_July 4, 1806._--The position of the enemy was at right angles with the
trend of the beach, and so distant from it as to admit of operations
between the sea and his left flank, which was weak from the nature
of the ground, an inconvenience the enemy could not avoid from our
being masters of the water, upon which was Sir Sidney Smith with
a line-of-battle ship and three frigates. The British marched with
extended flanks and a heavy column in the centre, the right flank
covered by the sea, the left flank exposed, so that during the approach
of the English the left flank of each army was more particularly
exposed to the operations of the other.
General Regnier, thinking with some reason that the impetus of assault
has much influence over the fate of battles, determined not to wait
for our attack. He descended from his position, crossing the river
Amato, which bathed its foot, and rushed upon the daring foe that was
advancing to attack him.
It happened that the Light Infantry Corps, under Colonel Kempt,
in advance of our right, was opposed to the Premier Regiment de
L’Infanterie Légère, one of the most distinguished regiments in
Napoleon’s service. After these two regiments had exchanged some
well-directed volleys, the French corps rushed forward at the _pas de
charge_, their commander exclaiming furiously as they advanced, “Ne
tirez pas! ne tirez pas! À la bayonnette! à la bayonnette!”[6]
“_Steady, Light Infantry!_” shouted Kempt. “_Wait for the word!_ Let
them come close, let them come close! Now _fire_! _Charge bayonets!
March!_”
All this passed in a moment, but duly as ordered each deed was done.
When the French were very near they received a murderous volley from
their steadfast-hearted opponents, who then, as one man, rushed forward
to the charge. Just as that thing, which it is said has never happened,
viz. the equal shock of opposing lines of troops, seemed inevitable,
just as the two regiments seemed in the very act of contact, the French
Light Infantry, as one man, turned round and fled. They were driven
across the river and up the heights, and a horrible slaughter took
place of this beautiful regiment, which was almost totally destroyed.
Other regiments now volleyed and charged, as is usual in battles, and
the enemy’s left being totally routed, Regnier redoubled his efforts to
make an impression with his right, but with no better success. Neither
cavalry nor infantry could make the smallest impression in front.
The cavalry now made a rapid movement to turn our left flank, which
was unprotected; but at this critical moment the 20th Regiment, which
had just landed, led by the gallant Colonel Ross, advanced in such a
manner, and so skilfully availing itself of the advantages of cover
which the ground afforded, that the cavalry were compelled to go to the
right-about under a galling fire.
The victory was now decided, the enemy flying with the utmost
precipitation. But as we had no cavalry, he was enabled, with those
regiments which had less entirely committed themselves, to preserve
some order in his retreat.
The slaughter on the side of the enemy was immense, indeed hardly
credible when compared to the smallness of our loss. In killed,
wounded, and taken, the French loss has been estimated at more than
3000, while our total loss exactly amounts to as many hundreds, our
killed amounting to 40 privates and 1 officer, while 700 Frenchmen were
buried on the field. A French general (Compère), severely wounded,
is amongst the prisoners. He led the enemy on to the charge with an
_acharnement_ that seemed like individual hate, and on being taken
he rode with his shattered arm through our ranks, menacing with the
action of his other arm, and cursing and swearing with the most voluble
bitterness.
Another prisoner said, “Ma foi! they told us the English were fish that
could only fight by sea, and knew nothing of the matter by land.”
An officer asked him “What he thought now?”
“Oh, now,” said he, “it’s quite another thing.”
Surely this must be considered a brilliant victory when the disparity
of numbers is taken into account, and it is the more gratifying to us
because Regnier stands so high in reputation, and also because one
of these French fellows had formerly spoken very slightingly of the
talents of our gallant little General.
After having advanced some miles in pursuit of the enemy, our army
resumed the position of the morning.
The action began at half-past eight, and the firing ceased at eleven on
the 4th of July.
_July 5._--The army after so severe an exertion formed a sort of camp
of rest about a mile from the field of battle, and near the sea, so as
to have an easy communication with the fleet.[7]
Tents were established for the convenience of the officers, and all the
wounded were comfortably accommodated on board, while whatever could
contribute to the comfort of the troops was brought to them on shore.
