CHAPTER IV

CAREER AS AN EDUCATIONAL REFORMER: 1628–1656

Flight to Poland—Appointed director of the

gymnasium at Lissa—Reforms introduced—Literary

projects—Need of a patron—Call to England—Friendship

with Hartlib—Interest of the English

Parliament—Discontent with existing educational

institutions—Lewis de Geer, his Dutch patron—Call

to Sweden—Interview with Oxenstiern—Located at

Elbing—Reform of the Swedish schools—Return to

Poland—Consecration as senior bishop—Consequences

of the treaty of Westphalia—Ecclesiastical

ministrations—Call to Hungary—Reform of the schools

at Saros-Patak—Plan of a pansophic school—Return to

Lissa—The city burned—Flight of Comenius from Poland.

After the flight from Bohemia, Comenius and his compatriots found a

refuge at Lissa, Poland, with Count Raphael, a powerful prince of the

faith of the Moravian Brethren, to whose estate hundreds of persecuted

Bohemians had already fled. Twelve years were passed in Lissa, during

which time Comenius was actively engaged in educational reform. Besides

the composition of three of his most important books—the _Janua_,

in 1631, the _Great didactic_, probably in 1632, and the _School of

infancy_, in 1633—he engaged actively in the work of teaching. A

secondary school of acknowledged repute had been maintained in Lissa

by the Moravian Brethren since 1555, and here Comenius found the

opportunity of putting into practice some of his educational theories.

It is apparent, however, from his writings, that he read widely before

undertaking the reorganization of the gymnasium at Lissa, and that he

sought aid from all the writers on education, both ancient and modern.

His correspondents at this period included such distinguished names as

Lubin, Andreæ, Ritter, Vogel, Ratke, Frey, Mencel, Hartlib, Evenius,

Johnstone, and Mochinger. To these distinguished contemporaries he

expresses his dissatisfaction with current educational practices, and

seeks guidance in the reform movement he has instituted in Poland.

“When our people attend school for the sake of the learned languages,

what do they bring with them on returning home?” he asks. “What beyond

that which they obtain there—the tinkling of human eloquence, the

love of disputation, and the knowledge that puffeth up instead of

the charity that buildeth up. Moreover, some acquire corrupt morals;

some, a desire to make themselves agreeable by a show of external

civility; some, habits of intemperance and a distaste or hatred of

firm discipline. And yet these very men were trained for the lights of

the Church and the pillars of the State. O that, instead of such an

education, we had retained the simplicity of childhood. O that we might

bring back the ancient custom of the Spartans, who, more than all the

other Greeks, were intent upon the rational education of their youth.”

A noteworthy feature of his work as a reformer at Lissa consisted in

a careful grading of the schools, and the formulation of a course

of study for the successive grades. The guiding principle in this

schematization of school work was that each grade should pave the way

for the one next higher,—the elements of all subjects of study being

comparatively simple, these elements should be gradually introduced

and elaborated from grade to grade. These reforms were not only

far-reaching, they were revolutionary; and they made possible the

modern graded school.

Civilized Europe did not long remain in ignorance of these reforms.

They were discussed with approval in England, Germany, France, and

Sweden; and several foreign governments sought his services in the work

of educational reform. Sweden, in 1638, tendered him a remunerative

position and unlimited opportunities of reforming the schools of the

kingdom along the lines laid down in his writings. He replied that he

was willing to recommend a competent person to undertake the work, but

that he was not in position to sever his relations with the Moravian

Church in Poland and to leave unfinished some important educational

writings.

His own poverty, as well as that of his brethren, made him realize

keenly the need of a wealthy patron to aid him in the realization of

his educational ideals. “The vastness of the labors I contemplate,”

he wrote, “demands that I should have a wealthy patron, whether we

look at their extent, or at the necessity of securing assistants, or

at the expense generally. I propose to render the study of science,

philosophy, and theology more accessible to all parties, and of greater

usefulness in the regulation of human affairs than has hitherto been

the case. In order to do this, two kinds of books are necessary—(1) for

philosophical research and (2) for elementary training.

