GODFREY DE BOULOGNE, and some in those of St. LOUIS; because on their
setting out they pawned all their fiefs to the Church, and few of them
were after[wards] redeemed: by reason, whereof the Church possesseth
at this day the third part of the best fiefs in France. And that
Gentry was afterwards made up by advocates, financiers, and merchants
ennobled, which are now reputed ancient; and are daily eaten out again,
and repaired by the same kind of men.
For the people. All those that have any kind of profession or trade,
live well; but for the mere peasants that labour the ground, they are
only sponges to the King, to the Church, and to the Nobility! having
nothing to their own, but to the use of them: and are scarce allowed,
as beasts, enough to keep them able to do service; for besides their
rent, they pay usually two-thirds to the King.
* * * * *
The manner of Government in France is mixt between Peace and War; being
composed as well of military discipline as [of] civil justice: because
having open frontiers and strong neighbours, and therefore obnoxious
[_liable_] to sudden invasions; they cannot, as in England, join ever
peace and security together.
For the Military Part, there is ever a Constable and a Marshal in
being, troops of horse and regiments of foot in pay, and in all
Provinces and places of strength, Governors and garrisons distributed:
all which are means for the preferment of the Gentry. But those, as
they give security against the enemy, so when there is none, they
disturb the enjoying of peace, by making the countries taste somewhat
of a Province. For the Gentry find a difference betwixt the Governor's
favour and disfavour; and the soldiers often commit insolences upon the
people.
The Governments there, are so well disposed by the King, as no Governor
hath means to give over a Province into the enemy's hands; the commands
thereof are so scattered. For the Governor commands the country,
and, for the most part, the chief town: then there is a Lieutenant
to the King, not to him! of the same; and betwixt these two there is
ever jealousy nourished. Then hath every town and fortress particular
Governors, which are not subaltern [_subordinate_] to that of the
Province; but hold immediately from the Prince: and many times the Town
hath one Governor, and the Castle another.
The advantages of the Governors, besides their pay from the King, are
presents from the country, dead payes [_? pay drawn for dead men_],
making their magazines of corn and powder more than they need, at
the King's price; and, where they stand upon the sea, overseeing of
unlawful goods: thus much in peace. In war, they are worth as much as
they will exact. Languedoc is the best, then Brittany: Provence is
worth, by all these means, to the Duke of GUISE, 20,000 crowns [_=
£6,000 or about £25,000 in present value_] a year; but Provence only,
he holds without a Lieutenant.
Concerning the Civil Justice there: it is nowhere more corrupt or
expenseful. The corruptness of it proceeds, First, by reason that the
King sells the places of justice at as high a rate as can honestly
be made of them: so that all thriving is left to corruption; and
the gain the King hath that way, tempts him to make a multitude of
officers, which are another burden to the subject. Secondly, the
Presidents are not bound to judge according to the written Law, but
according to the equity drawn out of it; which liberty doth not so
much admit Conscience, as leave Wit without limits. The expensefulness
of it ariseth from the multitude of laws, and multiplicity of forms
of processes; the which too doth beget doubt, and make them long in
resolving. And all this _chicanery_, as they call it, was brought into
France from Rome, upon the Popes coming to reside at Avignon.
* * * * *
For the strength of France. It is at this day, the greatest united
force of Christendom. The particulars in which it consists, are these.
The shape of the country; which being round, no one part is far from
succouring another. The multitude of good towns and places of strength
therein are able to stay an army, if not to waste it; as Metz did the
Emperor's. The mass of treasure which the King hath in the Bastille.
The number of arsenals distributed upon the frontiers, besides that of
Paris: all which are full of good arms and artillery. And for ready
men, the five Regiments bestowed up and down in garrisons, together
with the 2,000 of the Guard [and] the troops of Ordinary and Light
Horse: all ever in pay. Besides their Gentry, all bred soldiers; of
which they think there are, at this present, 50,000 fit to bear arms.
And to command all these, they have, at this day, the best Generals of
Christendom; which were the only commodity the Civil Wars did leave
them.
The weaknesses of it are, First, the want of a sufficient Infantry,
which proceeds from the ill distribution of their wealth: for the
peasant having no share allowed him, is heartless and feeble; and
consequently unserviceable for all military uses. By reason of which,
they are, first, forced to borrow aid of the Switzers at a great
charge; and secondly, to compose their armies, for the most part, of
Gentlemen: which makes the loss of a battle there almost irrecoverable.
