Thy rivelled face, with sorrow thou shalt see!
And sighing, say, "It is not as it was!
These cheeks were wont more fresh and fair to be!
But now, what once made me so much admired
Is least regarded, and of none desired!"
XXXIII.
[Sidenote: _Temporis solius honesta est avaritia._]
Though thou be fair, think Beauty but a blast!
A morning's dew! a shadow quickly gone!
A painted flower, whose colour will not last!
Time steals away, when least we think thereon.
Of which alone, the sparing is commended.
XXXIV.
How vain is Youth that, crossed in his Desire,
Doth fret and fume, and inwardly repine;
As though 'gainst heaven itself, he would conspire;
And with his fraility, 'gainst his fate combine,
Who of itself continues constant still;
And doth us good, ofttimes against our will.
XXXV.
In prime of Youth, when years and Wit were ripe,
Unhappy Will, to ruin led the way.
Wit danced about, when Folly 'gan to pipe;
And Will and he together went astray.
Nought then but Pleasure, was the good they sought!
Which now Repentance proves too dearly bought.
XXXVI.
[Sidenote: _Est virtus pracitis abstinuisse bonis._]
He that in matters of delight and pleasure,
Can bridle his outrageous affection;
And temper it in some indifferent measure,
Doth prove himself a man of good direction.
In conquering Will, true courage most is shown;
And sweet temptations makes men's virtues known.
XXXVII.
[Sidenote: _Invidia fatorum series summisque negatum stare
diu._]
Each natural thing, by course of Kind, we see,
In his perfection long continueth not.
Fruits once full ripe, will then fall from the tree;
Or in due time not gathered, soon will rot.
It is decreed, by doom of Powers Divine,
Things at their height, must thence again decline.
XXXVIII.
Thy large smooth forehead, wrinkled shall appear!
Vermillion hue, to pale and wan shall turn!
Time shall deface what Youth has held most dear!
Yea, these clear Eyes (which once my heart did burn)
Shall, in their hollow circles, lodge the night;
And yield more cause of terror, than delight!
XXXIX.
[Sidenote: _Quanto piace al mondo, e breve sogno._]
Lo here, the Record of my follies past,
The fruits of Wit unstaid, and hours misspent!
Full wise is he that perils can forecast,
And so, by others' harms, his own prevent.
All Worldly Pleasure that delights the Sense,
Is but a short Sleep, and Time's vain expense!
XL.
The sun hath twice his annual course performed,
Since first unhappy I, began to love;
Whose errors now, by Reason's rule reformed,
Conceits of Love but smoke and shadows prove.
Who, of his folly, seeks more praise to win;
Where I have made an end, let him begin!
_J.C._
FINIS.
[Illustration]
FOOTNOTES:
[4] _DIOGENES._
[5] _CHAUCER._
[6] _pincers._
Sir THOMAS OVERBURY
HIS
_OBSERVATIONS_,
IN HIS TRAVELS,
_UPON THE STATE OF THE_
_SEVENTEEN PROVINCES_,
_AS THEY STOOD ANNO DOMINI 1609_;
_THE TREATY OF PEACE BEING THEN ON FOOT_.
[Illustration]
Printed. M.DC.XXVI.
[In approximately estimating the present value of the money of 1609; we
have multiplied by 4-1/2.]
Sir
THOMAS OVERBURY's
OBSERVATIONS,
IN HIS TRAVELS,
_UPON THE STATE OF THE_
_SEVENTEEN PROVINCES_,
_AS THEY STOOD ANNO, DOMINI 1609_;
_THE TREATY OF PEACE BEING THEN ON FOOT_.
_And first, Of the Provinces United._
All things concurred for the rising and maintenance of this State: the
disposition of the people, being as mutinous as industrious and frugal;
the nature of the country, everywhere fortifiable with water; the
situation of it, having behind them the Baltic sea, which yields them
all materials for ships, and many other commodities; and for men, hard
before them France and England, both fearing the Spanish greatness, and
therefore both concurring for their aid; the remoteness of their Master
from them; the change of religion, falling out about the time of their
Revolt; and now the Marquis of BRANDENBURGH, a Protestant, like[ly] to
become [the] Duke of CLEVE.