“Books of the first class would primarily have reference to the Latin

language, and of this class I would adopt eight:—

“1. The _Vestibulum_, or introduction to the Latin tongue.

“2. The _Janua_, or gate of the Latin tongue.

“3. The _Palace_, or essentials of the Latin language.

“4. A dictionary giving the meaning of the Latin words in the

mother-tongue.

“5. A dictionary giving all the words of the native language in Latin,

and more especially supplying phrases of the former language with

corresponding phrases in the latter.

“6. A Latin dictionary explaining all the peculiar idioms of the

language.

“7. An elementary grammar containing all the declensions and

conjugations, and to be used in connection with the _Vestibulum_.

“8. A more comprehensive grammar, to be used in connection with the

_Janua_.

“The books to be used in connection with elementary training are three:—

“1. _Pansophia_, or universal wisdom. This book should comprise the sum

total of human wisdom, and be so expressed as to meet the requirements

of both the present and future ages. The method to be followed in such

a book would be to reduce it to certain fundamental principles, beyond

the compass of which no part of human knowledge can reach. Such first

principles are God, the world, and common sense.

“2. _Panhistoria_, or universal history. This work must comprehend the

most vital facts of all ages. Universal history is a most excellent

handmaid of the understanding, searching into the causes of all things,

and inquiring into the laws of cause and effect. Instruction in history

must be graded. It might be arranged in six classes—Bible history,

natural history, history of inventions, history of morals, history of

the various religious rites, and general history.

“3. General dogmatics. These have to treat of the different theories

taken by human ingenuity, the false as well as the true, thereby

preventing a relapse into vain speculations and dangerous errors.

“One man is not able to accomplish an undertaking of such magnitude.

There ought to be some clever linguists, perhaps three well versed

in philosophy, an able historian, and a man thoroughly acquainted

with Biblical literature. As regards the philological labors, I have

already met with an excellent assistant in Mr. Wechner. Nor are clever

coadjutors wanting for the _Pansophia_, who have not only offered the

treasures of their libraries, but who have offered themselves in their

coöperation in this work. Among these my friend Hartlib far excels. I

do not know his equal in the extent of his knowledge, his acuteness

of reasoning, his zeal to become useful to the welfare of mankind,

his fervent love for a philosophy unmixed with errors and fanciful

speculations, and his self-denial in order to further the objects in

view.”

Such a patron, however, was not at once forthcoming, although it would

appear from his letters that Count Bohulslaw of Lissa, whom he styles

“the chief in the kingdom of Poland,” was of some pecuniary assistance

to him at this time in the development of his theories.

The wide publication of his writings aroused a keen interest in his

reforms, and especially in England. Samuel Hartlib, who corresponded

extensively with the learned men of Europe, had already translated

into English several of the educational writings of Comenius, and in

various other ways had interested the English public in the work of the

Moravian reformer.

The keen personal interest of Hartlib in the work of Comenius had

important temporary consequences on the direction of the reformer’s

activities during the next few years. Hartlib at this time was the most

interesting figure in English educational history. “Everybody knew

him,” says Professor Masson.[16] “He was a foreigner by birth, being

the son of a Polish merchant who had left Poland when the country fell

under Jesuit rule, and had settled in Elbing in Prussia, in very good

circumstances. Twice married before to Polish ladies, this merchant

had married in Prussia for his third wife the daughter of a wealthy

English merchant at Dantzig; and thus our Hartlib, their son, though

Prussian born and with Polish connections, could reckon himself half

English. The date of his birth was probably about the beginning of

the century. He appears to have first visited England in or about

1628, and from that time, though he made frequent journeys to the

continent, London had been his headquarters. Here, with a residence

in the city, he carried on business as a merchant, with extensive

foreign correspondence, and very respectable family connections. But

it did not require such family connections to make Hartlib at home in

English society. The character of the man would have made him at home

anywhere. He was one of those persons now styled philanthropists, or

friends of progress, who take an interest in every question or project

of their time promising social improvement, have always some irons

in the fire, are constantly forming committees, or writing letters to

persons of influence, and live altogether for the public. By the common

consent of all who have explored the intellectual and social history of

England in the seventeenth century, he is one of the most interesting

and memorable figures of that whole period. He is interesting both for

what he did himself and on account of the number and intimacy of his

contacts with other interesting people.”