After a short refreshment of this kind, the army advanced to Maida, and
there took possession of some French stores.
Having increased its distance from the sea, all the comforts of camp
equipage were abandoned, and we now bivouacked in the open fields,
and shared in all respects the fare of the private soldiers. Our mess
of raw meat was delivered to us in the same proportion as theirs; our
camp kettle hung gipsy-like over a fire of sticks, and each officer’s
cloak and blanket spread upon the ground served him for a bed and his
valise for a pillow, where he lay with his sword by his side and his
spurs on his heels, while his horse was picketed close at hand. In the
morning I went to some rivulet or spring with shaving tackle and brush
in my pocket, and sat down beside it, to lather and brush and scrape
uncomfortably enough.
This was a fine climate and a fine season, and that mode of lodging
on the bare ground had nothing in it really formidable to youthful
strength and spirits, but I never thought it agreeable; and by far
the worst night I spent was one in which we had all endeavoured to be
a little more comfortable by making huts of branches of trees, and
beds of the new-cut corn. An unhandy Sicilian, who acted as my squire
of the body, had undertaken to make “my Excellency” a superb “camera
frondosa.” Nothing could be worse. A few ill-arranged and ill-supported
branches to shade my head only, and over these a loose thatch of wheat.
I had made my own bed of golden flax, but he assured me this generated
a malaria, and made me change it for bearded wheat. I no sooner lay
down than every bearded ear, as if endued with life and motion, began
to work itself into my pantaloons, which for coolness were of the
dark blue Sicilian web silk, then worn by all our officers. Soon the
discomfort this occasioned was increased by the changeful night.
My Dominico, the unhandy, had made the mouth of my little canopy to
face the seaward wind, which now blew rudely upon me, drifting in all
insects of nocturnal wing, especially the large, cold, chaffy locusts,
with which the country was so covered that your horse kicked them up
like dust under his feet. Awkward, ill-guided creatures, as big as
one’s thumb, that when they got upon one did not know how to get away
again.
My under-lip, like that of all the officers, was almost cleft in two
by the effect of sun and night air, so that to laugh or smile brought
tears into one’s eyes, and every time the wind dashed a locust against
my face I gave myself a slap on the chops that stung my poor lip to
distraction. Then it began to rain like the deuce, and soon giving
weight to the wheat at top, the branches could no longer support it, so
down it all came, wet bearded corn, branches and insects, all at once
on my face.
I was extremely glad when this memorable night was over, and ere
earliest dawn the signal for awaking sounded through the leafy roofs
under which the army had that night reposed. At two o’clock I was busy
in preparing my horse for his march, caring little now for the ill
construction of my hut or all the disasters of the night.
The enemy, who had advanced to meet us from the south, having
immediately after the battle retreated northwards to Catanzaro, instead
of attempting to cover the country whence he came, it was plain that
he no longer thought of defending Lower Calabria, which province with
its garrisons he thus abandoned to his victorious adversary. Sir John
Stuart was strongly minded to pursue these extraordinary advantages,
and with his small unassisted army (for there was no indication of a
national rising) to drive the French still further to the north, and
increase the extent of his footing in the kingdom of Naples. There
was certainly more gallantry than prudence about this idea; for when
the interests which depend on this little army are considered, the
importance of the Island of Sicily at this moment, and our trifling
numbers for territorial occupation, there can be no doubt that those
about the General, who prevailed with him to be satisfied with the
conquest of the province[8] almost touching this important island, with
whose safety he was entrusted, did better service by their counsels
than they could at that time have rendered by their swords.
Of this number, I believe, was his Quartermaster-General, a young man
of great acquirement and high military promise; and certainly not the
least influential of them was our own Commandant[9] of the Royal
Engineers, whose vigorous and strong professional opinion certainly had
great influence, for the Quartermaster-General in reference to it used
these emphatic words, “It has succeeded.” It was in conformity with the
decision produced by these counsels that the Headquarters had moved to
Monte Leone, and the General was now disposed to content himself with
placing the province of Lower Calabria upon such a footing of military
occupation as would delay its reoccupation even by a very superior
force, and ensure to us for a considerable time both shores of the
Straits of Messina.
