £10,000
sterling.[119]
[Footnote 119: A rupee is two shillings, or somewhat more, and a _lack_
is 100,000.-_Purch._]
He then desired to know the kinds and quantities of the commodities we
had brought, and what amount we had in money? To all which we gave him
distinct answers, as nearly as we could remember; adding, that though we
now brought but small store, we would engage to furnish his port at our
next coming, which would be in about twenty-two months, with such
commodities as were now brought by the Portuguese, and with such
quantities of each kind as might be requisite to satisfy the demands of
that port. He appeared to approve of this, and concluded by saying, as
our present stock of commodities were so small, the Portuguese would
only laugh at him and us if we were now admitted to trade, wherefore he
wished us to defer all trade till our next coming; but that he was ready
to give us a writing under his hand and seal to assure us of good
entertainment at our next coming, provided we came fully prepared as we
said, and on condition we should leave him a written engagement not to
molest any of the ships or goods of the king of the Moguls, or his
subjects. We agreed to all this, and requested he would allow us to sell
those goods we now had; but which he would by no means consent to, for
fear of offending the Portuguese, as stated before.
We then desired that we might have leave to provide our ship with water,
and other necessary refreshments, for our money, after which we should
depart as soon as possible. To this he said, that as soon as we sent him
the writing he desired, he would send us the one he had promised, and
would give orders to his officers to see our wants supplied; but desired
that the Portuguese might know nothing of all this. Seeing no remedy, we
then desired to know what kinds of commodities he wished us to bring,
and also what were the commodities his country could afford in return.
We were accordingly informed, that the commodities in request in Sinde
were broad-cloths of various prices, and light gay colours, as stammels,
reds, greens, sky-blues, indigo-blues, azures, &c. also elephants teeth,
iron, steel, lead, tin, spices, and money. The commodities to be had
there were, indigo of Lahore, indigo of _Cherques_, calicoes of all
sorts, pintadoes, or painted chintzes of all sorts, all kinds of
Guzerat and Cambay commodities, with many kinds of drugs. We then took
our leave, and returned to the ambassador's house, whence I sent him a
letter, according to his desire, signed by Mr Salbanke and me, on which
he sent us another, in the Persian language, which is written backwards,
much like the Hebrew, and which was interpreted to us by the ambassador,
in English, as follows:
"WHEREAS there has arrived at this port of Diul, an English ship called
the Expedition, of which is captain, Christopher Newport, and merchants,
Joseph Salbank and Walter Peyton, and has landed here Don Robert
Shirley, ambassador of the king of Persia, who has desired us to grant
them trade at this port under my government, which I willingly would
have granted, but not having brought merchandize in sufficient quantity
to begin trade, and the Portuguese, from whom I reap benefit, refusing
their consent, threatening to go away if I receive the English nation,
by which I should be left destitute of all trade, whence arises those
sums I have yearly to pay to the king, and in default whereof I should
incur his majesty's displeasure, to my utter ruin. Yet, from the love I
bear to the king of Persia, by whose ambassador I am solicited, and from
affection for the English, together with the faithful performance of the
writing left with me under their hands and seals by the two merchants
before named, I hereby promise the English nation, under my hand and
seal, if they will come like themselves, so fitted that I may derive
more advantage from them than from the Portuguese, that I will
infallibly grant them trade here, with such reasonable privileges as we
may agree upon."
_Given at Diul, this 3d of October_, 1613.
ARAH MANEWARUS.
Having received this writing on the 4th October, together with orders
from the governor to his officers for our being furnished with water and
refreshments, we made haste to return to our ships. A little before we
went away, the ambassador fell into discourse with us about procuring a
_firmaun_ from the Great Mogul, for which purpose he wished Mr Salbank
to accompany him to Agra, the principal residence of that sovereign,
affirming that he would procure that grant of trade for us in a short
time, for which he alleged there was now a favourable opportunity, both
because he had other business to transact at the court of the Mogul, and
in consequence of the willingness of _Manewardus_ to admit us to trade
at his port. He alleged likewise that we might never have so favourable
an opportunity, and assured us that he would therein shew himself a
true-hearted Englishman, whatever the company of merchants might think
of him; and that Mr Salbank should be an evidence of his earnest
endeavours to serve the merchants in procuring this _firmaun_, not only
for Diul, but for other parts of the Mogul dominions, and should also
carry the grant with him over-land to England. All this seemed
reasonable, and as Mr Salbank had been before in these parts, he was
very willing to go, provided it met with the approbation of the captain
and me, and the other gentlemen in the ship; for which purpose the
ambassador wrote a letter to our captain, to urge his consent, which we
carried with us.
We left Diul that same day about four in the afternoon, and on going to
the river side to take boat, many of the natives flocked about to look
at us. We were likewise joined by about a dozen Portuguese, who began to
talk with us in Dutch, as before, asking many frivolous questions. I now
answered them in their own language, on purpose that the Banians, who
were present, might understand what I said; telling them that they were
a shameless and lying people to spread so many slanderous and false
reports of our nation, while they knew their own to be much inferior to
ours in many respects, and that their scandalous conduct proceeded
merely from malignant policy to prevent us from participating with them
in the trade of India. To this I added, that if they did not restrain
themselves within due peaceful bounds, amending their behaviour both in
words and actions, they should be all driven out of India, and a more
honest and loyal nation substituted in their place. Then one of the
principal men among them stepped forwards, and made answer, that they
had already too many enemies, and had no need of more; but that they had
substantial reasons for speaking of us as they had done, as not long
since one of their ships had been taken near Surat, and, as they
supposed, by an English ship. To which I answered, that this was more
like to have been done by the Hollanders. They then became more civil,
and finally wished that we might trade in all parts of India with them,
and they with us, like friends and neighbours, and that our kings might
enter into some agreement to that effect. They then kindly took leave of
us, and we departed.
We got back to our ship on the 6th, when it was agreed that Mr Salbank
should accompany the ambassador to Agra, as proposed. For which purpose
he got himself in readiness, meaning to have gone ashore next day. In
the mean time, the captain, the purser, and his man, went on shore to
buy fresh victuals and necessaries to take with us to sea; but, on
coming to the city, they were presently ordered away by the governor,
and an express order issued by proclamation, that none of the natives
should hereafter bring any of the English ashore, on pain of death. We
were much astonished at this sudden alteration of affairs, for which we
could not divine any cause: but, on the 9th, finding we could get
nothing done here, nor any farther intercourse, we set sail, directing
our course for Sumatra. All the time we were here in Sinde, we had not
the smallest intimation of trade having been settled at Surat, for if we
had, we might have taken a different course.
We came to anchor in the road of Priaman on the 20th November, going in
between the two northermost little islands, and anchored close by the
northermost of these, in five fathoms. We immediately began to bargain
for pepper, the price of which we beat down from twenty-two dollars, as
first asked, to seventeen dollars the bahar, at which price we got two
bahars, which were brought to us on board: but the governor would not
allow us, although we made him a present of a musket, to hire a house,
or to buy pepper ashore, unless we would consent to bestow presents on
some twenty of the officers and merchants of the place. On the 22d, we
received a letter from Captain Christen, of the Hosiander, then at
Tecoo, earnestly advising us to come there immediately, as we could not
fail to get as much pepper as we wished at that place, and in a short
time; and, as we were not acquainted with the place, Captain Chrisen
sent Richard Hall, one of his master's mates, to pilot us through among
the dangerous shoals that lay about the roads of Tecoo. Accordingly we
went to that place, and anchored in four fathoms, Richard Hall returning
on board the Hosiander, where he died that same night, being ill of the
flux.
Before our arrival, the natives had offered their pepper to Captain
Christen at twelve and thirteen dollars the bahar, taking payment in
Surat commodities; but they now demanded twenty-two dollars in ready
money, refusing to barter with them any longer for goods. They also
demanded at this place as many presents as had been required at Priaman;
beside which, they insisted upon having seventy-two dollars for
anchorage duty. Being now in a worse situation than before, and having
no time to waste in delays, we determined to come to short terms with
them; wherefore we told them roundly, that we would on no account submit
to their unreasonable demands, even though we might not get a single
_cattee_ of pepper. For this purpose I drew out a letter from our
captain, which he signed and sealed, addressed to the head governor,
stating that he had not used our nation so well as we had reason to
expect, both in unreasonable demands of presents, which were not usually
given upon compulsion, but rather from good-will, or in reward of good
behaviour, and likewise by their improper delay in implementing their
promises, so very unlike mercantile dealings; since our ships have at
various times remained at their port for three, four, and even five
months, depending on their promises of having full lading, which might
as well have been accomplished in one month, in so far as respected the
small quantity of pepper they had to dispose of. This letter was
translated by the interpreter in the Hosiander, an Indian, named Johen,
who perfectly understood their language.
The governor, in consequence of this remonstrance, gave orders that we
might purchase pepper from any one who was inclined to sell; but sent us
a message, wishing that one of us might come on shore, that the pepper
might be there weighed. But still doubting that they meant to teaze us
with delay, we sent back word that we could not remain so long as it
would require for weighing the pepper ashore, and therefore if they
would bring it to us on board, we would pay them eighteen dollars a
bahar for their pepper, together with two dollars as custom to the
governor, making exactly twenty dollars. As they still put off time, we
set sail, as if meaning to have gone away, on which the governor sent
another messenger, who spoke Portuguese tolerably, entreating us to come
again to anchor, and we should have as much pepper as we could take in.