The discontentments of the Low Countries did first appear soon after
the going away of the Kings of Spain, while the Duchess of PARMA
governed. To suppress which beginnings, the Duke of ALVA being sent,
inflamed them more upon attempting to bring in the Inquisition, and
Spanish decimation; upon the beheading of Count HORN and Count EGMONT,
persecuting those of the Religion: and undertaking to build citadels
upon all their towns; which he effected at Antwerp, but enterprising
the like at Flushing, that town revolted first, and under it began the
war.
But the more general Revolt of the Provinces happened after the death
of Don LOUIS DE REQUIESCENS, and upon the coming down of Don JOHN of
Austria: when all the Provinces, excepting Luxemburg (upon the sack
of Antwerp and other insolences), proclaimed the Spaniards "rebels,
and enemies to the King." Yet the abjuring of their obedience from the
Crown of Spain, was not in a year or two after.
Holland and Zealand (upon their first standing out) offered the
Sovereignty of themselves to the Queen, then the Protection, both
which she neglected; and that, while the French sent greater aid, and
more men of quality than we: but after the Civil War began in France,
that kept them busy at home; and then the Queen, seeing the necessity
of their being supported, upon the pawning of Brill and Flushing,
sent money and men. And since that, most part of the great exploits
there, have been done by the English, who were commonly the third part
of their army; being four regiments, besides 1,100 in Flushing and
the Ramekins, and 500 in the Brill. But, of late, the King of France
appearing more for them than ours, and paying himself the French
[soldiers] that are there; they give equal, if not more countenance
to that nation. But upon these two Kings, they make their whole
dependency: and though with more respect to him that is stronger for
the time; yet so, as it may give no distaste unto the other.
For the manner of their Government. They have, upon occasion, an
Assembly of the General States, like our Parliament; being composed of
those which are sent from every Province upon summons; and what these
Enact, stands for Law. Then is there besides, a Council of State,
residing, for the most part, at the Hague: which attends [to] daily
occasions; being rather employed upon Affairs of State than particular
[_individual_] justice. The most potent in this Council was BARNEVELD,
by reason of his Advocates of Holland. And besides both these, every
Province and great Town have particular Councils of their own. To all
which Assemblies, as well of the General States as the rest, the gentry
is called for order sake, but the State indeed is democratical: the
merchant and the tradesman being predominant, the gentry, now, but few
and poor; and, even at the beginning, the Prince of ORANGE saw it safer
to rely upon the towns than [upon] them. Neither are the gentry so
much engaged in the Cause: the people having more advantages in a Free
State; they, in a Monarchy.
Their care in Government is very exact and particular, by reason that
every one hath an immediate interest in the State. Such is the equality
of justice, that it renders every man satisfied; such is the public
regularity, as a man may see [that] their laws were made to guide,
and not to entrap; such their exactness in casting the expense of an
army, as that it shall be equally far from superfluity and want; and
as much order and certainty in their acts of war, as in ours of peace;
teaching it to be both civil and rich. And they still retain that sign
of a Commonwealth yet uncorrupted, "Private poverty, and public weal!"
for no one private man there is exceeding rich, and few very poor; and
no State more sumptuous in all public things. But the question is,
whether this, being a free State, will, as well subsist in peace, as it
hath hitherto done in war. Peace leaving every one to attend [to] his
particular wealth: when fear, while the war lasts, makes them concur
for their common safety. And Zealand, upon the least security, hath
ever been envious at the predominancy of Holland and Utrecht; ready
to mutiny for religion: and besides, it is a doubt, whether the same
care and sincerity would continue if they were at their Consistence, as
appears yet, while they are but in Rising.
The Revenue of this State ariseth chiefly from the Earl of HOLLAND's
domains; and confiscated church livings; the rising and falling of
money, which they use with much advantage; their fishing upon our
coasts, and those of Norway; contributions out of the enemy's country,
taxes upon all things at home, and impositions [_import duties_] upon
all merchandise from abroad.
Their Expenses upon their Ambassadors, their shipping, their ditches,
their rampiers [_dykes_] and munition; and commonly they have in pay,
by sea and land, 60,000 men.
For the strength. The nature of the country makes them able to defend
themselves long by land. Neither could anything have endangered them
so much as the last great frost [_of 1608, see Vol. I. p. 77_], had
not the Treaty been then on foot: because the enemy, being then master
of the field; that rendered their ditches, marshes, and rivers as firm
ground.
