_Negociations as to the Intercolonial Railway; and North-West
Transit and Telegraph_, 1861 _to_ 1864.
It was in September, 1861, that I visited Frederickton and Halifax on
the question of the Intercolonial Railway, travelling by way of Riviere
du Loup, Lake Temiscouata, Little Falls, Woodstock, round by St.
Andrews, Canterbury, Frederickton, St. John, Shediac, and Truro to
Halifax. Later in the autumn, representatives from New Brunswick and
Nova Scotia visited Quebec and Montreal, and it was generally agreed
that deputations from Canada and from the two Maritime Provinces should
proceed to England. These deputations were, from Canada the Hon. Mr.
Van Koughnet, from New Brunswick the Hon. Mr. Tilley, and from Nova
Scotia the Hon. Joseph Howe. It was impossible to choose a more
influential delegation: men earnest in the cause they came to advocate;
politicians of tried metal; men of great influence in the colonies they
represented.
I arrived in England from Canada in the beginning of November, 1861,
and at once telegraphed to the Duke, and on my way to London, at his
request, I visited him at Clumber, and made my report of progress,
which appeared to be highly satisfactory. The only difficulty, as to
the Intercolonial, appeared to rest in Mr. Gladstone's "peculiar views
about subsidies, grants, and guarantees out of the funds, or on the
security, of the State." But the Duke said, he must "labour to show the
Chancellor of the Exchequer that this was no new proposal; that, in
fact, the Provinces had been led to believe that if they would find the
money, the State would guarantee the interest under proper precaution,
as the State had guaranteed the capital for the Canadian canals, every
shilling expended on which had been honourably repaid." In fact, "this
work was not a mere local work, but satisfied military and other
Imperial conditions." The end of this, and many other, interviews, at
the Colonial Office and at the Duke's residences, was complete
concurrence in the following programme:--(I) the Intercolonial
guarantee must be carried by the Duke; (2) measures must be taken to
start Pacific transit, in the first instance, and as a pioneer work, by
roads and telegraphs; (3) Confederation must be pushed on; and (4) that
the difficulties arising from the position of the Hudson's Bay Company
must be gravely considered with a view to some solution.
Mr. Van Koughnet, accompanied by Mrs. Van Koughnet, was, unfortunately,
wrecked off Anticosti, in the Allan steamer "North Briton." Happily
every one, after a time of great peril, was landed in safety, while
losing personal baggage and almost everything else. At a critical
moment Sir Allen McNab, who was on board the ship, also on his way to
England, when the vessel was expected to go down, said to Van Koughnet,
"Come with me and bring your wife, and we will go down together, away
from this crowd of frightened people"--alluding to the mass of steerage
passengers jostling about in panic.
On the 11th November Mr. Howe and Mrs. Howe, and Mr. Tilley arrived:
and I took the delegates to the Duke's house in London on the 14th. The
Duke received these delegates with very great cordiality. He had made,
already, an appointment with Lord Palmerston, the Prime Minister, and
had spoken to Mr. Gladstone. So, armed with a letter from the Duke, we
went on to Cambridge House. We were shown into a room overlooking the
court-yard, and had not long to wait for the veteran minister. He came,
as usual, with his grey--not white--hair brushed up at the sides, his
surtout buttoned up to his satin neck-tie, or, more correctly, "breast-
plate," which had a jewelled pin in the midst of its amplitude. He
said, the Duke had told him our business, which was very important, not
only for the interests we represented, but for the Empire, and
especially so at a time when the "fires were alight" across the British
border.
Mr. Howe very ably and concisely stated the case. No subsidy wanted,
simply a guarantee on perfect security. Precedent for such guarantees,
which had always been punctually and fully met. Previous promises of
previous Governments--sanction of such statesmen as Lord Grey, Lord
Derby, and Bulwer Lytton. Peculiar need of the work at this time; and
so on.
Palmerston listened attentively, did not interrupt; did not while Howe,
and afterwards Tilley, were speaking, stop either, by asking a single
question; but when they had concluded, he repeated and summed up the
case in far fewer words than had been used to state it: and in a manner
which gave a new force to it all. He then spoke of the various treaties
with the United States. He spoke of the giving up of the fine Aroostook
district, now part of the State of Maine, and with some heat said, that
"the Ashburton Treaty was the most foolish treaty ever made." He
replied to the argument about the past commitment of other Governments,
by describing it as "not possessing much attraction for an existing
Government." Here Howe made him laugh much, by saying, "At least, my
Lord, it might have an influence with your conscientious Chancellor of
the Exchequer."