We did so accordingly, and they brought pepper off to us in proas as
fast as we could conveniently weigh it, and continued to do so till we
had got about 200 bahars. They then began to grow slack in their
proceedings, on which, fearing to lose the monsoon by spending too much
time at this place, we weighed and proceeded for Bantam.
We left Tecoo on the 8th December, three of our men remaining in the
Hosiander, which needed their assistance, and proceeded towards Bantam,
mostly keeping in sight of Sumatra. At our entrance into the straits of
Sunda, on the 16th of that month, we met the Dragon on her homeward
voyage, by which ship we sent letters to England. Next day, the 17th, we
anchored in Bantam roads, and went immediately ashore to provide our
lodging, and by the 29th our whole cargo was completed.
We set sail from Bantam on the 2d January, 1614, for England, not having
hitherto lost a single man by sickness during our whole voyage, for
which we were thankful to God. This same day, as we were going out by
way of Pulo Panian, we met General Saris in the Clove, then returning
from Japan; and we came to anchor, that we might have his letters for
England, together with four chests. We likewise spared him two of our
hands, of which he was in great need; one being a youth, named Mortimer
Prittie, and the other a carpenter's mate, named Thomas Valens, as he
had not a single carpenter alive in his ship.
Having settled all these matters with the Clove, we resumed our voyage
for England on the 4th January, and came to anchor in Saldanha bay on
the 21st March, where we got a sufficient supply of beeves and sheep
from the natives, with abundance of fish, caught in our own seine. We
left that place on the 9th April, with prosperous winds, which continued
favourable till we were three degrees north of the equator, which we
crossed the 11th May. When in lat. 00° 22' N. many of our men began to
fall sick, some of them of the scurvy, and with swelled legs. On the
10th July, 1614, by the blessing of God, we came to anchor in the Downs.
CHAPTER XI.
CONTINUATION OF THE EARLY VOYAGES OF THE ENGLISH EAST INDIA COMPANY TO
INDIA.
INTRODUCTION.
In the immediately preceding chapter, we have given a series of the
first twelve voyages fitted out by the English East India Company, in
the prosecution of their exclusive trade to India, as preserved by
Samuel Purchas; and we now mean, chiefly from the same source, to
continue the series for a few years longer. At the close of the last
voyage of the foregoing chapter, Purchas informs us, that "The order of
reckoning must be now altered, because the voyages of the company were
for the future set forth by means of a _joint stock_, instead of by
particular ships, each upon a separate subscription, having separate
stocks and factories; the whole proceedings being, in the sequel, at the
general risk of, and accountable to the entire society or company of
adventurers." He farther adds, "That the whole of these joint-stock
voyages had not come into his hands; but that such as he had been able
to procure, and were meet for publication, he had inserted in his
Collection."
The learned historiographer of the East India Company[120] gives rather
a different account of the former series of separate or unconnected
voyages, than that which we have taken from Purchas, terming the last
voyage in our former chapter only the _ninth_, while Purchas denominates
it the _twelfth_.
[Footnote 120: Ann. of the Hon. E.I. Co, I. 162.]
This difference, which is not at all material, may have arisen from
Purchas having considered some of the ships belonging to _single_
adventurers or subscriptions, which made separate voyages or parts of
voyages, as _separate_ adventures. We come now to a new era in the mode
of conducting the English exclusive trade to India, of the motives for
which the Annals give the following account.[121]
[Footnote 121: Id. I. 165.]
"The inconveniences which had been experienced from separate classes of
adventurers, partners in the East India Company, fitting out equipments
on their own particular portions of stock, induced the directors, or
committees, to resolve, in 1612, that, in future, the trade should be
carried on by a joint stock only; and, on the basis of this resolution,
the sum of £429,000 was subscribed: and, though portions of this joint
stock were applied to the equipment of four voyages, the general
instructions to the commanders were given in the name, and by the
authority, of the governor, deputy-governor, and committees of the
company of merchants in London trading to the East Indies, who explained
that the whole was a joint concern, and that the commanders were to be
responsible to the company for their conduct, both in the sale and
purchase of commodities in the East Indies, and for their general
conduct, in extending the commerce, within the limits of the company.
The transition, therefore, from trading on _separate adventures_, which
has been described as an imitation of the Dutch, to trading on a _joint
stock_, arose out of the good sense of the English nation, which, from
experience, had discovered the evil consequences of internal opposition,
and had determined to proceed on a system better calculated to promote
the general interest of the East India Company.
"Notwithstanding this resolution, the proportions of this aggregate sum
were applied to what has been termed the _tenth, eleventh, twelfth_, and
_thirteenth_ voyages, in the following manner: In 1613, the _tenth_
voyage was undertaken, the stock of which was estimated at £18,810 in
money, and £12,446 in goods, the fleet consisting of _eight_ vessels. In
1614, the stock for the _eleventh_ voyage was £13,942 in money, and
£23,000 in goods, the fleet being _eight ships_. In 1615, the stock for
the _twelfth_ voyage was £26,660 in money, and £26,065 in goods, with
_six ships_. In 1616, the stock for the _thirteenth_ voyage was £52,087
in money, and £16,506 in goods, the fleet containing _seven ships_. The
purchase, repair, and equipment of vessels during these four voyages
amounted to £272,544, which, with the specified stock and cargoes,
accounts for the disbursement of the £429,000, the sum subscribed on the
joint stock in 1613.[122]
[Footnote 122: The enumerated particulars amount to £462,060, and exceed
the subscribed joint stock by £33,060.--E.]
"The profits on this joint stock are stated to have amounted, on the
first two voyages, to £120 per cent. on the original subscription; but
they were subsequently much diminished, by the difficulties which the
English trade to the East Indies began to experience, from the
opposition of the Dutch in the Spice Islands; so that, at the conclusion
of this first joint stock, in 1617, the average profits of the four
voyages did not exceed £87:10s. per. cent on the original subscription,
notwithstanding the cargo of one of the vessels (the New-year's Gift)
cost only 40,000 rials of eight, and the sale produce, in England,
amounted to £80,000 sterling."
It is not the purpose of this Collection to enlarge on the history of
the East India Company, any farther than by giving relations of its
early voyages, so far as these have come down to us in the Pilgrims of
Purchas, their only published record; and we now therefore proceed with
such of these voyages as are contained in that curious collection, and
seem to be worth including in this work.--E.
SECTION I.
_Voyage of Captain Nicholas Downton to India, in 1614._[122]
The ships employed on this voyage, the _second_ set forth by the _joint_
stock of the East India Company, were the New-year's Gift admiral, of
650 tons, on board of which Captain Downton sailed as general or chief
commander; the Hector of 500 tons, vice-admiral; the Merchant's Hope,
of 300 tons; and the Salomon of 200 tons. We have thus only_ four_ ships
enumerated by Purchas, as employed in the _second_ voyage of the new
joint stock, instead at _eight_ mentioned in the _Annals_, as before
stated in the introduction to the present chapter. In this voyage, Mr
William Edwards was lieutenant, or next in command under Captain
Downton, being likewise Cape merchant, and commander of the Hector. Mr
Nicholas Easworth was Cape merchant, and commander of the Merchant's
Hope. Mr Thomas Elkington, Cape merchant, and commander of the Salomon.
Mr Peter Rogers minister; Martin Pring. Arthur Spaight, Matthew
Molineux, and Hugh Bennet, masters of the four ships, assisted by sundry
mates,--Purch.
[Footnote 122: Purch. Pilg. I. 500.--Extracted from the journal of
Captain Downton]
§1. _Incidents at Saldanha, Socotora, and Swally; with an Account of
Disagreements between the Moguls and Portuguese, and between the Nabob
and the English._
We sailed from England on the 1st March, 1614, and arrived in the road
of Saldanha, or Table Bay, on Wednesday the 15th June, being saluted on
our arrival by a great storm. While every person was busy in mooring the
ship, John Barter, who had lost his reason in consequence of a long
fever, was suddenly missing, and was supposed to have made away with
himself. The 16th we erected our tents, and placed a guard for their
defence. We landed half our casks on the 17th, to be overhauled and
seasoned; and this day _Choree_, the Saldanian or Hottentot, presented
me a young steer. The 18th we landed more of our beer casks, to be
washed, repaired, and seasoned. This day, _Choree_ departed into the
interior, carrying with him his copper armour, javelins, and all things
belonging to him, promising to be back the third day after, but he never
returned.
The 29th I sent George Downton ashore, to take observations of the
latitude and variation, in consideration of the great difference in the
variations, as observed in this and my former voyage in the Pepper-corn.
We made the latitude exactly 34° S. and the variation 1° 45' W. by an
azimuth, whereas most of the former variations at this place were
easterly. We this night took down our tents, and brought every thing on
board, making our ships ready to depart next day, which we did
accordingly.
