CHAPTER VIII.

_Negociations for Purchase of the Hudson's Bay

Property_.

In response to our demand for a large tract of land through the

"Fertile belt" of the Hudson's Bay territory, the Governor answered,

almost in terror, to the Duke of Newcastle:--"What! sequester our very

tap-root! Take away the fertile lands where our buffaloes feed! Let in

all kinds of people to squat and settle, and frighten away the fur-

bearing animals they don't hunt and kill! Impossible. Destruction--

extinction--of our time-honoured industry. If these gentlemen are so

patriotic, why don't they buy us out?" To this outburst the Duke

quietly replied: "What is your price?" Mr. Berens, the Governor,

answered: "Well, about a million and a half."

Finding that our demands for land alongside the proposed road and

telegraph were not acceptable to the Governor and Court of the Hudson's

Bay Company, we had nothing for it but either to drop the Pacific

transit proposal, after many months of labour and trouble, or to take

the bold course of accepting the challenge of those gentlemen, and

negociating for the purchase of all their property and rights. Before

making a decided move, however, I had many anxious discussions with the

Duke as to who the real purchaser should be. My strong, and often

urged, advice was, that whoever the medium of purchase might be, Great

Britain should take to the bargain. I showed that at the price named

there could be no risk of loss; and I developed alternative methods of

dealing with the question:--That the fur trade could be separated from

the land and rights, and that a new joint stock company could be

organized to take over the trading posts, the fleet of ships, the stock

of goods, and the other assets, rights, and privileges affecting trade,

and that such a company would probably pay a rental--redeemable over a

term of years, were that needful to meet Mr. Gladstone's notions--of 3

or 3-1/2 per cent, on 800,000_l_., leaving only 700,000_l_.

as the value of a territory bigger than Russia in Europe. Such a

company would have to raise additional capital of its own to modernize

its business, to improve the means of intercourse between its posts,

and to cheapen and expedite the transport to and fro of its

merchandise. I carefully described the nature of these changes and all

that they involved. The Duke seemed to favour this idea. Then I pointed

out that, if desired, a land company could be organized in England,

Canada, and the United States, which, on a similar principle of rental

and redemption, might take over the lands--leaving a reserve of

probably a fourth of the whole as the, unpaid for, property of the

Government--at the price of 700,000_l_. If these proposals

succeeded, then all the country would have to do was to lend

1,500,000_l_. on such security as could be offered, ample, in each

case, in my opinion. But I said it must be a condition, if these plans

were adopted, to erect the Hudson's Bay territory into a Crown Colony,

like British Columbia, and to govern it on the responsibility of the

Empire. I showed that this did not involve any large sum annually; and

that, as in the case of British Columbia, the loss would be turned into

a profit by sales of the one-fourth of the land to be given, in return

for the responsibilities, taken, to our country. Again, the cost of

government might be recouped by a moderate system of duties in and out

of the territory, to be agreed with Canada and British Columbia on the

one hand, and the United States on the other. This, in outline, was one

plan. The next was, to sell a portion of the territory to the United

States at the price, which I knew could be obtained, of a million. A

third plan which I suggested was, to open up portions of the "Fertile

belt" to colonization from the United States. To offer homes, in a

bracing, healthy country--with fertile lands and long waterways--to the

multitudes of men and women in Ohio, Kentucky, Maryland, and many other

States, who desired to flee from war and conflict; whose yearning was

for settled government and peace. These men and women had still

resources, friends, and credit, and if our country opened its arms to

them, they would flock to the old red flag, and bring their energies to

bear on the industrial conquest of these vast regions to the West.

But--if any man went, morally, down on his knees to another, I did to

the Duke, to beg, beseech, implore,--that this great bargain, this

purchase of purchases, of a Continent, should be made for our country,

and should be untainted by even the suspicion of a mercantile

adventure. In the end, I thought I had converted the Duke, well

disposed always, to the wisdom of such a policy. Following this line,

we discussed many details. He "would not sell," but he would

"exchange;" and, studying the map, we put our fingers upon the

Aroostook wedge, in the State of Maine--upon a piece of territory at

the head of Lake Superior, and upon islands between British Columbia

and Vancouver's Island--which might be the equivalent of rectification

of boundary on many portions to the Westward along the 49th parallel of

latitude.