Through Hartlib’s influence the English Parliament invited Comenius

to England. This was in the summer of 1641. Comenius himself may be

permitted to tell how all this came about: “After my _Pansophia_

had been published and dispersed through the various countries of

Europe, many learned men approved of the object and plan of the work,

but despaired of its ever being accomplished by one man alone, and

therefore advised that a college of learned men should be instituted

to carry it into effect. Mr. Samuel Hartlib, who had forwarded

its publication in England, labored earnestly in this matter, and

endeavored by every possible means to bring together for this purpose

a number of intellectual men. And at length, having found one or two,

he invited me with many strong entreaties. As my friends consented to

my departure, I proceeded to London, and arrived there on the autumnal

equinox (September the 22d) in the year 1641, and then learned that

I had been called thither by an order of the Parliament. But, in

consequence of the king having gone to Scotland, the Parliament had

been dismissed for three months, and, consequently, I had to winter in

London.”

His friends meanwhile examined with more detail his educational views

and encouraged him to elaborate his views in a tract, which he named

_Via lucis_, or the way of light. This, as he himself says, was “a

national disquisition as to the manner in which wisdom—the intellectual

law of minds—may at length toward the evening of the world be

felicitously diffused through all minds in all nations.”

Around Comenius Hartlib soon collected a group of thoughtful men

interested in the Moravian reformer’s views; and together we may

suppose they discussed at length the larger educational problems

already formulated by Comenius in his published writings. The

group included, besides Hartlib, Mr. John Pell, a mathematician of

acknowledged repute; John Milton, the poet and educational writer;

Theodor Haak, the expositor of philosophic systems; John Wilkins, the

agricultural enthusiast; John Durie, the advocate of evangelical unity;

Thomas Farnaby, the schoolmaster at Sevenoaks and one of the English

editors of Comenius’ _Janua_; and probably the American Winthrop, later

governor of Connecticut, who was wintering in London. He was delighted

with London and the people he met. Writing to friends in Lissa, he

says: “I live as a friend among friends; though not so many visit me

as would if they knew that I could speak English, or if they had more

confidence in their own Latin.”

When Parliament finally convened “and my presence being known,” writes

Comenius, “I was commanded to wait until after some important business

having been transacted, a commission should be issued to certain wise

and learned Englishmen to hear me and be informed of my plan. As an

earnest, moreover, of their intentions, they communicated to me their

purpose to assign to us a college with revenues, whence some men of

learning and industry selected from any nation might be honorably

sustained either for a certain number of years or in perpetuity. The

Savoy in London, and beyond London, Winchester, and again near the

city, Chelsea, were severally mentioned, and inventories of the latter

and its revenues were communicated to me; so that nothing seemed more

certain than that the designs of Lord Bacon to open a universal college

of all nations, devoted solely to the advancement of the sciences, were

now in way of being carried into effect.”

Comenius had assumed that when the call to England came to him at

Lissa, it simply represented a private movement backed by Hartlib and

other influential Englishmen; and he expresses himself in terms of

delighted surprise upon arriving in London to find that he had been

summoned thither by the Parliament of the realm. The parliamentary

sanction of this summons has never been corroborated. Professor Masson

made the attempt, but was unable to find in the Lords’ or Commons’

_Journal_ for the years 1641 and 1642 any traces of communication

between Comenius and the Parliament of which he speaks. He admits

that there may be such corroborative evidence, since the indexes for

these years are incomplete. There are, however, no good and sufficient

reasons for doubting the word of Comenius in this matter.