We came to anchor in the bay of St Augustine in Madagascar on the 6th
August, when the inhabitants abandoned the place, so that we could have
no intercourse with them, but we afterwards got some refreshments from
them. We here cut down some straight timber for various uses. We set
sail on the 12th August, and anchored in Delisa bay in Socotora on the
9th September. Next day we went ashore to wait upon the king, who was
ready with his attendants to receive me, and gave me an account of the
existing war in India, where the Mogul and the kings of the Deccan had
united to drive the Portuguese from the country, owing to their having
captured a ship coming from Juddah in the Red Sea, in which were three
millions of treasure. He also informed me of two great fights which
Captain Best had with the Portuguese, and of other news in these parts.
I here procured such refreshments as the place could furnish, and bought
2722 pounds of aloes from the king.
Leaving Delisa on the 14th September, we got sight of the Deccan coast
near Dabul on the 2d October, where we found great hindrance to our
navigation, till we learnt by experience to anchor during the ebb tide,
and continue our course with the tide of flood. Continuing this
procedure, we anchored in the evening of the 14th, two and a half miles
short of the bar of Surat; when presently a fleet of fourteen frigates
or barks came to anchor near us, which we discovered by their lights, as
it was quite dark. But as they could easily see us, by the lights at our
ports, that we were in readiness for them, they durst not come any
nearer, so that we rode quietly all night. Early of the 15th, we weighed
with the land-wind, and coming somewhat near the frigates, they also
weighed and stood to the southwards. We held on our course past the bar,
towards South Swally, where we soon after arrived, though much opposed
by contrary winds.
Soon after we were anchored, I sent Molineux in his pinnace, and Mr
Spooner with Samuel Squire in my _gellywatte_,[123] to take the
soundings within the sands. In a channel where we found only five feet
at low water in our former voyage, Mr Molineux had now three fathoms;
and Mr Spooner had now seven or eight feet, where our boats could not
pass at all formerly. Seeing some people on the shore in the afternoon,
whom I supposed might be some of our merchants from Surat, I sent my
pinnace to them; but they were some of the people belonging to _Coge
Nozan_, sent to discover what nation we were of. From them I got farther
information respecting the wars with the Portuguese, being told that the
Moguls were besieging Damaun and Diu, Mocrib or Mucrob Khan being the
general of the Mogul forces against Damaun; and I also learnt to my
sorrow, that Mucrob Khan was governor and viceroy, as it may be called,
not only over Surat, but all the country round, as, from former
experience, I considered him to be a great enemy of our nation, and a
friend to the Portuguese. From these people likewise, I heard of the
health of Mr Aldworth and the rest of our factory, and wrote to hasten
his presence, sending my letters by the servants of Coge Nozan.
[Footnote 123: From this singular term, what is now called the
_jollyboat_ has probably derived its name.--E.]
I sent my purser on shore in the pinnace, early of the 16th, to purchase
such necessaries as I thought might easily have been got; but he
returned about ten o'clock a.m. without buying any thing for our
purpose, bringing with him Mr Aldword, the chief merchant of our factory
at Surat, along with whom was one Richard Steel, who had come over-land
to Surat from Aleppo.[124] Mr Aldworth endeavoured to persuade me that
Mucrob Khan was our friend, and that we had now an excellent opportunity
to obtain good trade and satisfactory privileges while the Moguls were
engaged in war with the Portuguese; and as both the Nabob and all the
natives were rejoiced at hearing of our arrival, they would assuredly
give us a most favourable reception. Pleased with these hopeful
circumstances, I yet still wished some other person here in command
instead of Mucrob Khan, of whom I remained doubtful, and that we should
have no free trade from him, but in his accustomed manner, which I
believed to have been, of his own accord to cross us, and not as so
constrained by direction of his king; and the event turned out
accordingly, though we were wise behind the band, as will appear in the
sequel. Even the name he bore ought to have opened our eyes as to his
influence with the Great Mogul: as _Mocrub_ signifies as much as _his
own bowels, Khan_ meaning _great lord_. Yet I was deluded to believe
that his favour with the king was tottering, and that he might easily be
brought into disgrace, by complaint of any thing done contrary to the
will or humour of the king; so that we were too bold, and injured our
business when we found him opposing us, as we thought unreasonably. On
enquiring into the state of our business, and the health of our factory,
Mr Aldworth informed me that Paul Canning and several others had died;
that Thomas Kerridge had long since been agent in his room at the court
of the Mogul, and that the factory at Surat now only contained himself
and William Bidulph.
[Footnote 124: Mr Richard Stell, or Steel, had gone to Aleppo, to
recover a debt from a merchant of that city, who had fled to India; and,
following him through Persia, Mr Steel had arrived at Surat. On his
report, the factors at Surat made an experiment to open a trade with
Persia, which will form the subject of a future section of this
chapter.--E.]
In the morning of the 17th, I called a council to advise upon the best
manner of conducting our affairs here, and to consider who might be the
best person to send to Agraas resident. Then entering upon the six
interrogatories, inserted in the second article of our commission, I
required Mr Aldworth to give direct answers to every question.--1. In
what favour was Paul Canning with the emperor and his council, and how
did he conduct himself at court in the business entrusted to him? He
answered, That on his first arrival at court, he was well respected by
the emperor, till the Jesuits made known that he was a merchant, and not
sent immediately from our king; after which he was neglected, as he
himself complained: and, as for his carriage and behaviour there, so far
as he knew, it was sufficiently good;--3. Then demanding, whether it
were needful to maintain a resident at court? Mr Aldworth answered, That
it was certainly necessary, as the emperor required that one of our
nation should reside there; and therefore, that the person ought to be a
man of good respect, for preventing and counteracting any injuries that
might be offered by the Jesuits, our determined adversaries; as he might
also be extremely useful in promoting and directing the purchase and
sale of various commodities.--6. Being questioned as to the expences of
a resident at court? he said, according to the estimate of Paul Canning,
it might be about £300 per annum; but, some time afterwards, his
estimate was found to extend to five, six, and seven hundred pounds a
year.--Being afterwards questioned, Whether he thought it fit that Mr
Edwards should proceed to court under the designation of a merchant,
according to the strict letter of the company's commission? his opinion
was, by the experience of the late Mr Canning, that such a resident
would not be at all respected by the king.
In the morning of the 24th, Coge Nozan came down to the water side, and
rested in my tent till I landed. I repaired to him, accompanied by all
our merchants, and attended by a strong guard, armed with halberts,
muskets, and pikes, having a coach to carry me from the landing place to
the tent. On alighting from my coach, Coge Nozan came immediately to
meet me. Before entering on business, he was told that a present for the
Nabob was to be delivered to him, which was brought in. This consisted
of a case containing six knives, two pair of knives, six sword-blades,
six Spanish pikes, one case of combs, one mirror, one picture of Mars
and Venus, one ditto of the Judgment of Paris, two Muscovy hides, and
one gilded case of bottles filled with strong rich cordials. I then made
the following present to himself: Six knives in single sheaths, four
sword-blades, two pikes, one comb-case, a mirror, a picture of Moses,
and a case of bottles, in consideration of the promise made by the nabob
to our people, that whatever Coge Nozan agreed to, he the nabob would
perform.
I then moved for the enlargement of our privileges, and lessening of our
customs, especially at Baroach, and that we might have a daily bazar or
market at the water side, where we might purchase beef for our people,
according to the _firmaun_ already granted by the Mogul, and because
other flesh did not answer for them. He answered, that the nabob would
shew us every favour in his power, if we would assist him against the
Portuguese; that the customs of Baroach were out of his power to
regulate, as the king had already farmed these to another person at a
stipulated rent; and that we should have a regular market, but that
bullocks and cows could not be allowed, as the king had granted a
firmaun to the Banians, in consideration of a very large sum of money,
that these might not be slaughtered. In fine, I found he had no power to
grant us any thing; yet, willing to leave me somewhat contented, he
proposed that I should send some of our merchants along with him to the
nabob, where our business might be farther discussed.
I accordingly sent along with him, Mr Aldworth, Mr Ensworth, Mr
Dodsworth, Mr Mitford, and some others. Two or three days afterwards,
they had access to the nabob, to whom they explained our desires, as
before expressed. He then desired to know whether we would go with our
ships to fight for him against Damaun, in which case, he said, we might
count upon his favour? To this it was answered, that we could not on any
account do this, as our king and the king of Spain were in peace. He
then asked if we would remove our ships to the bar of Surat, and fight
there against the Portuguese ships, if they came to injure the subjects
of the Mogul? This likewise was represented to be contrary to the peace
between our kings. On which he said, since we would do nothing for his
service, he would do nothing for us. Several of the merchants of Surat
endeavoured to persuade our merchants, that I ought to give way to the
reasonable request of the nabob, and might still do what I thought
proper; as, notwithstanding of our ships riding at the bar, the
Portuguese frigates could go in and out on each side of me, owing to
their light draught of water. To this I answered, that the proposal was
utterly unfit for me to listen to; as whatever I promised I must
perform, though at the expence of my own life and of all under my
command, and that I could not possibly lend myself to fight against the
Portuguese on any account whatever, unless they first attacked me, as it
was absolutely contrary to my commission from my own sovereign. I added,
that, if the Portuguese provoked me by any aggression, I would not be
withheld from fighting them for all the wealth of the nabob: But he made
small account of this distinction, and, seeing that we refused to fulfil
his wishes, he opposed us in all our proceedings as far as he could, so
that we nearly lost all our former hopes of trading at this place. In
this dilemma, I made enquiry respecting _Gengomar_ and _Castellata_, and
also of _Gogo_:[125] but could get poor encouragement to change for
better dealing, so that we remained long perplexed how to act, and
returned to our business at the ships.