Further, at one of our many interviews a name for the new Crown Colony,

if established, was mentioned--"Hysperia." Dr. Mackay had suggested it

to me. The general answer of the Duke was--"Were I a minister of Russia

I should buy the land. It is the right thing to do for many, for all,

reasons; but ministers here must subordinate their views to the

Cabinet." Still, he went so far, that I believed if the Hudson's Bay

property were once bought, the Duke would manage to take the purchase

over for the country. I was too sanguine. I had not measured the

passive resistance of the inside of the Colonial Office to everything

that inside had not initiated; though the fact that day by day

objections, urged to the Duke from inside, were put to me, by him, and,

I believe, always satisfactorily answered, might have warned me. I hope

to live to find three conditions established at the Colonial Office:--

(1) That no one, from the head down to the office boy, shall enter the

doors without having passed in general and in British Empire,

geography. (2) That no one shall be promoted who has not visited some

one British Colony or Province; and (3) That no one shall be eligible

for the highest offices who has not visited and studied, personally,

every portion of the distant British Empire.

With confident hope I went to work. It is true that Mr. Thomas Baring

warned me. He said: "If the Duke wants these great efforts made he must

make them on behalf of the Government: he must not leave private

persons to take the risk of Imperial work." And, in this state of mind,

Mr. Baring refused, afterwards, to be one of the promoters of the

Pacific scheme, a refusal which led Mr. Glyn to hesitate to sign the

legal papers without his friend and colleague. It was an anxious time

for me; for on my head rested the main responsibility. One circumstance

somewhat sustained me. On "the 10th December, 1862, at Thomas' Hotel,

the Duke had read to me a private letter from Mr. Gladstone to him,

containing these words. Words of which I was allowed to make a note"

Your Pacific scheme would be one of the grandest affairs ever achieved,

and I hope it will be completed in your time. It shall have my hearty

support." Alas! however, Mr. Baring was right.

The first official interview with the Governor and Court of the

Hudson's Bay Company was at the "Hudson's Bay House," Fenchurch Street,

on the 1st December, 1862. The room was the "Court" room, dark and

dirty. A faded green cloth, old chairs almost black, and a fine

portrait of Prince Rupert. We met the Governor, Berens, Eden Colville,

and Lyell only. On our part there were Mr. G. G. Glyn (the present Lord

Wolverton), Captain Glyn (the late Admiral Henry Glyn), and Messrs.

Newmarch, Benson, Blake, and myself. Mr. Berens, an old man and

obstinate, bearing a name to be found in the earliest lists of Hudson's

Bay shareholders, was somewhat insulting in his manner. We took it

patiently. He seemed to be astounded at our assurance. "What! interfere

with his Fertile belt, tap root, &c.!" Subsiding, we had a reasonable

discussion, and were finally informed that they would give us land for

the actual site of a road and a telegraph through their territory, but

nothing more. But they would sell all they had, as we "were, no doubt,

rich enough to buy," for "about" 1,500,000_l_., as they had told

the Duke.

The offer of the mere site of a road and ground for telegraph poles was

of no use. So, just as we were leaving, I said, "We are quite ready to

consider your offer to sell; and, to expedite matters, will you allow

us to see your accounts, charters, &c." They promised to consult their

Court. And, gradually, it got to this, that I was put in communication

with old Mr. Roberts, aged 85, their accountant, and with their

solicitor, the able and honorable Mr. Maynard, of the old firm of

Crowder and Maynard, Coleman Street, City.

I had many interviews; and on the 17th March, 1863, I met the Governor,

Mr. Ellice, jun. (son of Edward Ellice-the "old bear"), Mr. Matheson

and Mr. Maynard. They showed me a number of schedules, which they

called "accounts." Next day I had a long private interview with Mr.

Maynard, but "could not see the 'balance-sheet.'" The same day I saw

the Duke with Messrs. Glyn and Benson. Next day (19th) I spent the

forenoon with Mr. Roberts, the accountant, and his son and assistant,

at the Hudson's Bay House. Mr. Roberts told me many odd things; one was

that the Company had had a freehold farm on the site of the present

city of San Francisco of 1,000 acres, and sold it just before the gold

discoveries for 1,000_l_., because two factors quarrelled over it.

I learnt a great deal of the inside of the affair, and got some

glimpses of the competing "North West" Company, amalgamated by Mr.

Edward Ellice, its chief mover, many years agone with the Hudson's Bay

Company. Pointing to some boxes in his private room one day, Mr.

Maynard said: "There are years of Chancery in those boxes, if anyone

else had them." And he more than once quoted a phrase of the "old

bear": "My fortune came late in life."