There are traces at this period of parliamentary dissatisfaction with

current English education, and more particularly with university

education in England. Professor Masson thus states the matter: “There

had for some time been a tradition of dissatisfaction with the existing

state of the universities and the great public schools. In especial,

Bacon’s complaints and suggestions in the second book of his _De

Augmentis_ had sunk into thoughtful minds. That the universities, by

persistence in old and outworn methods, were not in full accord with

the demands and needs of the age; that their aims were too professional

and particular, and not sufficiently scientific and general; that the

order of studies in them was bad, and some of the studies barren;

that there ought to be a bold direction of their endowments and

apparatus in the line of experimental knowledge, so as to extract from

nature new secrets and sciences for which humanity was panting; that,

moreover, there ought to be more fraternity and correspondence among

the universities of Europe and some organization of their labors, with

a view to mutual illumination and collective advancement:—all these

Verulamian speculations, first submitted to King James, were lying here

and there in English intellects in watch for an opportunity.”

But the time was not yet come for the reform movement in English

education. Ireland was in a state of commotion; two hundred thousand

Englishmen had been massacred;[17] the sudden departure of the king

from London on the 10th of January, 1642, and the prospect of a

prolonged civil war convinced Comenius that it would be useless to

tarry longer in England. He informed his friends of his disappointment

of his plans. Hartlib was hopeful and urged delay, but a call to

Sweden, made four years previous, was renewed at this time, and he left

London on the 10th of June, in the year 1642.

Lewis de Geer, a rich Dutch merchant and philanthropist, residing

at Nordköping, Sweden, had offered to render him financial aid in

working out his educational reforms in Sweden. But de Geer’s notions of

reform differed widely from those of the English friends. He was less

interested in universal research, the founding of pansophic colleges,

and the results of original investigation than Hartlib and the

Englishmen. What he wanted was better school-books for the children,

rational methods of teaching for the teachers, and some intelligent

grading of the schools. The English friends were satisfied with the

broad generalities of pansophic learning, the unrealized dreams that

were so very near the reformer’s heart; the Dutch merchant would be

satisfied with nothing less than concrete applications of theories.

There is no doubt that Comenius would have preferred lingering in

England or going to some place where his cherished pansophic schemes

might be given a hearing. But he was human and had organic needs, and

he knew that the liberal remuneration offered him by de Geer would

avert poverty even though the realization of his pure and exalted

pansophic dream was deferred.

“In the history of great renunciations,” says Mr. Keatinge,[18] “surely

none is stranger than this. We have a man little past the prime of

life, his brain teeming with magnificent, if somewhat visionary, plans

for social reform, a mighty power in the community that shaved his

religious ideas, and an object of interest even to those who may have

shrugged their shoulders at his occasional want of balance. Suddenly

he flings his projects to the winds, consigns his darling plans to

the dustheap of unrealizable ideas, and retires to a small seaside

town—not to meditate, not to give definite form to latent conceptions

or to evolve new ones, not to make preparation for the dazzling of

intellectual Europe with an octavo of fantastic philanthropy or of

philosophic mysticism, but—to write school-books for the little boys in

Swedish schools.”

Comenius went from London to Nordköping, where he spent some days in

conference with his new patron, Lewis de Geer. He was not to receive a

stipulated salary, but to be paid certain sums upon the completion of

definite texts, the number and character of the same to be determined

by the educational authorities at Stockholm, whither de Geer directed

Comenius to go for further orders. In Stockholm he met with Lord Axel

Oxenstiern, grand chancellor of the kingdom of Sweden, and Dr. John

Skyte, professor of canon and civil law (as well as chancellor) in

the University of Upsala. Of this conference Comenius says: “These

two exercised me in debate for four days, and chiefly Oxenstiern,

that eagle of the north. He inquired into the foundations of both my

schemes, the didactic and the pansophic, so searchingly that it was

unlike anything that had been done before by any of my learned critics.