[Footnote 125: Gogo is on the west shore of the gulf of Cambay. In an
after passage of this voyage, what is here called Gengomar _and_
Castellata, is called Gengomar _or_ Castelletto, which may possibly
refer to Jumbosier, on a river of the same name, about sixty miles north
from Surat. Castelletta must have been a name imposed by the
Portuguese.--E.]
The 27th, in the morning, when Nicholas Ufflet went ashore, he found all
the people belonging to Swally had gone away from the water-side in the
night, as also all those who used to stay beside the tents, in
consequence of an order from the nabob; and was farther informed that
our merchants were detained at Surat, having been stopped by force when
attempting to cross the bridge, and had even been beaten by the guard
set there by the nabob. The gunner's boy and his companion, formerly
supposed to have run away, and who were in company at the time with our
merchants, being on their return to the ships, were also well beaten,
and detained with the rest. The 31st we began to take in fresh water, to
be ready for departing, as our stay here seemed so very uncertain. This
day, Thomas Smith, the master's boy, had most of the outer part of one
of his thighs bitten off by a great fish, while swimming about the ship.
The ravenous fish drew him under water, yet he came up again and swam
to the ship, and got up to the bend, where he fainted. Being brought
into the gun-room, the surgeon endeavoured to do what he could for his
recovery; but he had lost so much blood that he never recovered out of
the swoon, and shortly died.
In the evening of the 2d November, Mr Aldworth and Mr Elkington came
down from Surat, where they left Mr Ensworth very sick. They reported to
me their proceedings with the nabob, as formerly stated; but said they
were now reconciled, and that he had made fair promises of future
respect, with a free trade through all the country under his government.
I do not attribute his severe proceedings hitherto to any hatred or
ill-will to our nation, but to his fears lest we might unite with the
Portuguese against him, owing to my refusing to assist him against
Damaun. These his doubts and fears were increased by a knavish device of
the subtle and lying Jesuits; who, taking advantage of my refusal to
fight against the Portuguese without cause, at Damaun or elsewhere,
pretended with the nabob that they had a letter from the viceroy,
saying, That he and his friends the English meant to join their forces
and come against Surat. This devilish device gave much hindrance to our
business, by occasioning continual doubt in the nabob's mind of our
friendly intentions; and unfortunately likewise, Mr Aldworth had
strengthened these doubts and fears, though ignorant of the lying
inventions of the jesuits; for, thinking to mollify their rigour, he
rashly advised them to beware, lest their ill usage might force us to
join with the Portuguese against them. We likewise believed that the
order of the nabob, forbidding the people to trade with us on board,
proceeded entirely from his desire to thwart us: But we afterwards
learnt, by letter from Thomas Kerridge, that Mucrob Khan, and all other
governors of sea-ports, had express orders from the Mogul, not to allow
any trade with us till they had first chosen and purchased, for the
king's use, all kinds of strange and unusual things we might have to
dispose of.
On the 3d I called a council to deliberate concerning our business, and
especially how far we might proceed in aid of the natives against the
Portuguese, for which purpose we carefully examined our commission and
instructions. We also arranged the appointments of the merchants for
their several places of employment, both such as were to remain in the
factory at Surat, and those who were to proceed on the voyage. This day
likewise, sixty bales of indigo, and eleven packs of cotton-yarn, came
aboard from Surat, being goods that belonged to the _twelfth_ voyage.
It was my desire to have been ashore among our merchants, that I might
assist in arranging our business at Surat; and this the rather because
of the turbulent, head-strong, and haughty spirit of----,[126] who was
ever striving to sway every thing his own way, thwarting others who
aimed at the common good, and whose better discretion led them to more
humility. But such was the uncertain state of our business, partly owing
to the nabob and his people, and partly to the Portuguese, who I heard
were arming against us; and besides, because I understood that the nabob
proposed to demand restitution for the goods taken by Sir Henry
Middleton in the Red Sea, at under rates, as they say, though I know
they had goods for goods even to the value of a halfpenny. On all these
accounts, therefore, I thought it best to keep nearest my principal
charge, referring all things on shore to the merchants of my council, in
most of whom I had great confidence.
[Footnote 126: This name is left blank in the Pilgrims, probably because
Purchas, a contemporary, did not wish to give offence.--E.]
The 22d November, I finished my letters for Persia; being one for the
company, to be forwarded over land, one for Sir Robert Shirley, and one
of instructions for Richard Steel. The 23d, _Lacandus_, the Banian, came
down to us, with news of discontent and hard speeches that had passed
between the nabob and our merchants, but who were now again reconciled.
This was occasioned by Mr Edwards refusing to let him see the presents,
which he was at last obliged to consent to. All these merchants wrote me
at this time separately, that the viceroy was certainly arming against
us. At this time Mr Ensworth and Timothy Wood died within an hour of
each other. John Orwicke, Robert Young, and Esay But, were now
dispatched to provide such cloths and cotton-yarns as we had formerly
agreed on. The 25th Mr Edwards wrote me of the coming of three great
men, bringing seven firmauns from the Great Mogul; in whose presence the
nabob bestowed upon him 850 _mahmudies_, ten fine _basties_, thirty
_top-seels_, and thirty _allizaes_; at the same time he gave ten
_top-seels_ to Mr Elkington and Mr Dodsworth, a cloak to Mr Aldworth and
another to Mr Elkington, Mr Dodsworth having had one before. He likewise
promised free trade to all places under his command, and abundant
refreshments for our people in the ships.
The 27th, John Crowther came from Surat, to inform me he had been
appointed by the chief merchants at Surat to accompany Mr Steel into
Persia, and had therefore come to take leave of me, and to fetch away
his things from the ship. This day also Mr Edwards wrote to me, by
Edmund Espinol, to send him fifty elephants teeth, indifferently chosen
as to size, as a banian merchant was in treaty for them all, if they
could agree on terms. The 6th December, the nabob seemed ashamed that he
had not shewn me the smallest respect since my arrival, and, being
desirous to excuse himself, he this day entreated Mr Edwards to go on
board along with the great banian who had bought our ivory, and
Lacandas, the banian merchant of the junk belonging to the king of
_Cushan_.[127] He chose this last, on account of his former familiarity
with our people, and commissioned him to buy sword-blades, knives, and
mirrors. By them he sent me a present, consisting of two _corge_ of
coarse _bastas_, ten fine _bastas_, ten _top-seels_, ten _cuttonies_,
and three quilts, together with a message, certifying that the nabob
proposed to come down to visit me in a day or two at the most. At their
going ashore, I gave them a salute of five guns.
[Footnote 127: Kessem, on the coast of Arabia Felix, is probably here
meant.--E.]
They told me, that the nabob had certain intelligence from Goa, that the
viceroy was fitting out all the force he could muster to come against
us; and expressed a wish, on the part of the nabob, that I would convoy
one or two of his ships for two or three days sail from the coast, which
were bound for the Red Sea. To this I answered, that I could not do
this; as, if once off the coast, the wind was entirely adverse for our
return: But, if he would further our dispatch, so that we might be ready
in any convenient time, I would do any thing reasonable that he could
desire. The 9th, the nabob's son came to the shore, but would not
venture on board, wherefore I went ashore to him. He had a horse ready
for me on landing to fetch me, and desired me to sit down beside him,
which I did. He then commanded some horsemen, who accompanied him, to
amuse me, by shewing their warlike evolutions on the sands, chasing each
other after the fashion of the Deccan, whence they were; and at his
desire I caused eleven guns to be fired, to do him honour. Though he
refused to drink any wine at this interview, he sent for it after his
departure, as also for a fowling-piece he had seen in the hands of one
of our people, both which I sent him, together with a bowl from which to
drink the wine.
§2. _Account of the Forces of the Portuguese, their hostile Attempts,
and Fight with the English, in which they are disgracefully repulsed_.
On the 16th of December, 1613, Mr Elkington wrote me, That the nabob had
told him the Portuguese frigates had burnt Gogo, with many _gouges_ or
villages in its vicinity, together with ten large ships, of which the
_Rehemee_ was one, and an hundred and twenty small vessels. He said
likewise, that the nabob was much displeased with me for not having
fired upon the Portuguese vessels, as they passed our anchorage, which
circumstance had renewed his suspicions of our friendly intelligence
with the Portuguese; and, although Mr Elkington had said every thing he
could to explain the reason of our conduct, as stated formerly, he could
not satisfy the nabob of its propriety. The 23d two boats came off to us
for lead; and on the same day we saw twenty-two Portuguese frigates,
which came to anchor in the night between, us and the mouth of the
river, where they continued most part of next day.
The 24th, in the morning, we saw four boats coming down the river
towards us; but, on seeing the Portuguese frigates, they immediately
turned back, and were chased up the river by two of the frigates.
Finding they could not get up with the boats, the Portuguese landed and
set fire to two or three poor cottages, and carried off two or three
cattle, and then returned to their squadron at the mouth of the river.
In the afternoon, they all went up the river in company. In the morning
early of the 25th, we saw five or six frigates under sail. An hour or
two after, we saw a boat standing towards us, which was presently chased
by two frigates, on which the men in the small boat ran her a-ground and
forsook her; but as the frigates could not float near where the boat
was, and the tide was ebbing fast, they departed without farther harm.