On the 8th May I went to see the Duke. He was very ill; but his

interest in the Hudson's Bay purchase was unabated. I saw him again on

the 15th, and wrote a letter to the Hudson's Bay Company. On the 19th

Mr. Maynard told me that the Hudson's Bay Court were meeting that day

to reply to my letter. The reply came on the 21st, and was "nearly what

we wished."

Owing to the Duke's illness, and to some secret difficulty which he

never enlightened me upon, I was given to understand, after a short,

but anxious delay, that any purchase must be carried out by private

resources; but all sorts of moral support would be at our service. What

good was moral support in providing a million and a half? What was to

be done? There were only two ways: one, to make a list of fifteen

persons who would each take a "line" of a hundred thousand pounds for

himself and such friends as he chose to associate with him; the other,

to hand the proposed purchase over to the just founded International

Financial Association, who were looking out for some important project

to lay before the public.

Leaving out Mr. Baring and Mr. Glyn (senr.) we had a strong body of

earnest friends, substantial men, and we could, no doubt, have

underwritten the amount. My proportion was got ready; and my personal

friends would have doubled that proportion, or more, if I had wanted

it. I strongly recommended this course. But the Hudson's Bay Company

would give no credit. We must take up the shares as presented and pay

for them over the counter. Thus, the latter alternative was, after some

anxious days, adopted. Mr. Richard Potter was the able negociator in

completing this great transaction, began and carried on as above. The

shares were taken over and paid for by the International Financial

Society, who issued new stock to the public to an amount which covered

a large provision of new capital for extension of business by the

Company, and a profit to themselves and their friends who had taken the

risk of so new and onerous an engagement.

I may finish this section by stating that, as respects the new Hudson's

Bay shareholders, their 20_l_. shares have been reduced by returns

of capital to 13_l_., and having, nevertheless, in the "boom" of

lands in the West, been sold at 37_l_. as the price of the

13_l_.; they are now about 24_l_. Thus, every one who has

held his property, and will continue to hold it, has, and will have, a

safe and unusually profitable investment. These shareholders, besides

the large reserves near their posts, which I shall enumerate later on,

have a claim to one-twentieth of the land where settlements are

surveyed and made. This gives a great future to the investor. On the

other hand, Canada--in place of the Mother Country, to whom the whole

ought to have belonged, for the purposes previously set forth--has

obtained this vast and priceless dominion for a payment of only

300,000_l_., on the award of Earl Granville; and the Pacific

Railway, by reason of that great possession, has been completed and

opened.

But there is much to record between the period of purchase and the sale

to Canada.

I here give to the reader some letters of the Duke's relating to these

negotiations generally:--

"DOWNING STREET,

"14 _Augt._ 1862.

"MY DEAR SIR,

"I am glad to tell you that since I received your letter of Saturday

last, the Hudson's Bay Company has replied to my communication, and has

promised to _grant_ land to a company formed under such auspices

as those with whom I placed them in communication. The question now

is--what _breadth_ of land they will give, for of course they

propose to include the whole _length_ of the line through their

territory. A copy of the reply shall be sent to Mr. Baring, and I hope

you and he will be able to bring this concession to some practical

issue.

"I was quite aware of the willingness of the Company to _sell_

their _whole_ rights for some such sum as 1,500,000_l_. I

ascertained the fact two months ago, and alluded to it in the House of

Lords in my reply to a motion by Lord Donoughmore. I cannot, however,

view the proposal in so favourable a light as you do. There would be no

immediate or _direct_ return to show for this large outlay, for of

course the trade monopoly must cease, and the sale of land would for

some time bring in little or nothing--certainly not enough to pay for

the government of the country.

"I do not think Canada _can_, or if she can _ought_ to, take

any large share in such a payment. Some of her politicians would no

doubt support the proposal with views of their own,--but it would be a

serious, and for some time unremunerative, addition to their very

embarrassing debt.

"I certainly should not like to _sell_ any portion of the

territory to the United States--_exchange_ (if the territory were

once acquired) would be a different thing,--but that would not help

towards the liquidation of the purchase-money.

"I admire your _larger views_, and have some tolerably large ones

in this matter of my own, but I fear purchase of this great territory

is just now impracticable.

"I am, yours sincerely,

"NEWCASTLE.

"Edwd. Watkin, Esq."

This letter was written in the educational period. The doubts came from

the officials of the Colonial Office. I removed them.