In the first two days he examined the didactics, with, at length, this

conclusion: ‘From an early age,’ said he, ‘I perceived that our method

of studies generally in use is a harsh and crude one, but where the

root of the trouble was I couldn’t find out. At length having been

sent by my king [Gustavus Adolphus], of glorious memory, as ambassador

into Germany, I conversed on the subject with various learned men. And

when I heard that Wolfgang Ratke was toiling at a reformed method, I

had no rest of mind until I had got that gentleman into my presence;

but, instead of a talk on the subject, he offered me a big volume in

quarto to read. I swallowed that trouble; and, having gone through the

book, I noted that he detected not badly the maladies of the schools;

but the remedies he proposed did not seem to me sufficient. Yours, Mr.

Comenius, rest on firmer foundations.’”[19]

The consultation with Oxenstiern and Skyte continued four days, at

the conclusion of which they rendered their decision on his various

theories. With reference to his pansophic notions, they saw little

of immediate utility to the welfare of mankind. But his didactics

they regarded with favor. They urged him to give his attention to the

reformation of teaching and the preparation of suitable text-books.

While somewhat chagrined at this unsympathetic attitude toward his

pansophic theories, and a little surprised to learn that de Geer should

be of the same mind, he was forced to acquiesce, not, however, without

the earnest solicitations of Hartlib and his English friends not to

forsake the cherished pansophic principles.[20]

The town of Elbing, on the Baltic Sea, in West Prussia, was designated

by de Geer as a suitable residence for Comenius during the time that he

should be in the service of the Swedish educational department. Here

he settled, with his family and the assistants de Geer had permitted

him to employ at the patron’s expense, in October, 1642. The chief

task imposed upon him was the compilation of a series of text-books

for use in elementary and secondary schools. But progress was slow;

the Swedes became impatient, and de Geer grew restive. In consequence,

the relations with his patron soon became strained, and continued so

during most of the Elbing period. In reply to a complaint from de

Geer, Comenius wrote him in September, 1643: “I compose books and do

not merely copy those of others. Our proposed work is not merely a

book, but a real treasure for the aiding of whose production my patron

will assuredly have no cause for regret.” He admits that he has been

diverted from the completion of a work on language teaching by a

philosophic treatise which he considers of far greater importance than

the details of methodology.

In addition to the philosophic studies, in which de Geer and the Swedes

had little or no interest, Comenius dissipated his energies in other

ways. When it became generally known that he had located in Elbing, the

wealthy patrons of the local high school petitioned the town council

to secure him to give weekly lectures to the pupils. In other ways

he identified himself with local interests, which diverted his time

from his assigned tasks. Moreover, his connection with the Moravian

Brethren compelled him to make frequent trips to Poland to attend

ecclesiastical conventions and minister to the needs of the scattered

brethren. De Geer’s patience must have been sorely tried, for he sent

to Elbing, with annoying frequency, to inquire concerning the progress

of the work. In reply, Comenius begged his patron have patience; he

explained the difficult nature of his labors, and assured him that he

was making as much progress as was consistent with the nature of his

undertaking.

Toward the close of 1646 he went to Sweden and made a personal report

to his patron, covering the four years of his employment. A government

committee was appointed to review his work; its report was most

favorable to Comenius; and he was urged to get the work in shape for

immediate publication. He had prepared during this time, in spite of

distractions, a work on language teaching, which treated of its nature,

function, and the laws to be observed in language teaching; a lexicon

based on these laws; and a series of graded reading books.

At the death of Justinus, the senior bishop of the Moravian Brethren

in 1648, Comenius was elected his successor. His new duties made

his removal to Lissa necessary, and he took with him the unfinished

treatises for the Swedes, and sent them to de Geer as rapidly as he was

able to complete them. It caused him no pang of sorrow to sever his

connection with the Dutch merchant and the Swedes. For he was isolated

at Elbing; his labors were uncongenial, and the remuneration which

he received was small. It is apparent from his letters, subsequently

written, that it was not merely the Dutchman’s gold that held him to

tasks so arduous and uncongenial. He hoped by this connection to

secure the moral support of the Swedes in removing from the Moravian

Brethren the ban which exiled them from their beloved fatherland.