The 26th in the morning, I sent the Hope a good way to the northward
from the rest of our fleet, to see whether the Portuguese would assail
her.
Early in the morning of the 27th, the Portuguese frigates came and made
a bravado before our ship, and then before the Salomon, which was next
us; and from thence went directly against the Hope, which rode a great
way from us, in which manoeuvre they had all their men close stowed
below, and not one to be seen. The master of the Hope hailed them twice,
but they would give no answer; on which they let fly at them from the
bow-chases of the Hope, which only could be brought to bear, and by
which they were forced with some loss to stand away. The master of the
Hope was satisfied, if he had not shot at them, that they would have
attempted to board, or to have set his ship on fire, as they had the
advantage of both wind and tide, and were so directly a-head of his ship
that he could hardly get any of his guns to bear upon them, while the
rest of our ships could not have come up to his rescue. In the
afternoon, I sent the Salomon to keep company with the Hope; and, going
to the northwards of her, she made several shots at the frigates, but we
did not perceive that any harm was done. I therefore ordered a gun to be
fired, as a warning to desist, on which the Salomon stood in again and
came to anchor.
In the morning of the 28th, I went in the pinnace aboard the Hope and
Salomon, to enquire the reason of their firing. And the Portuguese,
seeing our boats pass to and fro, removed in the afternoon, and anchored
a little way without us, obviously for the purpose of cutting off our
intercourse. In the meantime, the boat which had been chased ashore on
the 25th, came aboard the Gift, bringing some letters from Mr Elkington,
which our master sent to me, as I was then in the Hope. Having answered
Mr Elkington's letter, I sent back the _gelliwat_ to the Gift, with
directions to go thence to Surat in the night. But, as the _gelliwat_
[galivat] returned, she was chased by the frigates; which perceiving, I
waved her to return, but she held on her way, not observing my signal.
The frigates held her so close in chase, that they got within shot of
her, and even fired one gun; and had not the Gift slipped one cable and
veered another, and plied her ordnance at the Portuguese, they had
surely taken or sunk the _gelliwat_. This forced the Portuguese to give
over the chase, not without damage. Late at night, on the tide of ebb, I
made the Hope and Salomon set sail and come near the other two ships,
and then returned on board the Gift.
Perceiving on the 29th, that my continuing off the bar of Surat was
quite unavailing, as the Portuguese frigates could pass and repass to
and from the river, by going across the sands, where there was not
water to float my ships; and that no boats could come to us to fetch
away our goods, for fear of the frigates, neither could we have any
intercourse with our friends ashore, to know what passed; I therefore
set sail for Swally roads, where I arrived next day, having very little
wind.
On the 14th January, 1614, we heard of many frigates being arrived,
which rode at the bar of Surat all next day till night; and, leaving
that place after dark, they came and rode within shot of us till next
morning, when they weighed and stood back to the southwards. While they
remained at anchor, supposing they might be the Mallabars, which the
nabob had formerly promised to send me, I put forth a flag of truce, and
sent Mr Spooner, one of our master's mates, towards them, directing him
to keep a watchful eye to our signals, which we should make if we saw
any reason of suspicion. Seeing our gallivat draw near, and no sign of
friendship in answer to ours, I hoisted my flag and fired a shot to
recall our boat, which immediately came back. At this time, our sentinel
at the mast-head descried another fleet of frigates, which afterwards
assembled at the bar of Surat, and went all into the river. By this I
was satisfied they were all Portuguese, and was glad our men and boat
had escaped their hands. Thinking these frigates were forerunners of a
greater force, I ordered the decks to be cleared, all our guns thrown
loose, and every thing to be in readiness for action, both for the great
guns and small arms, and to fit up barricades for close quarters. In the
night of the 17th, all the frigates came out of the river, and in the
morning were all at the point of the bar.
The 18th, Maugie, the banian captain formerly mentioned, accompanied by
another great man, who was son to _Clych Khan_, came to the water side
to speak with me, to whom I went ashore. Not long after, word was
brought from on board, that they had descried a fleet of ships far off,
which looked very big, but which we could not see from the shore, owing
to its being very low. Taking leave of my visitors, I returned aboard,
and made every thing be put in readiness, which was done immediately.
Towards night, we made them out to be six galleons, with three smaller
ships, besides the sixty frigates which were here before. Two gallies
belonging to this armament were not yet come up. The tide being spent,
they came to anchor till next day. The 19th, they plied up to the
entrance of our new channel, where they came to anchor, and where they
were joined by the two gallies. One of their great ships, being too
forward, came too near the sands and grounded, but was soon got off
again.
On this occasion, Mucrob Khan, the nabob of Surat, sent the sabandar and
several others of the principal men of Surat, with a great present of
provisions to the Portuguese, and to endeavour to enter into terms of
peace; but though great policy was used on both sides, they broke off
without coming to any terms. This was done by the nabob to my great
mortification, for he and all the country despaired of my being able to
resist such disproportionate force, and he was therefore willing before
hand to conciliate the viceroy by presents; considering, if I were once
overthrown, his own turn would come next, either to endure a severe
assault, or to make such a peace as the enemy chose to dictate. Peace
was certainly most desirable for the viceroy, that he might restore
trade with the Moguls. Yet, seeing the tractableness of the nabob, and
his apparent earnestness for peace, the viceroy made light of it for the
present, expecting to bring it to bear with great advantage after he had
overthrown us, which he made no doubt easily to accomplish. When this
was performed, he expected to receive great presents, and great
submission from the Moguls to the dictates of the conqueror. But it
pleased God, who beheld the injustice of his attempt, to turn the event
contrary to the expectations both of the viceroy and the nabob. After
failing in all his attempts against me, and finding he could not even
gain a _boats thole_ from me in all the time he spent here, with loss
and disgrace, the viceroy was fain to revive the former despised proffer
of peace with the nabob: While the nabob on the other hand, confirmed by
the experience of a month, and seeing that the viceroy, after all his
boastful threatenings, and with so vast an armament, was unable to
prevail against our four merchant ships, or even to remove our small
force one foot from their place, gave for answer, that he would not make
peace with the viceroy. Thus was the viceroy frustrated in both his
hopes, of an easy victory over us, and an advantageous peace with the
Moguls. After this digression, I now return to our proceedings.
When we formerly heard of the force which the viceroy was fitting out
against us; we had no conception it would be so formidable as it now
appeared, and therefore deemed it expedient to consult how, by God's
help, we might best resist. The odds and advantages on their side, made
me calculate every thing that made against me. Being far out-numbered
by his forces, which I esteemed the principal ships and means belonging
to the Portuguese in India, and having all the people of greatest rank
and valour, I considered it might be too hazardous for us to put out
into deep water, as by their numbers they would be able to intercept and
overcharge me, and to force me irrecoverably aground, on one side or
other. Such were my apparent disadvantages in going out to sea; while I
knew, on the other hand, that their numerous smaller vessels might much
annoy us with fire-works, or put us otherwise into great hazard, in the
place where we now rode at anchor, where I was hopeful their great ships
could not or durst not come, owing to the shoal water. Though my numbers
were considerably lessened by sickness and deaths, all my people, from
the highest to the lowest, seemed quite courageous, yet ignorant both of
our danger and how it was to be prevented; but their brave spirit gave
me great hope. Yet my anxiety was not small, how I might best act in
maintaining the honour of my country, and not neglect the valuable
property entrusted to my care by my friends and employers; as not only
was the present charge to be put in hazard, but all hopes also of future
benefits, if I were now overthrown; as the enemy, if he now got the
mastery, would be able to make peace with the Moguls on his own terms,
to the expulsion of our nation for ever.
Besides these considerations, I leave to such parents as are tender for
the safety of their dutiful and obedient children, to imagine how great
was my anxiety for the safety of the people under my command. So great
was my cares all this time, that I had little time for conversation, or
even almost to shew myself sensible of the approaching dangers. Whenever
I could get free from others, I very earnestly craved the aid and
direction of the almighty and ever merciful God, who had often delivered
me before from manifold dangers, praying that he would so direct me that
I might omit nothing having a tendency to the safety of my charge, and
our defence against the enemy. I had strong confidence that the Almighty
would grant my request, and yet was often led to doubt, through my
manifold and grievous offences. I resolved at length what to do, by
God's assistance, providing the masters of the ships would agree to
second me. Being satisfied, if we should-receive a defeat while at
anchor, our disgrace would be great, and our enemies could in that case
be little injured by us; while by setting sail, the viceroy, in his
greediness and pride, might do himself some wrong upon the sands, by
which he might cripple his own force, and thereby open a way for our
getting out through the rest. Yet this plan seemed only fit for ultimate
necessity, considering that much of our goods were now on their way, and
others were expected from day to day; and, if once out, unless it
pleased God to make us the conquerors, so as to drive the viceroy clean
away, I should on no account be able to return to my anchorage, where
only I could get in my lading. Considering also that the viceroy would
hold his honour in such high estimation, that he would rather die than
give way; and besides, that my people would be tired and half spent with
labour, before going to fight, by heaving at the capstan to get up our
anchors, setting the sails, and so forth, which in this hot country
makes them both weary and faint, to the great diminution of their
courage; while the viceroy and his soldiers being troubled with no
labour, which among them is done by slaves and inferior mariners, would
come fresh into the battle. Likewise, even supposing the viceroy to lose
many men in the fight, he could be again supplied from the nearest towns
belonging to the Portuguese, by means of his frigates; whereas we could
not have a single man replaced, whatever number we might have slain or
disabled.