After a good many questions and answers affecting the state of the
Provinces, the facilities and difficulties of moving troops in winter,
the conveyance of the mails, future closer relations of commerce
between the Provinces, and, especially, the state of things in the
United States,--he asked us to "Go and see Gladstone." We "might say he
had suggested it."
Then he shook hands, with a swinging jollity, with each of us, saw us
to the door, and, finally, wished us "success." There might have been
no "Trent" affair pending, to look at him.
Some delay took place before we could see Mr. Gladstone. But we finally
accomplished the interview with him at his fine house in Carlton House
Terrace, on the 23rd November. After waiting some while, following, as
we did, about a dozen previous waiters on the Chancellor, we were shown
into Mr. Gladstone's working room, or den. The room was very untidy.
Placards, papers, letters, newspapers, magazines, and blue boots on the
table, chairs, bookshelves, and the floor. It looked, altogether, as if
the window had been left open, and the contents of a miscellaneous
newspaper, book, and parliamentary paper shop had been blown into the
apartment. Mr. Gladstone, himself, looked bored and worried. Though
perfectly civil, he had the expression of a man on his guard against a
canvasser or a dun. He might be thinking of the "Trent" affair. We
stated our errand, and as I had, as arranged, to say something, I used
the argument of probable saving in the Atlantic mail subsidies, by the
creation of land routes, &c. He brushed that aside by the sharp remark,
"Those subsidies are unsound, and they will not be renewed." He then
spoke of the objectionable features of all these "helps to other people
who might help themselves." He did not seem to mind the argument, that
assuming this work to be of Imperial as well as of Provincial
importance, unless aid,--costless to England, or, at the highest, a
very remote risk, and not in any sense a subsidy,--were given, the work
could not proceed at all. He struck me to be a man who thought spending
money, or taking risks, however slight, a kind of crime. That, in fact,
it was better to trust to Providence in important questions, and keep
the national pocket tightly buttoned. We got little out of him, save an
insight into the difficulty to be overcome. And yet he had been a party
to the Crimean War. On the final discussion, in the House, on the vote
for the Intercolonial guarantee, on the 28th March, 1867, Mr. Gladstone
concluded his speech by declaring, "I believe the present guarantee
does depend upon motives of policy belonging to a very high order, and
intimately and inseparably associated with most just, most enlightened
views of the true interests of the Empire." Thus we had sown the seed
not in vain, and the counsel of the Duke was not forgotten.
Mr. Van Koughnet arrived on the 26th November. On the 27th I took him
to see the Duke, and we had a long conference.
Finally, it was decided to send in a memorial to the Duke to lay before
the Cabinet. Howe prepared it. It was most ably drawn, like all the
State papers of that distinguished man, and it was sent in to the
Colonial Office on the 2nd December, 1861. Thus, all had been done that
could then be done by the delegation. We had to rely upon the Duke. Our
difficulty was with Mr. Gladstone.
In the time of waiting, Howe, Tilley, and I, attended meetings at
Bristol, Manchester, Liverpool, Oldham, Ashton, and other places,
endeavouring, with no small success, to make the Intercolonial Railway
a public question.
But the delays; the "pillar to post"; the want of knowledge of
permanent officials, whose geography, even, I found very defective,
made our efforts irksome, and now and then, apparently, hopeless.
But an event had startled England, like a thunderclap in a summer sky.
On the 8th of November, 1861, Captain Wilkes, of the United States ship
"San Jacinta," took the Southern States envoys--Messrs. Slidel and
Mason--and two others, forcibly from the deck of a British mail ship,
"The Trent." The country was all on fire. Palmerston showed fight, and
the Guards and other troops, and arms and stores to the value of more
than a million sterling, were sent out to Canada. The delegates were
sent for to the War Office, and, as desired, I accompanied them. At the
time all seemed to hang in the balance. The powers had joined England
in protest, and our ambassador was instructed by despatch, per ship
--for the submarine wires were not at work--to leave Washington in seven
days if satisfaction were not given.