The Second, is the unproportionable part of the land which the Church
holds, all which is likewise dead to military uses: for as they
say there, "The Church will lose nothing, nor defend nothing." The
Third, is the want of a competent number of ships and galleys: by
reason of which defect, first, the Spaniard overmasters them upon
the Mediterranean, and the English and Hollander upon the Ocean; and
secondly, it renders them poor in foreign trade; so that, all the great
actions of Christendom for these fifty years having been bent upon the
[_West_] Indies, they, only, have sat idle. The Fourth, is the weakness
of their frontiers: which is so much the more dangerous because they
are possessed, all but the Ocean, by the Spaniard; for Savoy hath
been always as his own, for all uses against France. The Last, is the
difference of religion among themselves; which will ever yield matter
of civil dissension, and consequently cause the weaker to stand in need
of foreign succours.
The ordinary revenue of the King is, as they say now, some 14,000,000
of crowns [_= £4,200,000 sterling, or in present value, about
£18,000,000_]; which arise principally from the domains of the Crown,
the _gabel_ of salt, tallies [_taxes_] upon the country, customs upon
the merchandise, sale of offices, the yearly tithe of all that belongs
to the Church, the rising and falling of money, fines and confiscations
cast upon him by the law: but as for Wardships, they are only known in
Normandy.
His expense is, chiefly, Ambassadors, munition, building, fortifying,
and maintaining of galleys, (as for ships when he needs them, he
makes an embarque [_embargo_]); in pay for soldiers, wages for
officers, pensions at home and abroad; upon the entertaining his
House, his State, and his private pleasures. And all the first, but
the domains, were granted in the beginning upon some urgent occasion;
and afterwards by Kings made perpetual, the occasion ceasing: and the
domains themselves granted because the King should live upon his own
without oppressing his subjects. But at this day, though the revenue
be thus great, and the taxes unsupportable; yet do they little more
than serve for necessary public uses. For the King of Spain's greatness
and neighbourhood forceth the King there to live continually upon his
guard: and the treasure which the Spaniard receives from his Indies,
constrains him to raise his revenue thus by taxes, so to be able, in
some proportion, to bear up against him; for fear, else, he should be
bought out of all his confederates and servants.
* * * * *
For the relation of this State to others. It is first to be considered
that this part of Christendom is balanced betwixt the three Kings of
Spain, France, and England; as the other part [is] betwixt the Russian,
the Kings of Poland, Sweden, and Denmark. For as for Germany, which if
it were entirely subject to one Monarchy, would be terrible to all the
rest: so being divided betwixt so many Princes and those of so equal
power, it serves only to balance itself, and entertain easy war with
the Turk; while the Persian withholds him in a greater. And every one
of those first three hath his particular strength, and his particular
weakness. Spain hath the advantage of both the rest in treasure, but
is defective in men: his dominions are scattered and the conveyance
of his treasure from the Indies lies obnoxious to [_at the mercy of_]
the power of any nation that is stronger by sea. France abounds with
men, lies close together, and hath money sufficiently. England, being
an island, is hard to be invaded, abounds with men, but wants money
to employ them. For their particular [_several_] weakness, Spain is
to be kept busy in the Low Countries, France to be afflicted with the
Protestants, and England, in Ireland. England is not able to subsist
against any [_either_] of the other [two] hand in hand; but joined with
the Low Countries it can give law to both by sea: joined with either of
them two, it is able to oppress the third, as HENRY VIII. did.
Now the only entire body in Christendom that makes head against the
Spanish Monarchy is France: and therefore they say in France, that,
"The day of the ruin of France is the eve of the ruin of England." And
thereupon England hath ever, since the Spanish greatness, inclined
rather to maintain France, rather than to ruin it: as when King FRANCIS
[I.] was taken prisoner, the King of England lent money towards the
payment of his ransom; and the late Queen [_ELIZABETH_], when the
Leaguers, after the Duke of GUISE's death, had a design to Cantonize
France, though offered a part of that country, would not consent.