Having none of our merchants aboard, as they were all employed in the
country, or with Mr Elkington in our factory at Surat, I sent for all
the masters, on the night of this Thursday the 19th January, desiring
them and some of the mates to come to supper with me on board the Gift.
I then made them a speech on our present situation, desiring every one
to give his opinion freely, how we might best proceed in our present
straits. I declared to them my confidence in God, notwithstanding all
the force of these bragging Portuguese, that their injurious attempts
would not prevail against us, who had been careful not to wrong them in
the Indies. I represented also to them, the jealousy entertained of us
by the nabob and other chief men of the country, because we had
refrained from firing at the saucy bragging frigates.
I found all the masters willing and tractable to my heart's desire. We
had some few discourses about our provident mooring, as also about
removing a little lower down. I then proposed my plan to them, desiring
to have their free opinion. I represented that our ships were now in as
good condition for battle as we could make them, yet our danger by
night, if we continued where we were, was not small, however provident
we might be. Wherefore, I thought it fit in the morning at low water, to
send one ship to ride as far down as we could have water for all our
ships at the lowest ebb, at which time none of the enemies ships could
come to annoy her. This, as I thought, might induce the viceroy to make
some attempt at high water, when our other three ships might bear down
against the stream, the springs being now at the highest, when we should
see what efforts the viceroy might make, and might attend to the same
and act accordingly, in the hope that the viceroy might commit some
error to the weakening of his own force and our advantage. And if such
should happen, it would then be proper for us to put out to sea, in the
darkness of the following night, when the viceroy would not be in
condition to make sail to hinder us. Or, if we saw reason, we might make
sail daily on the flood, working to and again, which would somewhat
dismay the Portuguese, and encourage our own men. My proposal was
unanimously agreed to, as the best way of proceeding; and finding Mr
Molineux quite willing to fall down with the Hope at low water next
morning, this was directed accordingly.
In the morning of the 20th, at low water, the Hope went down to induce
the enemy to make some attempt against her when the tide rose, and then
we in the other ships stood after her. The viceroy, and all the worthy
knights about him, thinking I was about to flee, hastened as soon as the
flood would permit to stop the passage, and prevent our getting out. We
all came to anchor short of the Hope, yet not so as to leave her
destitute of our help, but rather doubting of sufficient depth for our
ships at low water so far down. On coming to anchor, I went down into my
cabin, meaning to have given our friends ashore notice of my purposes,
that they might know it proceeded from no rashness, but in good
discretion to wait upon advantages to the prejudice of our enemies. But
presently I had notice, that three of the Portuguese ships and most of
their frigates were coming stem on before the wind upon the Hope,
followed by all the galleons.
We endeavoured to weigh our anchor, but having no time for that, we cut
our cables, and made sail for the rescue of the Hope. Before we could
get sufficiently near, the enemies ships were close aboard of her, and
had entered their men, boarding her with great appearance of resolution.
But they had no quiet abode there, nor could they rest in their own
ships, neither could they cast them loose from the Hope, so greatly were
they annoyed by our great guns and small arms. At length, their
principal officers being slain, the rest in great numbers leapt into the
sea, whence many of them were taken up by their frigates. But, before
quitting their ships, they set them on fire, thinking to have burnt the
Hope along with them. But, praised be the Lord of Hosts, they were burnt
without harm to the Hope; for, so soon as the fire had well kindled, the
flaming ships were cast loose and drifted on the sands, where they
continued burning till quenched by the flowing tide. So long as
day-light lasted, we continued exchanging shots from all our ships with
the galleons, they being on the outside of a spit of sand, and we on the
inside. They did us little injury in our hulls, but much to our ropes
and sails overhead. In this conflict, besides those who were wounded, we
had five men slain. By a great mischance, the main-top-sail, top-mast,
and shrouds got afire, communicated from the main-top, in consequence of
the fire-works lodged there taking fire, the man being slain who had the
charge there. All these were burnt quite away, together with a great
part of the main-mast; and this misfortune prevented us from going out
into deep water to try our fortune with the viceroy in close fight. We
were likewise put to our shifts, not knowing by what means we might get
the mast replaced.
The 21st I got the anchor weighed, which we had been obliged to cut from
the day before. On the 22d, I was informed that many great men,
accompanied by a Portuguese friar, and escorted by five or six hundred
horse, had come down to Swally, meaning to send the friar next day, with
three or four principal Moors, to negociate a peace with the viceroy.
But the nabob sent me word, that he sought for no such thing, and was
resolved to conclude no peace, unless we were included. He also granted
me what timber we might need, of which we availed ourselves, and
promised to supply us with provisions. The Portuguese remaining quiet on
the 25th, the _muccadam_ of Swally came to me, saying that the
before-mentioned friar had sent to entice him to poison the well whence
we had our water, which he would not consent to, and had therefore put
some live tortoises into it, that these might shew by their deaths, if
poison should be put therein by the Portuguese. At night, part of the
120 bales of indigo we had purchased came to the water side, and was
presently got aboard. This day _Isaac Beg_ sent me a present of fruit
from his own garden; and this day likewise the rest of the timber for
repairing the Hope's mast was brought down to us.
The 27th, I sent all our boats to sound the _Swash_ at low water, being
chiefly on purpose to keep the Portuguese in ignorance of my real
intentions. They sent one galley and five frigates, thinking to have cut
off our boats; but in this they failed, as in every thing else they
attempted against us. The 28th, the nabob sent great store of provisions
to the viceroy, as goats, bread, plantains, and the like, together with
a banquet of sweetmeats. Coge Nozan sent me a present of five bullocks.
Several of our men died about this time of fluxes and other diseases.
The 31st, we received aboard from Cambay, fifty bales of indigo. In the
afternoon, one _Coge Arson Ali_ came aboard, and presented me with
several goats, a large supply of bread, roast-meat, plantains, sugar,
and other such things. Along with him came an old acquaintance of mine,
a Persian, who said there were news from Damaun, that the Portuguese had
sent there 350 men to be buried; and we computed, that there could not
be less than 100 more, killed and burnt in their ships, besides those
who were drowned. They also told me, that not only were the Portuguese
opposed here in India, but also by the Persians at Ormus, and that the
Malays were in arms against them at Malacca. They likewise assured me,
that the negociations between Mucrob Khan and the viceroy were entirely
at an end, and that no peace would take place between them.
I had long wished to see this man, who, till now, could never get leave
of the nabob, without which no one dared use that freedom. This jealousy
of the nabob proceeded, as he said, from a great charge enjoined by the
king to procure for his use all curious things of value, and he is
fearful lest any of these should pass through other hands, to his
disgrace, which forces him to employ strange and severe means to prevent
this happening. Day being nearly spent, I sent them ashore, making them
a present, and giving money to all their people, having first shewn them
how far some of our great guns could throw a ball. They then took their
leave and departed.
§3_Supplies received by the Portuguese, who vainly endeavour to use
Fire-boats. They seek Peace, which is refused, and depart. Interview
between the Nabob and Captain Downton, and Departure of the English_.
On the 3d February, 1615, there arrived at the waterside twenty-four
bales of indigo, seven packs of white, seven of black, and four of blue
_bastas,_ six packs of cotton yarn, three of _candikens,_ and one pack
of _crecany,_ all of which were brought immediately on board. This day
also the supplies for the viceroy came in sight, being two ships of
burden, two junks, and eight or ten of the country boats. The nabob sent
me a message by _Lacandas,_ that these were not for the purpose of
fighting, but were full of combustibles, meant to be set on fire, and
allowed to drift with the tide upon our ships in the night. I was glad
of this information, and took immediate measures to prevent the
consequences of such an attempt, as well as to defend ourselves from the
smaller vessels. The spring-tides were now near the highest, and were
consequently fittest for their attacks, so that I expected them every
tide; and to let them see I was ready for their reception, and how
little I cared for them, I directed the setting and clearing our watch,
mornings and evenings, to be announced by a volley of shot from every
ship, pointing the best piece in my ship at the prow of the viceroy's
ship, to try his temper, and to daunt the courage of his people. It
pleased God this morning, when I had least leisure for mourning, to call
my only son, George Downton, to his mercy, who was buried next morning
ashore, and the volleys intended to insult the viceroy, served also to
honour his obsequies.
This morning also, while expecting an assault from the Portuguese, I was
visited by one _Mousa Attale,_ a Malabar captain, together with his
troop, from whom I got a description of the principal ports and harbours
of his country, expressing my anxious desire to become acquainted with
them, and to have league and intercourse between them and the English,
with mutual trade and friendship. He seemed willing to encourage this
proposal, and requested letters to that effect from me, which their
ships might shew to my countrymen when they happened to meet, which I
gave him, as also a letter for his king, requesting kind usage for my
countrymen if any of their ships should come into his harbours. After
some conference, he departed, and I presented him with a sword-blade,
and three or four knives.[128] This day the master of the Hope
represented that he had several men killed in the former engagement, and
many hurt, bruised, and disabled from service, on which I sent him three
men from my ship, four from the Hector, and four from the Salomon.