The treaty of Westphalia, however, shattered this hope. There was not

a single stipulation in favor of the exiled brethren. The promises

Sweden had made to Comenius in this matter were disregarded. In vain he

implored Oxenstiern not to forsake his people. “My people have aided

your arms with their weapons, the unceasing offerings of their tears

and supplications to God; and now, when they see your success and

may rejoice in the hope for a more favorable issue of affairs, they

are troubled with dread apprehension lest they should be forsaken.”

Later he wrote him: “Of what use is it to us, who are now deprived of

every hope of peace, to have assisted you with our tears in obtaining

victory; when, although it lay within your power to release us from our

prison-house, you surrender us anew into the hands of our oppressors?

Of what avail now all those holy evangelical alliances formed by our

ancestors, and consecrated with their sacred martyr-blood?”[21] But

these importunities were of no avail; for, while equal privileges were

granted to the Reformed, Lutheran, and Catholic churches in Germany, in

Bohemia, and Moravia, the ritual of the latter alone was established.

It was a severe blow to Comenius, as well as to the whole brotherhood

of the Moravian Church.

The years 1648 to 1650 were passed in ministrations to the dispersed

brethren;[22] he was especially conscientious in the discharge of the

duties of his episcopal office; he established more intimate relations

between the Polish and Hungarian branches of the Moravian churches;

he sought and secured important financial aid for the brotherhood in

England, Holland, and Sweden; he secured positions as teachers for

many of his exiled countrymen; and induced the University of Oxford to

create stipends for Bohemian students. Gindely remarks that at this

period there were few European countries in which the protégés of

Comenius could not be found in the capacity of private tutors, public

school-teachers, artists, or clergymen.

The impoverished condition of the Moravian Church caused Comenius

no little concern, and induced him to look with some favor on the

numerous calls to important educational posts which came to him from

foreign countries. That from the widow of Prince Rakoczy and her

son Sigismund was especially tempting. They wanted him to come to

Transylvania, Hungary, and reform the school system. A liberal salary

was offered, together with complete facilities for the organization of

a school system in accordance with his own views—including a printing

establishment for the publication of required books. It was further

stipulated that he might bring with him ten or a dozen Bohemian youths

to be educated at the expense of the prince and his mother. The

scattered members of the Moravian Church in Hungary, in the belief that

the presence of the bishop in that country would unify the interests of

the brotherhood, also urged him to accept the Transylvanian call, at

the same time petitioning the general synod to relieve Comenius of his

clerical functions at Lissa for a few years.

The Church granted the petition, and Comenius settled in Saros-Patak,

in May, 1650. He at once drew up a sketch of a seven-grade school,

which he published a year later under the title _Plan of a pansophic

school_. “In scope and breadth of view,” remarks a modern historian,

“the scheme was centuries in advance of its time, while many of the

suggestions which it contained are but imperfectly carried into effect

at the present day.”

The _Plan_ is a detailed course of study with specific directions

for the application of the course for the use of teachers. In these

directions he explains the great danger of overworking the children;

and to avoid this, a rest-pause of a half-hour is provided after

each hour’s instruction for free, spontaneous play. After each meal

a full hour’s rest is granted. The pupils are to have eight hours of

sleep; they are granted a half-holiday on Sundays and Wednesdays,

with fortnight vacations at Christmas, Easter, and Whitsuntide, and a

month’s vacation in the summer. This gave a school year of forty-two

weeks, with thirty hours for school work in each week. The forenoon

instruction was as follows: From 6 to 7 o’clock, religious instruction,

including hymns, prayers, and Bible readings. From 7.30 to 8.30,

theoretical exposition of the new subject-matter of the day’s lesson;

and from 9 to 10, a practical treatment and review of the same. There

was music (and mathematics) in the afternoon from 1 to 2; history from

2.30 to 3.30; and composition, with exercises in style, from 4 to 5.