So then, this reason of State, of mutual preservation, conjoining
them; England may be accounted a sure confederate of France; and
Holland, by reason it partly subsists by it; the Protestant Princes
of Germany, because they have countenance from it, against the house
of Austria; the Protestant Switzers, for religion and money; and the
Venetians, for protection against the Spaniard in Italy. So that all
their [_the French's_] friends are either Protestants or inclining
thereto; and whosoever is extremely Catholic is their enemy, and
factor for the Spanish Monarchy: as the Pope and Cardinals, for the
most part; and totally, the Jesuits, the Catholic Princes of Germany,
and the Catholics of England and Ireland. For the Jesuits, which are
the Ecclesiastical Strength of Christendom, France--notwithstanding
the many late obligations--hath cause to despair of them. For they
intending as "one Pope, so one King" to suppress the Protestants; and
for the better support of Christendom against the Turks: and seeing
Spain the likelier to bring this to pass, they follow the nearer
probability of effecting their end.
No addition could make France so dangerous to us, as that of our Low
Countries; for so it were worse, than if the Spaniard himself had
them entirely. As for their hopes of regaining Italy; it concerns the
Spaniard immediately, rather than us.
Concerning the state of the Protestants in France. During peace, they
are protected by their Edict [_of Nantes_]. For their two Agents at
Court defend the general from wrong; and their _chambres impartis_
every particular person. And if troubles should arise, some scattered
particulars might be in danger; but the main body is safe. Safe to
defend themselves, though all France join against them! and if it break
out into factions, the safest; because they are both ready and united.
The particulars of their strength are, First, their Towns of Surety,
two of which command the river of the Loire. Secondly, their situation.
The greatest part of them lying near together, as Poitou, Saintonge,
High [_Upper_] Gascony, Languedoc, and Dauphiny: near the sea, so
consequently fit to receive succours from abroad; and remote from
Paris, so that the quality of an army is much wasted, before it
can approach them. The Third, is the sufficiency of their present
Governors, BOULOGNE and DESDEGUIERS, and other second Commanders. And
for the Princes of the Blood, whom the rest may, in shew, without
emulation, obey; when they come once to open action, those which want
a party, will quickly seek them. The Last, is the aid they are sure of
from foreign Princes; for whosoever are friends to France in general,
are more particularly their friends: and besides, the Protestant party
being grown stronger of late, as the Low Countries; and more united,
as England and Scotland, part of that strength reflects upon them.
And even the King of Spain himself, who is [the] enemy of France
in general, would rather give them succour than see them utterly
extirpated. For as soon as they get an Edict with better conditions,
they turn head against him that now succoured them; as they did against
us, at Newhaven [_Hâvre in 1562_].
Concerning the proportion of their number, they are not above the
Seventeenth or Eighteenth part of the People: but of the Gentlemen,
there are 6,000 of the [Protestant] Religion. But since the peace [_?
in 1602_] they have increased in People, as principally in Paris,
Normandy, and Dauphiny, but lost in the Gentry: which loss cometh to
pass by reason that the King when he finds any Gentleman that will
but hearken, he tempts him with preferment; and those that he finds
utterly obstinate, he suppresseth. And by such means, he hath done
them more harm in peace; than both his predecessors in war. For in
all their Assemblies, he corrupts some of their Ministers to betray
the counsel in hand. Of the 106,000 crowns [_= £31,800, or in present
value £140,000_] a year which he pays the Protestants to entertain
their Ministers and pay their garrisons, he hath gotten the bestowing
of 16,000 of them, upon what gentleman of the [Protestant] Religion he
pleaseth; whom by that means he moderates, if not gains. And besides,
they were wont to impose upon him their two Deputies, which are to stay
at Court: but now he makes them propose six, out of which he chooseth
the two, and by that, obligeth those; and yet notwithstanding all
this, in some occasions he makes good use of them too. For as towards
England, he placeth none in any place of strength but firm Catholics;
so towards Spain and Savoy, he often gives charge to Protestants, as to
LA FORCE in Bearn, DESDEGUIERS and BOISSE in Bresse.
* * * * *
Concerning the King himself. He is a person wonderful, both in war and
peace. For his acts in War, he hath manumized [_manumitted_] France
from the Spaniard: and subdued the League, being the most dangerous
plot that hath been laid; weakening it by Arms, but utterly dissolving
it by Wit. That is, by letting the Duke of GUISE out of prison, and
capitulating with the heads of it, every one apart; by which means,
he hath yet left a continual hatred among them. Because every one
sought by preventing [_anticipating_] other, to make his conditions
the better. So that now there remains little connection of it, amongst
the Gentry: only there continue some dregs still among the Priests,
and consequently the People; especially when they are angered with the
increase and prosperity of the Protestants.