At the War Office we met Mr. Cornewall Lewis, Minister for War, a man
erudite and accomplished, who had lived on public employments nearly
all his life, but who hardly knew the difference between the two ends
of a ramrod. He asked, in long sentences, the questions which
Palmerston had put shortly and in the pith; all sorts of queries as to
winter transport in the Provinces, the disposition for fight of the
people, and so on. Then it was demanded, What we had to suggest? Van
Koughnet, who writhed under the tone adopted, bluntly said, "Why, to
fight it out, of course; we in Canada will have to bear the first
brunt. But we cannot fight with jack-knives; and there are no arms in
the country. You have failed to keep any store at all." This led to a
deliberate note being taken by the Under Secretary, the present Marquis
of Ripon. Other details followed, and then, finally, we were asked if
we had anything more to propose? To which I answered "Yes; send out a
man who may be truly regarded as a general." This was received with
silence and open mouths. The fact was, the soldier in command in Canada
was General Fenwick Williams, a most gallant man, who, in a siege,
would eat his boots before he would give in: but was not the man who
could so manoeuvre small bodies of men as to keep in check, in forests
and on plains, large masses of the enemy. When we left, Captain Gallon
came running after us, and said, "I am so glad you said that, we all
feel as you do here"--(the War Office).
Although the Government of the United States retreated from an
undefendable position, wisely and with dignity, by surrendering their
prisoners, who, delivered over to a British man-of-war, landed in
England on the 29th January, 1862,--still it was decided to keep the
troops in the Provinces, to reinforce them, to add to the armaments,
and to adequately arm strategic points alongside the American frontier.
And, as President of the Grand Trunk, I was asked to go out to Canada
to aid and direct transport across the country.
In the meantime--whether the cause was the "Trent" affair, or pre-
occupation on the part of the Duke, or neglect of permanent officials,
or their bad habit at that time of regarding Colonists as inferior
persons--our delegates and their wives felt hurt at the social neglect
which they experienced. And I agreed in the truth of their complaints
so much, that I formally addressed the Duke on the 31st December. He
acknowledged the neglect, apologised for it, and thereafter, until the
day of their departure, the delegates, and Mrs. Howe and Mrs. Van
Koughnet, were received in high circles, and were especially invited to
Clumber.
To sum up, I left England for Canada, in "The Asia," on the 1st
February, 1862, landing at New York, where my son and Messrs. Brydges
and Hickson met me--and after a deal of hard work on the part of every
officer and man on the Grand Trunk, and no small anxiety, labour,
responsibility, and exposure to storms and climate, inflicted upon
myself, Mr. Brydges, Mr. Hickson, and the whole staff, Quartermaster-
General Mackenzie sent us a handsome acknowledgment of our semi-
military services. But the authorities at home did not condescend to
recognize our existence or our labours.
The late Sir Philip Rose gave me the greatest assistance with Mr.
Disraeli, Sir E. Bulwer Lytton, and all the great party whose
confidence he possessed. The following letter, addressed to him by Sir
E. Bulwer Lytton, will be read with great interest:--
"BUXTON, DERBYSHIRE,
"_April_ 27, 1862.
"MY DEAR SIR,
"I am much flattered by your wish, and that of our Colonial friends;
but I fear that I must decline the important and honourable task to
which you invite me: partly from a valid personal reason; partly on
political grounds. With regard to the first, I am here for a course of
the Baths, in hopes to get rid of a troublesome lumbago, which has
harassed me all the winter, and appears to have been epidemical from
the number of victims it has cramped and racked this wet season. And I
fear I shall not be able to get away till the middle of May, unless it
be for some special vote. But apart from this consideration, I doubt
whether it would be prudent for any member of Lord Derby's late
Government, with the support of those leaders who might very soon form
another administration, to urge upon Parliament any new pecuniary
burthen, nay, any new loan, in the face of a deficit. Would not this
really play into Gladstone's hands, and furnish him with a plausible
retaliation in case of attack on the side in which he is most
vulnerable, viz., the dealing with a deficit as if it were a surplus?
And again, would it be quite prudent in the coming Conservative
Chancellor of the Exchequer and his future colleagues to commit
themselves to a measure they might find it inconvenient to carry out
when in power?
"These are doubts that occur to me; and would be well weighed by Mr.
Disraeli--who might, perhaps, agree with me, that, on the whole, it
would be better that this very important question should be brought
before the House by some one not in the late Cabinet--some great
merchant, perhaps--some one, in short, who could not be supposed to
compromise or commit the future administrative policy of the party.
"I remain, however, of the same opinion, that aid to intercolonial
communication can be defended on Imperial grounds--and would in itself,
if not opposed on purely fiscal reasons, be a wise as well as generous
policy.
"I regret much that my absence from town prevents, my seeing Mr. Watkin
and profiting by the information, he could give me. I fear he will have
left London before I return to it. But I should be very glad if he
would write to me and acquaint me with the exact state of the case at
present--and the exact wishes and requests of the Colonists.