The _Plan_ requires that the seven grades of the school meet in

separate rooms, and that a teacher be provided for each grade. In

each class, the text-books must be adapted to the capacities of the

children. The Vestibulum is the lowest class. Over the door of this

room is the motto, “Let no one enter who cannot read.” The room is so

decorated that the pictures illustrate the subjects taught in this

grade; and, by means of these illustrations, the senses are trained.

The pupils are taught short maxims containing the most important rules

of conduct, a few common Latin words, the elements of arithmetic, the

scales in music, and some short hymns and prayers. Writing and drawing

are also taught, and special attention is given to the games of the

children.

The Janual is the second class. The motto over the class-room door

of this grade is, “Let no one enter who is ignorant of mathematics.”

Provided the more common objects mentioned in the _Janua_ cannot be

readily obtained, pictures of these objects are hung on the wall.

The text-books used are, besides the _Janua_, the Latin vernacular

dictionary and the Janual grammar. In composition, the pupils are

exercised in the structure of phrases, sentences, and periods; in

religion, they learn the catechism; in mathematics, addition and

subtraction and plane figures in geometry. There are more advanced

exercises in music; and, as in the preceding grade, the teachers are

urged to encourage the plays and games of the children.

The Atrial is the third class. Its motto is, “Let no one enter who

cannot speak.” Here Bible readings, in abridged form and suited to the

intelligence of the children, are begun. The text-book is the _Atrium_,

together with a grammar of eloquence and a Latin-Latin dictionary.

In arithmetic, the pupils master multiplication and division, and in

geometry, solid figures. The musical instruction includes harmony

and the rudiments of Latin verse. Famous deeds in Biblical narrative

furnish the basis of the historic instruction. In composition there are

exercises in style, consisting of paraphrasing and the transposition of

sentences. Before the pupils are permitted to pass from this grade they

must be able to read the Latin authors readily and to converse in the

Latin fluently.

The Philosophical is the fourth class, with the motto, “Let no one

who is ignorant of history enter here.” The walls are decorated

with pictures illustrative of arithmetic, geometry, and physics,

and connected with this class-room are a chemical laboratory and a

dissecting-room. The religious instruction includes hymns, Psalms,

an epitome of the New Testament, and a life of Christ. The text-book

is called the _Palace of wisdom_; in it the genesis of natural

phenomena are described. In mathematics, the pupils learn the rules of

proportion; they begin the study of trigonometry; also statics, and

instruction on musical instruments. Greek is begun, and the pupils

study natural history through Pliny and Ælian. Comenius mentions that

he does not consider Greek a difficult study; and he thinks it need

cause the pupils no alarm, since an exhaustive knowledge of Greek

is not required, and the difficulties of the study will be largely

overcome by the use of rational methods of teaching.

The fifth class is the Logical. Over the door is the inscription, “Let

no one enter who is ignorant of natural philosophy,” and the walls

are covered with the rules of logic. The pupils have a Bible manual

and a class-book on problems in philosophy. The problems include a

survey of things that have been and may be discovered by man; a formal

logic explaining the processes of reasoning, and a repertory of such

philosophical problems as present themselves to the human mind. In

arithmetic, the rules of partnership and allegation are studied; in

geometry, mensuration of heights and distances and plane surfaces;

in geography, a description of the earth; in astronomy, an account

of the heavens; in history, a survey of mechanical inventions. For

the formation of a literary style, such historians as Curtius, Cæsar,

and Justin are read. The study of Greek is continued, and Isocrates

and Plutarch are recommended for reading. Dramatic performances are

introduced in the fifth class. Grammar, logic, and metaphysics are

represented in conflict, but a reconciliation is finally effected

through study.