For his acts of Peace. He hath enriched France with a greater
proportion of wool and silk, erected goodly buildings, cut passages
[_canals_] betwixt river and river, and is about to do the same betwixt
sea and sea, redeemed much of the mortgaged domains of the Crown,
better husbanded the money (which was wont to be drunk up, two parts
of it, in the officers' hands), got aforehand in treasure, arms, and
munition, increased the infantry and suppressed the unproportionable
cavalry, and left nothing undone but the building of a navy.
And all this may be attributed to himself, only: because in a Monarchy,
officers are active or careless, as the Prince is able to judge and
distinguish of their labours; and withal to participate of them
somewhat, himself.
Sure it is, that the peace of France, and somewhat that of Christendom
itself, is secured by this Prince's life. For all titles and
discontents, all factions of religion there suppress themselves till
his death: but what will ensue afterwards? What the rest of the House
of BOURBON will enterprise upon the King's children? What the House of
GUISE, upon that of BOURBON? What the League? What the Protestants?
What the Kings of Spain and England, if they see a breach made by civil
dissension? I choose rather to expect, than conjecture! Because GOD
hath so many ways to turn aside from human foresight; as He gave us a
testimony upon the death of our late Queen [_ELIZABETH_].
* * * * *
This country of France, considering the quantity, is the fairest and
richest of all Christendom; and contains in it, most of the countries
adjoining. For Picardy, Normandy, and Brittany resemble England;
Languedoc, Spain; Provence, Italy; and the rest is France.
Besides, all the rivers that pass through it, end in it. It abounds
with corn, wine, and salt, and hath a competency of silk; but is
defective in wool, leather, metals, and horses: and hath but few very
good havens, especially on the north side.
* * * * *
Concerning the people. Their children, at first sight, seem men,
and their men, children; but whoso, in negotiating, presumes upon
appearances shall be deceived! compassionate towards their own nation
and country; loving to the Prince, and so they may have liberty in
ceremony and free access to him, they will be better content that he
shall be absolute in matter of substance: impatient of peace any longer
than while they are in recovering the ruins of war: the presentness
[_presence_] of danger inflames their courage, but any expectation
makes it languish. For the most part, they are all Imagination and no
Judgement; but those that prove solid, excel!
Their Gentlemen are all good outward men, good Courtiers, good
soldiers, and knowing enough in men and business; but merely [_simply_]
ignorant in matters of Letters, because at fifteen they quit books and
begin to live in the world: when indeed a mediocrity [_medium_] betwixt
their form of education and ours, would do better than either. No men
stand more punctually [_punctiliously_] upon their honour in matter of
valour; and, which is strange, in nothing else: for otherwise, in their
conversation, the custom, and shifting, and over-speaking, hath quite
overcome the shame of it.
FINIS.
[Illustration]
+ABRAHAM COWLEY.+
_The Chronicle._
_A BALLAD._
[_Miscellanies. Works._ 1668.]
I.
MARGARITA first possest,
If I remember well, my breast;
MARGARITA, first of all!
But when a while the wanton maid,
With my restless heart had played,
MARTHA took the flying ball.
II.
MARTHA soon did it resign
To the beauteous CATHARINE:
Beauteous CATHARINE gave place
(Though loath and angry she, to part
With the possession of my heart)
To ELIZA's conquering face.
III.
ELIZA, till this hour might reign,
Had she not evil counsels ta'en.
Fundamental laws she broke,
And still new favourites she chose!
Till up in arms my Passions rose,
And cast away her yoke.
IV.
MARY then, and gentle ANNE
Both to reign at once began:
Alternately they swayed,
And sometimes MARY was the Fair,
And sometimes ANNE the Crown did wear,
And sometimes both I obeyed.
V.
Another MARY then arose,
And did rigorous laws impose.
A mighty tyrant she!
Long, alas, should I have been
Under that iron sceptred Queen;
Had not REBECCA set me free!
VI.
When fair REBECCA set me free,
'Twas then a golden time with me!
But soon those pleasures fled;
For the gracious Princess died,
In her youth and beauty's pride:
And JUDITH reigned in her stead!
VII.
One month, three days, and half an hour,
JUDITH held the sovereign power.