Most of the ports to the southward of Monte Leone were so
inconsiderable as to surrender on the first appearance of a military
force or of a ship of war. But the port which by its position was by
far the most important (viz. the castle, strongly built upon the rock
of Scylla) was in a good state of defence, impregnable to assault,
fully garrisoned, and commanded by the chief engineer of Regnier’s
army; so as might have been expected, the commandant had treated
the Admiral’s summons to surrender with contempt. It was necessary,
therefore, to march against the place. And when the commander of the
brigade which sat down before it gave a more serious summons, the
Frenchman answered that before he could surrender he must at least see
the means by which he could be reduced, meaning without doubt _heavy
artillery, so placed as to batter him in breach_.
It became necessary therefore to attack this castle by a regular siege,
and the army on the 12th of July began its march at four o’clock in the
morning. It had not proceeded many miles before I, being then about
fifty miles distant, received an order from my Commandant to repair to
the siege also. So I set forward alone.
The road lies over bold mountains, and is so intricate and devious
that I lost my way and greatly lengthened my ride; but having
traversed the promontory of Tropea, the route is then more certain
and confirmed--keeping still indeed over mountains, but having the
near-sounding sea as a general guide, sometimes showing itself through
the cleft of two mountain peaks, and sending up the report of every gun
fired on its surface multiplied by the muffled echoes of the mountains.
After riding about fifty miles, the incessant sound of guns advertised
me of my approach to the scene of action, and soon, by one of those
dangerous paths whereon a horse moves with difficulty, and a stumble
would precipitate both horse and rider many hundred feet, I descended
to the small marine town of Scylla (bounded to the south by the
peninsular rock on which the besieged castle stood), and saw on
its highest tower (in spite of its investment by sea and land) the
tricolour flag flying.
The rock on which the castle stands seems, as it were, shoved out a
considerable way into the sea by the low and narrow isthmus which ties
it to the shore, and from this isthmus it rears itself suddenly in the
midst of the waves.
Before the castle was built this spot was probably an inaccessible
peak of naked rock; the top, however, has been blown away to afford
space for military occupation, leaving height enough to afford a
formidable scarp of natural rock towards the land as the basement of
the artificial rampart; towards the sea, an abrupt precipitous cliff,
inaccessible to man, descends perpendicularly into the deep water.
The fort constructed upon the table of this peninsular rock was, up
to a certain point, admirably adapted for security and strength. But
that abrupt and lonely precipitousness of inaccessible circuit, which
to the unlearned eye presented so imposing a picture of invulnerable
strength, was in fact the radical defect of the position, which made it
impossible to secure it against the means and measures of modern war.
The great strength of modern fortification consists certainly in the
glacis, or in that smoothly sloping mound which conceals and covers
the rampart to the very chin, yet is severed from it by a deep and
impassable ditch, screening it from every injury, even by the heaviest
and most numerous ordnance, whilst its own gradual slope is swept by
a rain and hail of cannon-balls, grape shot, and musketry, both from
its own parapet and that of the superior rampart. But to construct
this, ample space is necessary, and consequently for a rocky peak
like Scylla, joined to the land by a narrowing isthmus, this work, so
indispensable to durable strength, was totally unattainable.
The strength, then, of the Castle of Scylla lay briefly in this, that
its reduction required the bringing against it of heavy artillery,
capable of beating down the rampart that fronted the land.
So much for the castle which I now beheld, and which, surrounded with
enemies by sea and land, and cut off from all connection with any
friendly force, stood up boldly in the midst of that sapphire sea and
unfurled the three-coloured flag of national defiance.
I shall now briefly describe the circumstances and things by which it
was at this time surrounded, not so much on account of any historical
importance attaching to this little siege, as because the classic
associations and natural beauties of the scene consecrate it to memory,
and its local form subjected all these operations to the eye, like some
warlike spectacle in the theatre of the gods.