"Is it a renewal of the former proposition or what? 'The whole question
of intercolonial communication' is a vast one. But I suppose
practically it would limit itself before Parliament to the Railway
before submitted to us--according to the pamphlet you sent me.
"Believe me,
"Yours very truly and obliged,
"E. B. LYTTON."
The following letter was addressed to me:--
"BUXTON,
"_May_ 3,1862.
"DEAR SIR,
"Allow me to thank you cordially for a letter, which cannot but be
extremely gratifying to my feelings. Certainly my first object when I
had the honour to preside at the Colonial Office was to attach all
parts of that vast Empire which our Colonies comprise to the Mother
Country, by all the ties of mutual interests and reciprocal affection.
"The importance of the Railway line between Halifax and Quebec must be
transparent to every clear-sighted politician. And had I remained in
office, I should have urged upon my colleagues--I do not doubt
successfully--the justice and expediency, both for Imperial interests,
commercial and military, and for the vindication of the Imperial good
faith which seems to me indisputably pledged to it, some efficient aid,
or guarantees the completion of the line. I should willingly have
undertaken the responsibility of recommending that aid to Parliament;
and I do not think the House of Commons would have refused it when
proposed with the authority of Government. In that case the Railway by
this time would have been nearly, if not wholly, completed.
"Traffic begets traffic; railways lead on to railways; and a line once
formed to Quebec, it would not be long before the resources of British
Columbia would, if properly directed and developed, suffice to commence
the Railway that must ultimately connect the Atlantic and Pacific. That
once accomplished, the destinies of British North America seem to me
assured.
"I shall rejoice to hear that the present Government make a proposal
which the Provinces accept. Some time, I conclude, must elapse before
their decision can be known; and in that case the question can scarcely
come before Parliament this Session. A mode of aid accepted by the
Colonies would have my most favourable consideration; and, I cannot
doubt, my hearty support, whatever might be the administration that
proposed it.
"Yours truly obliged,
E. B. LYTTON."
The Canadian Parliament met, early in March, 1862, at Quebec; in bitter
winter and snow storms. We took down all the members who chose to go,
by a special through train, in charge of Mr. Brydges,--desiring to show
them that, poor and unfortunate as the Grand Trunk might be, we could
carry "M.P.Ps." safely and quickly, as we had carried soldiers, and
guns, and stores, to the satisfaction of the military authorities. The
train made a famous journey. In a few days I followed in company with
the Honourable John Ross, and was several days on the road--in constant
fight with snowdrifts--in getting to Point Levi. Then came the canoe
crossing of the St. Lawrence, an enterprise startling, no doubt, as a
first experience, though safe, if tedious. We were put in a canoe,
really a disembowelled tree, and this was dragged, like a sledge, by a
horse down to the margin of the river, where it was launched amongst
floating ice, going up, down, and across the stream and its eddies. Our
canoe men coming to a big piece of ice, perhaps 20 feet square, jumped
out, dragged our canoe over the obstruction, and then launched it
again. When getting jammed between the floating ice, they got on the
sides of our boat, and working it up and down, like pumping the old
fire engine, they liberated us. Sometimes we went up stream, sometimes
down--all points of the compass--but, after an hour's struggle, we
gained the wharf at Quebec, safe and sound. But a while after I
certainly was exercised. It was important that Mr. Brydges should go
back to Montreal, and my son went with him. I watched their crossing
the river from the "Platform," in a clear, grey, winter afternoon. They
were two hours in crossing the river, a mile or two in width, in a
straight line. At one time, I almost despaired, for they had drifted
down almost into the Bay; but, by the pluck and hard work of their men,
they kept, in this tacking backwards and forwards, and up and down,
gradually making their way, till they landed, a long way below the
right point, however, and we exchanged handkerchief signals--and all
was well.
In the interval between this and my last visit, Lord Monck had been
appointed Governor-General in place of Sir Edmund Head, retiring. In
talking with the Duke about this appointment, he said, "I offered the
position to five men previously, and they refused it." I replied, "Did
your Grace offer it to Lord Lawrence, now at home?" The Duke put down
his pen, turned from one side of his chair to the other, looked down
and looked up, and at last said, "Upon my honour, I never thought of
that. What a good appointment it would have been!" Be that as it may,
Lord Monck made an excellent Governor in very difficult times. Canada,
and the great cause of Confederation, owe him a deep debt of gratitude.