"Downing Street,

"17 _Novr_. 1862.

"My dear Mr. Watkin,

"I send you the 'route' from the Pacific to Canada, which I promised.

"I cannot vouch for it; but it comes from an unusually well-informed

quarter, and I incline to think it is much nearer accuracy than such

information as represents the obstacles to be almost insuperable.

"I am, yours very truly,

"NEWCASTLE."

"Memorandum of a Route from Vancouver Island to

Canada.

_Stations_ _Conveyance_ _Time_

"Victoria, Vancouver Island

Yale, on Fraser River, or

Douglas, on Harrison Lake Steamer 2 days

Lytton, on Fraser River, or

Lillovet Stage coach 2 days

Alexander, on Fraser River Do. 4 days

Fort George, on Fraser River Steamer 2 days

Tete Jaune Cache do. Do. 5 days

between 53 degrees and 54 degrees N L -------

15 days

=======

The stage road from Douglas to Lillovet is described as complete, and

that from Lillovet to Alexandria as in progress, as also the machinery

of a stern-wheel steamboat for the water communication between

Alexandria and Tete Jaune Cache.

The last-named place [Sidenote: Tete Jaune Cache.] is situated between

53 degrees and 54 degrees N.L., and is at the western extremity of the

most practicable pass of the Rocky Mountains. The distance from this to

Jasper House, [Sidenote: Jasper House, between 53 degrees and 54

degrees N.L., and distant 120 miles from Tete Jaune Cache.] at the

eastern extremity of the pass, is 120 miles by trail, admitting, it is

said, of conversion at small cost into an easy carriage road.

The distance from Jasper House to the next post, Edmonton, [Sidenote:

Edmonton, 200 miles by road from Jasper House, and 90 miles by road

from Assiniboin.] on the Saskatchewan, is 200 miles by road through a

level wooded country, or the Elk and Athabasca Rivers may be descended

by water to Fort Assiniboin, whence to Edmonton is only 90 miles.

The road communication between Tete Jaune Cache and Edmonton is

represented as the only necessary work beyond Alexandria, and may be

opened for 50,000_l_.

Two courses are suggested from Edmonton to the Red River, one by water

along the Saskatchewan and Lake Winnipeg, another by road from

Carleton, on the Saskatchewan, through the Prairie.

No remarks are offered upon the character of the route between the Red

River and Lake Superior, except that it is said to present no serious

difficulties.

"13_th Nov_. 1862.

R.E."

"DOWNING STREET,

"18 _Novr_. 1862.

"MY DEAR SIR,

"I have had a long interview of two hours today with Mr. Berens, Mr.

Colville, and Mr. Maynard; but I am sorry to find that matters have by

no means progressed so far as I was led to expect.

"I think I ought now to see Mr. Baring, Mr. Glyn, and yourself as soon

as possible.

"Can they and you come here on Thursday at any hour not earlier than

2.30 nor later than 4? If that will interrupt other business, I could

propose 11.30 on Friday at Thomas' Hotel.

"Yours sincerely,

"NEWCASTLE."

"CLUMBER,

"7 _April_, 1863.

"MY DEAR SIR,

"I have received from Sir F. Rogers the draft print of your Bill, and

his remarks upon it.

"I still think it quite possible to meet your views respecting the

lower portion of the Athabasca territory; but the _mode_ of doing

it does not appear to me so simple or clear.

"I should much desire to consult the Land Commissioners before the

matter is settled; and I do not see that the delay of ten days or a

fortnight from this date could endanger the measure, for Lord Monck

wrote to me by last mail that the Parliament had as yet not begun

business.

"If you agree to this, I will send the papers and my remarks to the

Land Commissioners at once, and see you (after getting their report) on

Wednesday next, or any day after it, except Friday.

"Pray let me hear by return.

"Yours very sincerely,

"NEWCASTLE."

"DOWNING STREET,

"6 _May_, 1863.

"MY DEAR MR. WATKIN,

"I hope and believe that the despatches in their final shape, as they

went out to N. Columbia on Friday last, and to Canada on Saturday, were

quite what you and the proposed 'N. W. Transit Company' would wish.

"I added words which (without dictation) will be understood as implying

'No Intercolonial, no Transit.'

"If you happen to be in this neighbourhood any day between 3 and 4.30,

I shall be glad to see you, though I have nothing at all pressing to

say.

"Yours very sincerely,

"NEWCASTLE."

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