There belongs to that State, 20,000 vessels of all sorts. So that if
the Spaniard were entirely beaten out of those parts; the Kings of
France and England would take as much pains to suppress, as ever they
did to raise them. For being our enemies, they are [_would be_] able
to give us the law at sea; and eat us out of all trade, much more the
French: having at this time three ships for our one, though none so
good as our best.
Now that whereupon the most part of their Revenue depends is their
traffic, in which mystery of State they are, at this day, the wisest.
For all the commodities that this part of the world wants, and the
Indies have (as spice, silk, jewels, gold), they are become the
conveyers of them for the rest of Christendom, excepting us: as the
Venetians were of old. And all those commodities that those Northern
countries abound with, and these Southern countries stand in need
of: they likewise convey thither; which was the ancient trade of the
Easterlings [_Baltic cities_]. And this they do, having little to
export of their own, by buying of their neighbour-countries the former;
and selling them again what they bring back, at their own prices: and
so consequently, live upon the idleness of others. And to this purpose,
their situation serves fitly. For the rivers of the Rhine, the Maas,
and [the] Scheldt all end in their dominions; and the Baltic sea lies
not far from them: all which afford them whatever the great continent
of Germany, Russia, and Poland yields.
Then they, again, lying between Germany and the sea, do furnish it
back, with all commodities foreign.
To remember some pieces of their discipline, as patterns of the rest.
The Watches at night are never all of one nation [_race_], so that
they can hardly concur to give up any one town. The Commissaries are
nowhere so strict upon Musters, and where he finds a company thither,
he reduceth them: so that, when an army marcheth, the List and the Poll
are never far disagreeing. The army is ever well clothed, well armed;
and had never yet occasion to mutiny for pay or victuals. The soldiers
commit nowhere fewer insolences upon the burghers, few robberies upon
the country; nor the Officers fewer deceits upon the soldiers. And
lastly, they provide well that their General shall have small means
to invade their liberties. For first, their Army is composed of many
nations, which have their several Commanders; and the commands are
disposed by the States themselves, not by the General. And secondly, he
hath never an implicit commission left to discretion: but, by reason
their country hath no great bounds, receives daily commands what to do.
Their territory contains six entire Provinces; Holland, Zealand,
Utrecht, Groningen, Overyssel, and Friesland, besides three parts of
Guelderland, and certain towns in Brabant and Flanders: the ground
of which is, for the most part, fruitful; the towns nowhere are so
_equally_ beautiful, strong, and rich: which equality grows by reason
that they appropriate some one staple commodity to every town of note;
only Amsterdam not only passeth them all, but even Seville, Lisbon,
or any other Mart Town in Christendom. And to it, is appropriated the
trade of the East Indies, where they maintain commonly forty ships;
besides which, there go, twice a year, from it and the adjoining towns,
a great fleet to the Baltic sea. Upon the fall of Antwerp, that [town
of Amsterdam] rose, rather than Middleburgh; though it [_that_] stands
at the same river's mouth, and is the second Mart Town; to which is
appropriated our English cloth.
Concerning the people. They are neither much devout, nor much wicked;
given all to drink, and, eminently, to no other vice; hard in
bargaining, but just; surly, and respectless, as in all democracies;
thirsty [?_thrifty_], industrious, and cleanly; disheartened upon the
least ill-success, and insolent upon good; inventive in manufactures;
cunning in traffic. And generally, for matter of action, that natural
slowness of theirs suits better (by reason of the advisedness and
perseverance it brings with it) than the rashness and changeableness of
the French and Florentine wits. And the equality of spirits which is
among them and the Swiss, renders them so fit for a Democracy; which
kind of Government, nations, of more unstable wits, being once come to
a Consistent Greatness, have seldom long endured.
[Illustration]
_Observations upon the State of the_
_Archduke's Country, 1609._
By Sir THOMAS OVERBURY.
As soon as I entered into the Archduke's country, which begins after
Lillow; presently, I beheld [the] works of a Province, and those of
a Province distressed with war. The people heartless; and rather
repining against their Governors than revengeful against their enemies.
The bravery of that gentry which was left, and the industry of the
merchant, quite decayed. The husbandman labouring only to live, without
desire to be rich to another's use. The towns (whatsoever concerned
not the strength of them) ruinous. And, to conclude, the people here
growing poor with less taxes, than they flourish with on the States'
side.