I found unexpected difficulties about Grand Trunk affairs. The
Government were afraid of their own shadows. Instead of bringing in the
Grand Trunk Relief Bill as a Government measure, as we had expected,
they, in spite of remonstrance from Mr. Gait, confided it to a private
member, and such was the, unexplained, opposition that I verily believe
had the Cartier-Macdonald Government remained in power the Bill, though
entirely in the nature of a private Bill, affecting the public in every
sense of indirect advantage, would have been thrown out. The newspapers
throughout the two Provinces, with half-a dozen honorable exceptions,
were vile and vicious, as trans-Atlantic newspapers especially can be.
I was full of unexpected anxiety. The Government tactics were Fabian;
and on the 5th April they decided to adjourn the House to the 23rd. So
I went home in the "China" from New York on the 9th April with my son;
saw the Duke of Newcastle, discussed the situation; saw the opening of
the Great Exhibition of 1862 on the 1st May, and a few days afterwards
sailed, with Lady Watkin, in the old Cunarder, the "Niagara;" arriving
at Boston after a long and difficult passage, and then travelling on to
Quebec. But, on the 20th May, an event occurred--caused, it seemed to
me, as a looker on, through want of tact--which ended in the
resignation of the Government. The circumstances were these. Under
pressure from home, administered through the new. Governor-General, the
Ministry had brought forward measures of defence. They proposed to
raise and equip, at the cost of Canada, 50,000 men. They proceeded, if
my memory serves me, by the introduction of a Bill, and that Bill was
rejected by a very small majority (61 to 54), composed of Sandfield
Macdonald and a few others, described as "Ishmaelites." Upon that vote
Mr. Cartier at once resigned, as I thought in too much haste. I met him
as he walked away from the Parliament House in the afternoon, and
expressed regret. He said, with set teeth, clenched fist, and sparkling
eyes, "Ah! Well, I have saved the honour of my country against those
'Grits' and 'Rouges;' traitres, traitres." Mr. J. A. Macdonald,
afterwards, took the matter very quietly, merely remarking that the
slightest tact might have prevented the occurrence. So I thought.
The question was, Who was to succeed? In the ordinary course Mr. Foley,
the assumed leader of the Opposition, would have been sent for. It was
the opinion of the Honorable John Ross that he ought to have been. But
the Governor, considering, I suppose, that the scanty majority was led
by Sandfield Macdonald, sent for him. All sides believed that it would
be a ministry of a month. But this astute descendant of Highlanders
managed to stay in for nearly two years: two years of no good: two
years of plausible postponement of all that the Duke had been so
loyally working for in the interest of Canada. Personally, I had no
reason to complain as regarded Grand Trunk legislation. Sandfield
Macdonald promised to carry our Bill, and he honourably fulfilled his
promise. The Bill passed; Lady Watkin and I sailed from Boston for
England on the 7th June.
But the refusal of the Canadian Parliament to vote money for defence
had created a very bad impression in England. England had made large
sacrifices in filling Canada with troops and stores, at a critical
time--and it was naturally said, in many quarters, "Are these people
cowards? Are they longing for another rule?" Sir E. Bulwer Lytton, when
Mr. Rose and I called upon him at his lodgings, in St. James's Place,
during my short stay in London, said, "I do not see what we can do. Had
Canada helped us at all, we could have succeeded. Now every one will
say, What is the use of helping such people?" And Mr. Disraeli said, in
the House, answering a statement that the vote of the Canadian
Parliament did not represent the feeling of the people: "I decline to
assume that the vote of a popular assembly is not the vote of those
they represent." All this was awkward. But I resolved I would never
give in. So I went to Canada again in the autumn of 1862.
Mr. Joseph Howe came from Halifax to Canada to meet me. He did all he
could to induce Sandfield Macdonald to settle the long out-standing
postal claim on Canada of the Grand Trunk; but in vain. He never would
settle it, just and honest as it was. Mr. Howe tried to induce the
Government to take up the Intercolonial question where we had left it
in the previous autumn: and in this he so far succeeded that it was
agreed a delegation from Canada should meet delegations from Nova
Scotia and New Brunswick before the end of this year--1862--in London.
Messrs. Howland and Sicotte were the Canadian delegates; Mr. Howe for
Nova Scotia, and Mr. Tilley for New Brunswick. We set to work to carry
both the Intercolonial guarantee, and the Pacific transit scheme, the
moment these gentlemen arrived in England.