Wondrous beautiful her face;
But so weak and small her wit,
That she to govern was unfit:
And so SUSANNA took her place!
VIII.
But when ISABELLA came,
Armed with a resistless flame
And th' artillery of her eye;
Whilst she proudly march'd about,
Greater conquests to find out,
She beat out SUSAN by the bye.
IX.
But in her place, I then obeyed
Black-eyed BESS, her Viceroy-maid:
To whom ensued a Vacancy.
Thousand worst passions then possess'd
The interregnum of my breast.
Bless me, from such an anarchy!
X.
Gentle HENRIETTE then,
And a third MARY next began;
Then JOAN, and JANE, and ANDRIA;
And then a pretty THOMASINE,
And then another KATHERINE,
And then a long _Et cetera_!
XI.
But should I now to you relate
The strength and riches of their State!
The powder, patches, and the pins!
The ribbons, jewels, and the rings!
The lace, the paint, and warlike things,
That make up all their magazines!
XII.
If I should tell their politic arts
To take, and keep men's hearts!
The letters! embassies! and spies!
The frowns! and smiles! and flatteries!
The quarrels! tears! and perjuries!
Numberless, nameless mysteries!
XIII.
And all the little lime twigs laid
By MACHIAVEL, the waiting maid!
I, more voluminous should grow,
(Chiefly if I, like them, should tell,
All change of weathers that befell,)
Than HOLINGSHED, or STOW!
XIV.
But I will briefer with them be;
Since few of them were long with me!
A higher and a nobler strain,
My present Empress does claim;
HELEONORA, First o' the name,
Whom, GOD grant long to reign!
[Illustration]
England's
WAY TO WIN
Wealth, and to employ Ships
and Mariners;
OR,
A plain description what great profit it will bring
into the Common Wealth of England, by the erecting,
building, and adventuring of Busses
to sea, a fishing.
With a true Relation of the inestimable wealth, that is yearly
taken out of His Majesty's seas by the Hollanders,
by their great number of Busses, Pinks,
and Line-boats.
AND ALSO,
A Discourse of the sea coast towns of England, and the most fit
and commodious places and harbours that we have for
Busses; and of the small number of our fishermen;
and also of the true valuation and whole charge
of building and furnishing to sea, Busses
and Pinks, after the Holland manner.
* * * * *
By TOBIAS GENTLEMAN, Fisherman and Mariner.
* * * * *
_LONDON_:
Printed by _NATHANIEL BUTTER_. 1614.
[This is the tract referred to at _Vol. III. p. 623_. It appears from
_p._ 623 of that Volume, that T. GENTLEMAN was a Yarmouth man.]
[Illustration]
TO THE RIGHT NOBLE
LEARNED AND TRULY HONOURABLE
HENRY HOWARD, EARL OF
NORTHAMPTON, BARON OF MARNHILL,
Constable of the Castle of Dover,
Lord Warden, Chancellor and Admiral
of the Cinque Ports, Lord Privy Seal,
Knight of the most noble Order
of the Garter, and one of His
Majesty's most honourable
Privy Council.
_RIGHT HONOURABLE_,
_Seeing that, by Nature, our country challengeth a greater interest
in us, than our parents, friends, or children can; and that we
ought for preservation thereof, oppose_ [expose] _our lives unto
the greatest dangers: it is the part of every native to endeavour
something to the advancement and profit thereof: and not to affect
it, for that we possess in it; but to love it for itself, as being
the common Mother and Nourisher of us all. For mine own part, albeit
my short fathom can compass no such great design as I desire: yet
from a willing mind (as he that offered his hands full of water to
great ARTAXERXES), I am bold to present this Project of my honest
and homely labours; beseeching your Lordship, whose virtues have
truly ennobled you, to take the same into your protection! and
prefer it to the view of our most royal Sovereign, recommending
the good effecting thereof to his gracious favour and furtherance_!
_Doubtless your actions and endeavours, having all been full of
virtue and goodness, are not the least prevailing motives whereby
His Majesty hath so endeared you unto him. In this, then, you shall
not think yourself disparaged! the matter being both honest and
commendable; and in true value, of as great substance, as the offer
of SEBASTIAN CABOTA to King HENRY the SEVENTH for the discovery of
the West Indies._
_Humbly at your Lordship's commandment_,
_TOBIAS GENTLEMAN_.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]