This war hath kept the King of Spain busy ever since it began, which
[is] some thirty-eight years ago: and, spending all the money that
the Indies, and all the men that Spain and Italy could afford, hath
withdrawn him from persevering in any other enterprise. Neither could
he give over this, without foregoing the means to undertake anything
hereafter upon France or England; and, consequently, the Hope of the
Western Monarchy. For without that handle [_i.e._, _that hope_] the
mines of Peru had done little hurt in these parts, in comparison
of what they have. The cause of the expensefulness of it, is the
remoteness of those Provinces from Spain; by reason of which every
soldier of Spain or Italy, before he can arrive there, costs the King a
100 crowns [= _£30 then_ = _£135 now_], and not above one in ten that
arrive, proves good. Besides, by reason of the distance, a great part
of the money is drunk up betwixt the Officers that convey it, and pay
it.
The cause of the continuance of it, is not only the strength of the
enemy; but partly, by reason that the Commanders themselves are content
[that] the war should last, so to maintain and render themselves
necessary; and partly, because the people of those Countries are not
so eager to have the other reduced, as willing to be in the like state
themselves.
The usual revenue of those Provinces which the Archduke hath, amounts
to 1,200,000 crowns [= _at 6s. the Crown, £360,000 then_ = _about
£1,600,000 now_] a year. Besides which, there come from Spain every
month, to maintain the war, 150,000 crowns [= _£45,000 a month, or
£540,000 a year, then_; = _£2,430,000 annually now_]. It was, at the
first, 300,000 crowns a month [_or, in present annual value, about
£5,000,000_]; but it fell by fifties [_i.e., 50,000_] to this, at the
time when the Treaty began. Flanders pays more towards the war, than
all the rest; as Holland doth, with the States. There is no Spaniard of
[_belonging to_] the Council of State, nor Governor of any Province:
but of the Council of War, which is only active; there [_in which_]
they only are, and have in their hands all the strong towns and castles
of those Provinces, of which the Governors have but only the title.
The nations of which their army consists are chiefly Spaniards and
Italians, emulous one of another there; as on the other side, [are]
the French and English: and of the country, chiefly Burgundians and
Walloons. The Pope's Letters, and SPINOLA's inclination keep the
Italians there; almost in equality of command with the Spaniard himself.
The Governors for the King of Spain there, successively, have been the
Duke of ALVA, Don LOUIS DE REQUIESCENS, Don JOHN of Austria, the Prince
of PARMA, the Archduke EARNEST, the Cardinal ANDREW of Austria, and the
Cardinal ALBERT till he married the Infanta.
Where the dominion of the Archduke and the States part, there also
changeth the nature of the country; that is, about Antwerp. For all
below, being flat, and betwixt meadow and marsh; thence, it begins to
rise and become champion [_open country_]: and consequently, the people
are more quick and spiritful, as the Brabanter, Fleming, and Walloon.
The most remarkable place on that side is Antwerp, which rose upon the
fall of Bruges; equally strong and beautiful; remaining yet so upon the
strength of its former greatness: twice spoiled by the Spaniards, and
the like attempted by the French. The Citadel was built there by the
Duke of ALVA, but renewed by the Prince of PARMA, after his eighteen
months' besieging it; the town accepting a castle, rather than a
garrison to mingle among them. There are yet in the town, of citizens
30,000 fighting men, 600 of which keep watch nightly; but they [are]
allowed neither cannon upon the rampier [_ramparts_], nor magazines of
powder. In the Castle are 200 pieces of ordnance, and commonly 700 or
800 soldiers.
Flanders is the best of the Seventeen Provinces, but the havens thereof
are naught [_worthless_].
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
_Observations on the State of France, 1609,_
_under HENRY IV._
By Sir THOMAS OVERBURY.
Having seen the form of a Commonwealth, and a Province, with the
different effects of wars in them; I entered France, flourishing
with peace; and of Monarchies, the most absolute. Because the King
there, not only makes peace and war, calls and dissolves Parliaments,
pardoneth, naturaliseth, ennobleth, names the value of money,
[im]presseth to the war; but even makes laws, and imposes taxes at his
pleasure. And all this he doth alone. For, as for that form that his
Edicts must be authorised by the next Court of Parliament, that is,
the next Court of Sovereign Justice: first, the Presidents thereof
are to be chosen by him, and to be put out by him; and secondly, when
they concur not with the King, he passeth anything without them, as he
did the last Edict [? _of Nantes_] for the Protestants. And for the
Assembly of the Three Estates, it is grown now almost as extraordinary
as a General Council [of the Church]; with the loss of which, their
liberty fell: and when occasion urgeth, it is possible for the King
to procure that all those that shall be sent thither, shall be his
instruments. For the Duke of GUISE effected as much, at the Assembly
of Blois.