[Footnote 128: These knives, so often mentioned as presents in India,
were probably daggers.--E.]
The 5th I had letters from Mr Aldworth, informing of his arrival at
Baroach with his companions, and saying that he had been set upon by 200
Rajput thieves, nine _coss_ from Baroach, the day before, the thieves
being armed with pikes, matchlocks, and bows and arrows; but, after some
skirmishing, they fled, three of them being slain, and more wounded. In
this affair Humphrey Elkington was shot through the thigh with an arrow,
one of the horsemen sent by Surder Khan to guard our people was killed,
and Mr Aldworth's horse sore wounded. The nabob sent me word that the
viceroy proposed to assault me this day, and therefore sent Coge Nozan
to guard the land. Nozan came accordingly to the water side, and sent
his son, _Mamud Iehad,_ to visit me on board, accompanied by a chief
named _Kemagee,_ the son of _Leckdarsee, rajput_ chieftain of _Guigamar_
or _Castelletto,_[129] who had for a long time maintained war with the
Moguls and Portuguese. These chiefs entreated permission to see and
partake in the fight, and as no assault was made that day, they remained
all night on board. The _rajput_ chief went ashore next morning, but the
other remained on board two or three days, and seeing the enemy would do
nothing, he went likewise ashore.
[Footnote 129: On a former occasion supposed to have been
Jumbosier.--E.]
On the forenoon of the 8th, we received more indigo aboard, and in the
afternoon all the Portuguese frigates, with the two junks, and two
gallies, came driving up with the flood, as if for some attempt against
us, either by fire, which I most doubted, or otherwise. We therefore got
under weigh and advanced to meet them, upon which they all made off as
fast as they could, and we came again to anchor. This was merely a
device, to make us believe their fire-boats were to come against us
from the south, and that we might have no suspicion of their coming from
the northwards; wherefore they again assembled all their junks,
frigates, and galleys next night, a little without the sands, to call
our attention from the northern quarter. But I was aware of that being
the place of greatest danger; and though I commanded a careful outlook
to be kept both ways, I especially enjoined to be watchful in the north
quarter, as it fell out accordingly. A little within the night, between
us and a great light to the westwards, upon the island of Gogo, we could
discern them creeping up to the north upon the flood; and then, about
ten o'clock at night, when very dark, and before the moon rose, upon the
last quarter of the ebb tide, there came down towards us two fire-boats,
towed by two frigates, which we happily descried before they came nigh,
and plied them heartily both with great guns and small arms. By this we
soon beat off the frigates, which set the fire-boats adrift, and made
sail from us.
One of the fire-boats drifted clear of the Gift, Hector, and Salomon,
but got athwart the cable of the Hope, and presently blew up; but,
blessed be God, the Hope received no harm, having cut her cable and got
clear. The other fire-boat came up likewise on the quarter of the Hope,
all in flames, but did no harm, as she drifted past with the ebb. She
came up again with the tide of flood, and was like to have got foul of
us; but our boats towed her ashore continually burning. The former one
floated likewise back with the flood, but sank near us in the morning.
This day I had a letter from Thomas Kerridge, specifying that Nicholas
Whittington had gone distracted, and expressing some doubts of Richard
Steel.
The 10th, at night, about the same time as before, two other fire-boats
came against us, towed by four or five frigates, bearing directly on the
Hector. Immediately on perceiving them, the Gift and Hector let drive at
them with great guns and small arms, so that the frigates threw them
adrift, firing them sooner than they otherwise would. The burning boats
floated toward the Hector, but having a stiff breeze, drifted past to
leewards. Within half an hour after, we perceived many boats drifting
towards the Hector, against which we again let drive, forcing the
frigates to abandon them in such a hurry that they only set two of them
on fire, there being four of them chained together. Fortunately we had
a stiff gale, and by edging up to windward, they all floated clear to
leeward. While passing, our gunner made a shot at one of the boats that
was unfired, which struck her and set her on fire. The vehemence of the
flames reached the fourth boat, and set her likewise on fire; so they
all drifted ashore in flames, hard by our landing-place. My pinnace took
three of the actors in a small canoe, in which they thought to have
escaped. Two of these men were brought aboard my ship, the third being
left in the Hector. Besides these, our _gelliwat_ picked up another,
which she brought with her. Thus did God disappoint all the malicious
practices of our enemy.
Seeing himself foiled in all his injurious attempts, the viceroy set
sail on the 11th, and fell down to the bar of Surat, where he anchored.
Being suspicious that he meant to attempt taking Surat, I resolved, in
that case, to have gone with my ships to set upon his fleet, which must
have constrained him to desist from his enterprise against Surat, as I
was desirous to assist in defending a place where we had so great a
stock, and so many of our merchants. But the viceroy durst not trust me
so far as to unman his ships, lest I should come against him. In the
night he sent all his frigates into the river, and sent some person to
propose peace, but received a flat denial. The 12th, the nabob sent
_Lacandas_ to inform me that five or six frigates had gone to the
northwards, having four or five fire-boats, which they meant to let
drive upon us in the night, and therefore wished me to keep a good
look-out. I acknowledged his kindness, and was glad of his care, though
needing no such admonition, as I was equally suspicious of their
practices when out of sight as when they rode near us. The nabob had
this intelligence from the Jesuits, with whom he kept on fair terms, for
his better security, if he should have been put to the worst. As the
frigates, or other vessels in the offing, could not well discern the
place where our ships rode during the darkness of the night, by reason
of the shadow of the shore, they had lights made for them ashore for
guiding them where to find us during their hellish incendiary plans.
Having observed this light, night after night, always in the same place,
and seeing it as before on the night of the 13th, I sent William Gurdin
ashore with twenty men, armed with muskets and pikes, directing them to
endeavour to surround this fire-blazer, supposing him to be some traitor
inhabiting the neighbourhood. But, on coming near, the fire was
presently put out, and was again seen at another place, quite contrary
to the direction of their pursuit; and so going up and down for a long
time, they gave it over, esteeming it some delusion of the devil. This
night the viceroy set sail from the bar of Surat, leaving about twenty
of his frigates in the river to keep in check the Malabar frigates which
were there for the defence of the town.
The 14th, the nabob sent a great man, who, in token of friendship, was
called his brother, to visit me. This person gave as his opinion that
the viceroy was gone with all his fleet to Goa, leaving some frigates to
keep possession of the river, and others to return to Diu and Ormus. But
my own opinion is, that the viceroy has only gone somewhere to refresh
his people, and to reinforce his ships, against our putting to sea, when
no sands will be in the way of his greatest ships coming against me. He
also told me that the king had sent down forces for the purpose of
conquering Damaun and all the sea coast. He said likewise, that they
were more willing to give entertainment and trade to our nation than the
Portuguese, which I thought very reasonable, as the Portuguese had
always been injurious, and had done many vile things against them. Yet,
unless we continue able to resist the Portuguese, they will soon unsay
that speech for their own ease. When he had viewed our ship, with our
ordnance and defensive preparations, we sent him and his train on shore
in oar boats, in all courtesy.
We now set seriously to work in clearing and loading the Hope for
England, having hitherto taken in our goods confusedly and by hasty
snatches, some into one ship, and some into others, not deeming it
proper to hazard all in one bottom while exposed to so much danger from
the Portuguese. I had resolved to send home the Hope, not that I
esteemed her burden the fittest for the goods we had provided, but
because of the many impediments and disabilities of that ship, as daily
complained of by the master and carpenter; in particular, that her
stern-post within the rudder was unsheathed, a strange and dangerous
neglect and unaccountable oversight, on which account it was fitting she
should soonest return; besides, we were in danger of losing our
quicksilver which was in her, and lay on her keel and bilges.
The 18th, the nabob sent to me Cage Arson Ali, the sabandar, and other
merchants of Surat, requesting me to remain for fifteen days, which I
would in no sort consent to. They then importuned me to stop for ten
days, which likewise I refused, shewing them how prejudicial so long
delay might be to my voyage. The cause of their request was, lest the
viceroy might come with all his forces against Surat after my departure.
Seeing them discontented at my denial, and loth to give displeasure to
the nabob, which might be prejudicial to our affairs afterwards, and
considering that it would require six days of the ten before we could
get the Hope ready, I at last consented to their request, to their great
satisfaction. At night on the 22d I had a letter from Surat, informing
me that the nabob meant to visit me next day, and accordingly two
elephants and six camels came down in the morning of the 23d, bringing
his tents and other matters for his reception. The 24th, Mr Aldworth
came down with the rest of the merchants to finish all business with me
previous to our departure.
In the morning of the 25th, the nabob came down with a great train, with
six other elephants, and was two hours at the water side before I knew
of his arrival. When told, I was sorry for the neglect, and sent Mr
Aldworth, Mr Elkington, and Mr Dodsworth ashore to compliment him, and
to keep him in discourse till I could go on shore, which I did soon
after. I proposed to have gone to him as a son to his father, in my
doublet and hose, without arms or any great train, according to custom,
to shew the trust and confidence I reposed in him; but my friends
persuaded me to the contrary, insisting that I should go well appointed,
and attended by a sufficient guard, to which I consented, though I
afterwards repented that I had not followed my own way. I went
accordingly ashore with about 140 men, part pikes, and part firelocks,
who gave me a volley of small arms as I entered the nabob's tent. The
nabob received me with much kindness, seeming much pleased at my coming
ashore to him. We sat for some time under a very fair tent, open on all
sides, and surrounded by many people, both his attendants and mine.