If we can fancy ourselves within the castle and looking over the
isthmus in the direction of the land, behind us and almost all round us
is the sea. On the left hand is the beach and town of Scylla. On the
right the bold and mountainous shore takes a gradual sweep, till over a
space of sea it looks down upon our right flank. Here Sir Sidney Smith
has established a battery and hoisted the English colours.
Immediately in front, from the base of the isthmus, rises a steep
cliff, whose brow, divided into several distinct hills, overlooks
the castle at the distance of some five or six hundred yards. These
heights have a surface very spacious, rising very gradually from the
cliff towards the steeps of the Superior Mountains. Farms, vineyards,
gardens, and country houses occupy and intersect this sloping headland.
But the head of each hill or cliff looking upon the castle has been
kept bare, probably with a view to defence, though unfortunately the
same precaution had not been observed with respect to the ground nearer
the foot of the cliff, and looking very close upon the main rampart;
for there, for marine convenience, a little suburb had been suffered
to rise, and it was behind the mask of one of these houses that the
breaching battery was at last erected.
Beyond that vine-clad esplanade or level district which rose very
gradually from the brow of the cliff, the heights, still clothed with
cultivation, ascended more steeply towards the summit of that vast
range of mountains, which makes this trend of coast so bold, imperious,
and pre-eminently beautiful.
It was partly upon, and partly still above, these steeper slopes that
the besieging army bivouacked, as the nearer ground would have made
them liable to annoyance from the guns of the castle.
All the necessary communication with the army from Sicily and from the
sea was by a rugged mountain path formed upon the side of an awful
ravine, whose embouchure opened upon the beach between the town and
castle.
The road which this ravine afforded was not only difficult but likely
to cause frightful accidents; for when I ascended by it the first time,
to join the besiegers’ army, I saw where a sumpter horse heavily laden
had fallen the day before with its load, and the poor animal was still
visible lying on its back some hundred feet below.
To supply the requisites for a siege by such a road, it may well be
believed, was difficult in the extreme, and would have been impossible
but for our all-conquering sailors, who with their tackling and their
“yo-hee-ho” hauled the guns and carriages up the rocks at the points
nearest to the ground chosen for their position. Yet it was some days
after my arrival before operations could be commenced, and much of
those days I passed in a lofty observatory built of branches, in so
elevated a position that I looked down upon the castle and the sea.
On one side I saw the Neapolitan gunboats, and on the other Sir Sidney
Smith’s battery, cannonading the castle, and the castle occasionally
making a shrewd shot at the gunboats, which also, oftener than the
castle, were startled by the plunging fire of our naval battery. On
the arrival of my Commandant all these futile operations died away.
The General and the Admiral equally relied upon the resources of his
science and the natural energy of his powerful mind, and after some
loss from irregular experiments, no one was suffered to interfere with
his plan of operations.
He went with us to the embouchure of the ravine to have a good view of
the castle from head to foot; and whilst he stood with his uplifted
telescope carefully examining the nature of its defences, a cannon-ball
very nearly struck him, and covered him with sand; but he never even
lowered his telescope or remitted his attentive speculation, and only
showed that he was aware of the fact by saying, as he continued to look
through his glass, “What asses, to fire in that way at an individual!”
It seemed to my inexperience that this was standing fire tolerably
well--brave and invincible Lefebure! It was as he stood just so, with
his eagle glance bent on the foe, the last to quit a ruined fort he
was ordered to evacuate, that in after years a cannon-ball struck his
breast, and severed his brave spirit from his noble form.[10]
That there might be no disappointment in the stores expected
from Messina, I was desired to cross the Faro, superintend their
embarkation, and return with them. For this purpose I took one of the
Calabrese boats which lay on the beach.
The warders of the castle seeing a British officer put off in a boat,
honoured us with a shot or two, to the great and undissembled terror
of the boatmen, while I was doing all I could to imitate the cool
indifference of our Commandant on the preceding day; but we soon got
out of their range, and they ceased to fire, which made me wonder the
more to see that the boatmen were going a devious course, sometimes one
way, sometimes another. “What now,” said I, “body of Pluto! what ails
the rogues?”