The occasion that first procured the King that supremacy, that his
Edicts should be Laws, was the last invasion of the English. For, at
that time, they possessing two parts of France, the Three Estates could
not assemble: whereupon they did then grant that power unto CHARLES
VII. during the war. And that which made it easy, for LOUIS XI. and
his successors to continue the same, the occasion ceasing; was that
the Clergy and the Gentry did not run the same fortune with the People
there, as in England. For most of the taxes falling only upon the
people; the Clergy and Gentry, being foreborne [_exempt_], were easily
induced to leave them to the King's mercy. But the King having got
strength upon [_subverted_] the peasants, hath been since the bolder to
invade part of both their [_the Clergy's and Gentry's_] liberties.
For the succession of this monarchy. It hath subsisted, without
intermission, these 1,200 years, under three Races of Kings. No nation
hath, heretofore, done greater things abroad, in Palestine and Egypt,
besides all parts of Europe; but, for these last four hundred years,
they have only made sallies into Italy, and [have] often suffered
at home. Three hundred years the English afflicted them, making
two firm invasions upon them, and taking their King prisoner: the
second greatness of Christendom (next [to] the Emperor) being then in
competition betwixt us and them. And to secure themselves against us,
rather than the House of Austria, as it then stood; they chose to marry
the heir of Brittany before that of Burgundy. And for this last hundred
years, the Spaniard undertaking [_attacking_] them, hath eaten them out
of all but France, and endangered that too!
But for this present, France had never, as France, a more entire
greatness; though it hath often been richer. For since the war; the
King has only [_simply_] got aforehand, the country is but yet in
recovering; the war having lasted, by spaces, thirty two years; and so
generally, that [as there was] no man but had an enemy within three
miles, so the country became frontier all over. Now that which hath
made them, at this time, so largely great at home, is their adopting
into themselves the lesser adjoining nations, without destruction or
leaving any mark of strangeness upon them: as the Bretons, Gascons,
Provençals, and others which are not French. Towards which unions,
their nature, which is easy and harborous [_receptive_] to strangers;
hath done more than any laws could have effected but with long time.
The King, as I said, enjoying what LOUIS XI. did gain, hath the entire
Sovereignty in himself; because he can make the Parliament do what he
pleases, or else do what he pleases without them.
* * * * *
For the other Three Estates. The Church is there very rich, being
estimated to enjoy the third part of the revenue of France, but
otherwise is nothing so potent as elsewhere; partly because the
Inquisition is not admitted in France: but principally because the
Pope's ordinary power is much restrained there, by the liberties which
the French Church claimeth; which liberties do not so much enfranchise
the Church itself, as confer the authority the Pope loseth upon the
King, as Firstfruits and the Disposing of all spiritual preferments.
And by reason of this neutrality of authority, the church men
[_clergy_] suffer more there, than either in England, where they wholly
depend upon the King; or in Spain and Italy, where they wholly subsist
by the Pope: because the Pope is not able totally to support them, and
the King takes occasion ever to suppress them, as being not entirely
his subjects; and to him, they pay, yearly, both the tenth of all their
tithe, and of all their temporal land.
The Gentry are the only entire Body, there, which participate with
the prerogatives of the Crown. For from it, they receive privileges
above all other men and a kind of limited regality upon their tenants;
besides [a] real supply to their estates by governments and pensions,
and freedom from tallies [_taxations_] upon their own lands, that is,
upon their domains and whatsoever they manure by their servants: but so
much as they let to tenants is, presently, tallieable [_taxable_] which
causeth [a] proportionate abatement in the rent. And in recompense
of this, they owe to the King the Ban and the Arrière Ban; that is,
to serve him and his Lieutenant, three months within the land, at
their own charges. And as in war, they undergo the greatest part of
the danger, so then is their power most peremptory above the rest:
whereas in the time of peace, the King is ready to support inferior
persons against them, and is glad to see them to waste one another by
contention at law for fear they grow rich; because he forsees that, as
the Nobility, only, can do him service, so they only, misapplied, can
do him harm.