At length he brought me into a more private room, near adjoining, having
only along with him Ali Khan, a great Persian captain, with Henie the
Banian as his interpreter; while I was accompanied by Messrs. Aldworth,
Elkington, and Dodsworth. We there conferred about the state of his
country, and about our affairs. At last I invited him to go on board to
view our ship, to which he readily consented. He then presented me with
his own sword, with many complimentary speeches, saying it was the
custom of his country to honour with arms such captains as had deserved
well. This sword, as he said, was made in his own house, the hilt being
of massy gold. In return, I presented to him my own arms, being sword
and dagger, together with my girdle and hangers, by me much esteemed,
and making a much finer shew than his, though of less value. We came
forth together from the private tent, and I walked down to the shore to
wait for his coming, whither he sent me a present of ten _cuttonee_
quilts and twenty _topseels_.
Soon after the nabob came to the shore, and we took boat together, going
on board my ship. Having shewn our ordnance, and the manner of pointing
the guns, and explained all our other preparations for defence, I
presented him with a very handsome gilt cup and cover, some fair knives,
a rundlet of Muscadine wine, and some other toys. Desiring to see some
of our ordnance shot off, and how far they could carry their balls on
the water, I caused three guns to be fired. He would then have taken
leave, but I accompanied him ashore, and ordered him to be saluted at
his departure with eleven guns. When we parted at the water side, the
nabob gave me four baskets of grapes. He likewise gave among the gunners
and trumpeters 200 mahmoodies, and 500 among the ship's company,
together with 100 _books_ of white _bastas_, worth two mahmoodies each.
Thus, after some compliments, we took leave of each other and parted.
While rowing up along shore for my better getting on board, as the tide
ran very swiftly, _Lacandas_ came running towards the boat, bearing a
message from the nabob to ask if he should erect a tomb over the grave
of my son. I returned my hearty thanks for the kind offer, desiring
Lacandas to say that I had already begun to do so. The nabob then went
away to Surat, and not long after his tent was taken down and went after
him, with all the rest of his carriages.
The 26th, the nabob's son and son-in-law, a very ingenious young man,
came to visit me, upon whom I bestowed some knives and other things,
such as I had left, which could not be much, as I had every now and then
some great man or other to visit me, to all of whom I had to give
something. The 27th, the three sons of Ali Khan came to visit me, the
eldest of whom, named Guger Khan, presented me with two antilopes, a
male and a female, of which I was very glad, having endeavoured before
ineffectually to send some home to Sir Thomas Smith. After viewing all
our ship, with our ordnance and warlike preparations for defence, I gave
him four Spanish pikes, and some other things of my own, and saluted him
with eleven guns at his departure.
In the afternoon of the 3d March, upon the tide of ebb, and having a
light gale from the north, sufficient to give steerage-way to our ships,
we hastened to get up our anchors, meaning to set sail in the
prosecution of our voyage, though our friends, the Malabars, who had
desired to go with us, made no attempt to come out. At this time we saw
another fleet of Portuguese frigates standing in from the westwards, and
being willing to do my best to hinder them from going into the river of
Surat, were it only to shew our good-will to the country people, we shot
at the nearest of them, though without hope of doing them any hurt, as
there was room for them to pass on either side of us, beyond reach of
our shot. I was willing also to shew our friends on land, as also to
those who I made no doubt would go down the coast to give notice to the
galleons of our coming, that we shot at their frigates going into Surat,
that they might also expect that we cared little for their greater
strength.
In our passage this night we had various flaws of inconstant winds,
which obliged us to come to anchor for some time. As the wind became
afterwards steady, though faint, we again made sail, continuing our
course S. by E. along shore. At day-light nest morning we began to
descry, between us and the shore, the Portuguese galleons and two
gallies; all of which made sail on perceiving us, following with a light
breeze, while we stood somewhat out of our course with all our sails,
partly to gain time to prepare ourselves perfectly for battle, and
partly to give rest to my people, who had taken much fatigue the night
before, as also to draw the enemy farther from the coast, and from
having the convenience of fresh supplies. Ere long, the tide of flood
obliged us to anchor, not having sufficient wind to stem the current.
The enemy, resting his hopes on the wind, kept longer under sail, to his
great disadvantage. But as I did not consider this at the time as an
error in them, I was is great doubt lest they might intend going against
Surat with all their force, now that we were at sea, and there work
their wills upon our friends and goods, which I could only prevent by
following them. Yet the season was now so far advanced that I doubted,
even with our best haste, we should hardly get off the coast before the
foul weather set in; and this gave me hope that the viceroy would not
expose himself to the danger of the approaching winter. While
considering these things, the tide of flood was spent, and it was time
for us to use the ebb, when, to my great satisfaction, I saw the viceroy
and his whole fleet standing towards us, with a fresh breeze. We
likewise made sail, and stood our course before him all that ebb, and so
spent that night to the best advantage, partly at anchor, and partly
under sail, according as wind and tide served.
In the morning of the 5th, the enemy had gained very little way upon us.
We spent this day, as before, in riding or sailing, as the tide
answered. This night the viceroy gained much ground upon us, and by this
time we had got a good way from the coast, and had advanced well to the
southwards, so that I was now satisfied the Portuguese forces could not
this year give any annoyance to Surat. I considered that my purposes in
these parts, both by the authority of my king, and to fulfil the designs
of my employers, were, in merchant ships, fitted indeed for defence, to
seek honest commerce, without striving to injure any; wherefore I held
it fit for me to proceed soberly and discreetly, neither basely to flee
from the enemy, nor to tempt danger by proudly seeking it, if it might
be honourably avoided. The viceroy was quite differently situated. He
had been sent by his master with the principal ships of all India, and
all the gallants and braggarts of these parts, not only to disturb and
intercept the peaceable trade of the English with the subjects of the
Mogul, but to take and burn them in the harbours of that great king. The
viceroy was furnished with abundance of all things the country could
afford, and only wanted an upright cause. He found what he was in search
of,--four poor merchant ships, having few men, many being dead, and more
sick; and these bragadocios, measuring our hearts by their own, thought
we could never stand against what they esteemed so superior a force;
and, seeing their intent, I baited my hook, which the fish presently ran
after.
The Hope, being heavily laden, was in tow of the Hector, and being
sternmost, three of the Portuguese ships, and thirty or forty of their
frigates, as I had expected, boarded her with the flower of all their
chivalry. But, by the hand of God, and to their great amazement, they
received such a blow that few of them escaped, and these by
extraordinary chance, and three of their ships were burnt.[130] Thus it
pleased God to baffle this their first assault. Ever after, though they
beleaguered us round about for many days together, with all sorts of
ships, our people still in action, and sadly worn out with continual
labour, even shifting goods from ship to ship in that time, yet did they
never gain from us even the value of a _louse_ in all that time, except
our bullets, which we most willingly gave them roundly, their fire-boats
always failing, and nothing prospering in all their efforts. For many
days together I sent the viceroy a defiance once every twenty-four
hours, which must needs lie heavy on the stomach of so courageous a
gentleman. Craving pardon for this digression, I now proceed with my
narrative.
[Footnote 130: I strongly suspect this to be a mere recapitulation of
what happened in Swally roads, as already related, as this second attack
on the Hope by the Portuguese is entirely omitted by Elkington and
Dodsworth.--E.]
The 6th, in the morning, I sent for my master, letting him know that I
proposed, when the viceroy should come up near us, to cast about and
charge him suddenly, that we might strike unexpected terror in his
people, who now bragged us, seeing us flee before them. To this end I
went on board all the ships, giving them directions how to act, and gave
orders to the Hector, by means of her pinnace and mine, to take in an
hundred bales of goods from the Hope, to lighten her, and even staid to
see it done. By this time it was mid-day, when my ship struck sail for
my better getting on board; at which, the viceroy thinking it staid for
him in contempt, as we imagined, be and his consorts bore up with the
shore, and gave up all hope of mending their fortunes by following us
any farther; which course I very well liked, as there is nothing under
his foot to make amends for the loss of the worst man's finger in all
our ships. Besides, I wished for no occasion of fighting unless for the
honour of my king and country as I would rather save the life of one of
my poorest sailors than kill a thousand enemies.
Having now finished with the viceroy, I set myself to write letters for
the dispatch of the Hope, yet still thinking to have stood in for the
bar of Goa to endeavour to have left some compliments there for the
viceroy at his return. This was my earnest desire, but we were so long
delayed in dispatching the Hope, that by the time we had finished, we
were far beyond Goa.
* * * * *
"The rest of this journal is wanting, as he is also wanting who should
have finished it. But, alas! this is the imperfection of man's best
perfections; death lying in ambush to entrap those whom by open force he
could not devour. He dying in this voyage, and following his son, hath
left this glorious act, _memoriae sacrum_, the memorable epitaph of his
worth, savouring of a true heroic disposition, piety and valour being in
him seasoned by gravity and modesty."--_Purch._