“Zitto! zitto! cellenza!” they whispered, and with their eloquent hands
at once motioned me to be quiet, and to come forward to the prow. There
on the very peak one of the men, having thrown off his jacket and
shirt, stood up, as straight as a _mast_, with his flat hands pressed
together on his breast, and looking down intensely upon the sea.
Following the direction of his eyes, I perceived at a great depth, in
the bright blue sea, rowing itself contentedly along, a turtle of a
size uncommon in these waters. With great dexterity they so managed the
boat as to follow closely the course of the turtle; and when they had
brought the prow of the boat nearly over him, the man who stood there,
lifting his joined hands above his head, turned himself over, and went
head foremost like an arrow into the sea.
In a moment up he came again, bearing the dripping, gasping turtle on
its back, in his two hands, clear above the water, flapping its oary
legs, and gasping with its hawk’s beak; the man treading the water,
panting and laughing at his exploit, and his delighted companions, as
they relieved him of his load, all applauding him at once, helping him
in, and saying, “Bravo, Signor, bravissimo! La Maestro! da capo! et
viva!”
I thought I never saw a neater bit of fishing. A small silver coin
served to make the turtle my own, and I determined to take him back
with me to see what we could make of him.
* * * * *
But to return to Scylla. Before heavy guns could be got up, it was
thought advisable to make such use of the Light Artillery as could
destroy as much as possible the defences or fire of the enemy.
The most anxious night I ever passed was in erecting a breastwork for
two 12-pounders within half musket-shot of the place, as everything
depended upon its being completed before the light should discover
us to the enemy. And though I explained to the men their danger if
they should be discovered, it did not appear to create in them any
extraordinary vigour. On the contrary, if my back was an instant
turned, I found half of them asleep or sitting down, and it was
difficult to detect them owing to the darkness of the night. Only by
the most violent means could I extort a tolerable portion of labour,
though I knew that if we were not covered before dawn, the spot was so
exposed that at least half the party would be sacrificed.
By perfect silence, however, we avoided discovery during the night,
favoured by the enemy being himself employed, as we could distinctly
hear by every move, which, at cautious intervals, interrupted the
silence of the night. The radiance of the stars faintly delineated the
features of the gloomy horizon, and when the light of day discovered us
to the enemy, he opened upon us a very brisk fire of musketry without
intermission for an hour and a half, which, after being partially
silenced by a howitzer, continued at intervals until the battery was
finished. We were so well covered, and so little remained to be done on
the outside, that only one man was wounded.
Nothing could be prettier than the siege to a person out of fire. The
ruddy evenings gave the most tranquil warmth to the scene, which was
bounded in front by the Lipari Islands, with Scylla on the left, and
the beautiful Calabrian promontory on the right, and the only thing
wrong was that the volcano should (quite contrary to usual practice)
choose to remain in perfect repose.
When I left Scylla, the two 12-pounders had destroyed a part of the
fort which hitherto had given us considerable annoyance, and in two
days it was expected that we should open a battery of four 24-pounders
within 150 yards of the castle, which could not fail in a few hours to
knock it to pieces. The result was that Scylla surrendered on the 23rd
July 1806.
* * * * *
Now for myself. I was ordered to put myself under the command of
Lieut.-Colonel M’Leod, who with his regiment (78th) was to proceed
on a reconnaissance on the eastern coast of Calabria; and here I am,
installed on board the _London_ transport, and probably after a month’s
cruising we shall come back and settle quietly in Messina.
“LONDON” TRANSPORT (OFF CALABRIA),
_July 20, 1806_.
MY DEAREST FATHER--I seize the only advantage immediately resulting
from being cooped on board, viz. the opportunity to address one’s
friends leisurely and comfortably; and as the duty on which I am
now going is not likely to be at all dangerous, I have no fears
of alarming you by giving as much account of myself as will be
comfortable to you and me.
* * * * *
H.M.S. _Amphion, July 24, 1806_.