The sixth is the Political class. Its motto, “Let no one enter who

cannot reason.” Sallust, Cicero, Virgil, and Horace are read for style;

provision is made for verse writing; attention is given to geography

and the parts of astronomy dealing with the planets and the laws of the

eclipses; the Bible is read through; more advanced topics in arithmetic

and geometry are taken up; the special class-book studied deals with

human society and the laws of economics; in Greek the pupils read

from Thucydides and Hesiod. Dramatic performances are continued, the

degeneration and moral downfall of Solomon being rendered.

The seventh and last grade of the course is the Philosophic. Its

motto is, “Let no one enter who is irreligious.” The instruction is

of an essentially theological character. On the walls are inscribed

numerous mystic symbols illustrative of the hidden wisdom of the Holy

Scriptures. The most devotional Psalms and church hymns are used in the

school exercises. There are readings from the Scriptures, the works of

the most inspired theologians and martyrs, and a _résumé_ of Christian

beliefs, duties, and aspirations, all written in the phraseology of

the Bible. The text-book of the grade is ultra-religious in character.

It includes (1) an account of the earthly and heavenly revelations

of God; (2) a commentary for Scriptural reading; and (3) a detailed

account of the mysteries of salvation. In arithmetic, the sacred and

mystic numbers that occur in the Scriptures; in architecture, the

sacred structures as exemplified by Noah’s ark, the tabernacle, and the

Temple; in history, the general history of the Church; and in ancient

language, Hebrew takes the place of Greek—this, that the students may

be able to read and understand the Scriptures in the original text.

Oratory is studied that those who become preachers may know how to

address a congregation, and that those who engage in politics may know

how to reason with their hearers.

Such is a condensed survey of the course of study which Comenius

devised for the schools at Saros-Patak; and in no small degree his

reputation as a reformer rests upon this piece of work. For the

Saros-Patak _Plan_ became a model for educators in many lands, and

the progenitor of a long line of graded schemes of instruction which

constitute such an essential feature of the educational economy of

to-day. Not only were subjects of study graded in accordance with the

laws of the development of child-mind, but text-books were graded as

well. Moreover, the scheme made necessary the employment of teachers

who comprehended the character of the work, and, more particularly,

those with some appreciation of the natural history of the child and

the causes which condition its growth. Little as Comenius understood

psychology, at least in the modern use of that term, he was alive to

the fact that in childhood the senses are keenest, and that the line of

least resistance in the acquisition of new impressions is through (1)

objects, (2) pictures, and (3) interesting verbal descriptions in the

mother-tongue.

His labors at Saros-Patak terminated at the close of the fourth year,

during which time the first three grades of the _Plan_ were organized.

All contemporary evidence confirms the success of the scheme. Although

so marked a departure from traditional educational practices, it

succeeded to a degree that must have been surprising even to Comenius

himself. The fact that the teachers in the schools were trained under

Comenius at Lissa did much, doubtless, to remove otherwise possible

frictions.

But careful gradation was not the only marked reform carried out at

Saros-Patak during this period. Pictures were introduced as aids in

teaching, and the first child’s picture book, the first of a long line

of books so popular in our own day, was written. This was the famous

_Orbis pictus_, to be discussed in a subsequent chapter.

Comenius returned to Lissa in 1654, to resume his ecclesiastical

labors. But his sojourn was brief; for, with the invasion of Poland

by the Swedes, came the fall and conflagration of the city. Comenius

escaped, “almost in a state of nudity,” to use his own words. He had

not only lost his property and his library in the conflagration, but

he had sustained a yet greater loss in the burning of his numerous

manuscripts, and, more important (to him) than all the others, his

entire pansophic work, on the composition of which he had labored so

arduously for many years. Writing to Montanus, he says, “The loss of

this work I shall cease to lament only when I cease to breathe.” He

escaped from Lissa to Silesia, where he found refuge for a time in the

home of a nobleman. He shortly afterward pushed on to Frankfort, but

not feeling secure here he moved to Hamburg, where for two months he

was prostrated by a severe illness.

Comenius and the Beginnings of Educational Reform · 第 4 / 10 章