My situation has been considerably amended as to comfort since
coming on board this ship, which is commanded by the brother of
my friend Hoste, R.E., whom I never spoke to until my arrival in
the Bay of St. Eufemia. Yet with the most gratifying attention, he
has rescued me from the miserable transport, where I was destitute
even of those comforts which usually palliate the sufferings of
a transport imprisonment, and taken me into his own cabin, which
is like most other cabins of men-of-war--a compact assemblage of
convenience and comfort. It was besides in some ways better that
I should be here with Colonel M’Leod, who came the moment we fell
in with the frigate, which, with the vessels and boats under the
command of Captain Hoste, is to co-operate with the troops under
Colonel M’Leod.
Very important despatches were intercepted yesterday; they were
from King Joseph to General Regnier, containing a positive order to
retire to Cassano, which is completely out of Calabria.
The King is afflicted and yet more astonished at the conduct of the
troops, which rendered nugatory the good arrangements of General
Regnier. He would have the 1st Regiment of Light Infantry reminded
that they never before had any fear of the English, but always made
them fly before them; and the rest of the troops--that they have,
until this unfortunate moment of panic-struck terror (for which
His Majesty is unable to account), been uniformly victorious. But
above all, they are desired to remember _that they are Frenchmen_,
and also to be assured that the Emperor shall be ignorant of their
conduct until some fresh intelligence convinces H.N.M. that it is
really a body of French troops of which General Regnier has the
command.[11]
We are every moment receiving on board the leaders of the Patriot
Mountaineers, who are the most striking, barbarous-looking fellows.
_6th August._--I send these sheets as they are. I have no time to
revise, and add the conclusion of my expedition, as tho’ I am at
present on board the _Amphion_, yet not much time will elapse before I
tread the firm ground of Messina.
The march of the enemy from Catanzaro towards Naples was very
much harassed by the frigate, which threw her shot with admirable
precision, insomuch that the column, dispersed and flying for cover,
with the utmost precipitation, presented a favourable moment for the
Mountaineers, which, alas! they let escape them.
This system of annoyance on our part was followed up on the enemy’s
camp, north of Cotrone, from whence they marched in the night, leaving
a garrison in the fortress which surrendered to our summons.
When we went on shore we were joyously received by the poor oppressed
inhabitants, and the nobility of the town vied with each other in
attention to us.
Being chief engineer I was attached to Captain Hoste and Colonel
M’Leod, so that my situation was as pleasant as possible; for neither
of the commanders treating me with the least _Big-wig_, we carried on
the war like three jolly fellows.
A carriage waited each day at the Marina for our coming on shore, and a
good dinner was prepared for all the officers.
The first day we dined at the house of a baron whose family had during
the stay of the French been in the most terrible alarm, as the house
was just in the range of fire between the vessels and the fortress.
One daughter was very beautiful, and I asked her if she was glad that
the French were gone; she looked pensive and pale, and answered “Ma
quanto.”
There was something gratifying though melancholy to me in the way these
people clung to us in all their fears--for the French being gone,
their alarm as to the depredations of the native masses was equally
oppressive.
During dinner, some of the savage chiefs entered upon business with
Colonel M’Leod, and this young creature showing evident signs of
inquietude, I asked if she were afraid? “Con voi--no,” with much
softness of expression, replied the beautiful Italian.
The British authorities, however, with very laudable solicitude, by
threats and promises ensured to the town tranquillity, and quite calmed
the fears of the inhabitants.
Yet I was shocked at some of the misery which I saw; alas! human misery
can attain a very high pitch.
Colonel M’Leod desired me to give him a report upon Cotrona.
Now, reports are very ticklish sort of things, it being no difficult
matter to get the wrong side, and then you are subscribed a fool in
black and white to the end of your days--and this was the first time
I had been called upon to act by myself. I obeyed orders with much
trepidation, but as I afterwards found that Colonel M’Leod, in a
despatch to Sir T. Stuart, called my paper “an able report, the ideas
in which coincide with his own,” I am well satisfied, and indeed I have
had a most pleasant expedition.
MESSINA (_2 hours later_).
I find that General Moore has arrived. I hope I was recommended to
him.--Ever your dutiful son,