Meeting Messrs. Rowland and Sicotte at their hotel, in Jermyn Street,
on the 2nd December, 1862, and discussing matters all round, they
certainly led me, unsuspectingly, to believe they had the same desire
to carry the Intercolonial as that entertained by Messrs. Howe and
Tilley; and further, that if a road and telegraph project could be
carried on the broad lines laid down in so many discussions, their
arrangements on both questions would be cordially welcomed and approved
by their colleagues. I very soon found out, however, that they were
"riding to orders," and those orders, no doubt, being interpreted,
were: "Refuse nothing, discuss everything, but do nothing."
On the 8th December we met the Canadian delegates at the bank of
Messrs. Glyn, in Lombard Street, and we drew up a proposal, which these
gentlemen corrected. We adopted their corrections and sent in the
paper, as an agreed paper, to the Duke.
Two days afterwards, for better assurance, we received the following
memorandum:--
"With a view of better enabling the gentlemen whom they met yesterday
at 67, Lombard Street, to take immediate measures to form a Company for
the object of carrying out the construction of a telegraph line, and of
a road to establish frequent and easy communication between Canada and
the Pacific, and to facilitate the carrying of mails, passengers, and
traffic, the undersigned have the honour to state, that they are of
opinion that the Canadian Government will agree to give a guarantee of
interest at the rate of four per cent, upon one-third of the sum
expended, provided the whole sum does not exceed five hundred thousand
pounds, and provided also that the same guarantee of interest will be
secured upon the other two-thirds of the expenditure by Imperial or
Columbian contributions.
"If a Company composed of men of the standing and wealth of those they
had the pleasure to meet is formed for the above purposes, under such
conditions as will secure the interests of all parties interested, and
the accomplishment of the objects they have in view, such an
organization will be highly favourable to the settlements of an immense
territory, and, if properly administered, may prove to be also of great
advantage to the trade of England.
"London, 10 Decr. 1862.
"L. V. SICOTTE,
"W. P. HOWLAND.
"To MM.
Glyn,
Benson,
Chapman,
Newmarsh,
Watkin,
&c. &c. &c."
A few days afterwards these Canadian delegates started an objection.
The Imperial Government merely gave land and did not take one-third of
the proposed guarantee, and the following further memorandum was sent
to me:--
"Although little disposed to believe that Her Majesty's Government will
not accede to the proposal of co-operation they have made in relation
to the opening of communication from Canada to the Pacific, the
undersigned have the honour to state, in answer to the letter of Mr.
Watkin of the 17th instant, that in their opinion the Government of
Canada will grant to a Company organised as proposed in the papers
already exchanged, a guarantee of interest, even on one-half of the
capital stated in these documents, should the Imperial Government
refuse to contribute any portion of this guaranteed sum of interest.
"In answer to another demand made in the same letter, the undersigned
must state that the guarantee of the Canadian Government of this
payment of interest ought to secure the moneys required at the rate of
four per cent, and that they will not advise and press with their
colleagues a higher rate of interest as the basis of the arrangement.
"London, 20 December, 1862.
"L. V. SICOTTE,
"W. P. ROWLAND.
"ED. WATKIN, Esq., London."
So much, and so far, for the Pacific affair. But in the Intercolonial
discussion there was an undercurrent. The only points left for
discussion with the Duke and Mr. Gladstone were the question of survey,
which was easily settled, and the question of a sinking fund for the
loan to be made on the credit of Great Britain. At first Mr. Gladstone
insisted on such a short term of repayment, and therefore so heavy a
put-by, that his terms took away the pecuniary value of the guarantee
itself: that is to say, that what the Colonies would have annually to
pay, would have amounted to more than the annual sum for which they
could have borrowed the money themselves. I suggested a longer term,
and also, that the interest on the annual put-by, to accumulate, should
be altered so as to alleviate the burden. In answer to a letter written
with the assistance of Messrs. Howe and Tilley, I received the
following from the Duke:--
"CLUMBER,
"8 _Decr_. 1862.
"MY DEAR SIR,
"I am sorry to say your letter confirms the impression I have
entertained from my first interview with the Canadian delegates--an
impression strengthened by each subsequent meeting--that Mr. Sicotte is
a traitor to the cause he has come over to advocate. I am unable to
make out whether he is playing false on his own account or by order of
his colleagues; but I cannot say I have any reason to associate Mr.
Howland with the want of faith in any dealings with me.
"You can have no idea how I have been compelled to forbear and to fence
with Mr. S. to prevent his breaking off upon every possible occasion
and upon any almost impossible pretext. His whole aim has been to find
some excuse for throwing up the railroad and saying it was the act of
the Imperial Government. As for Mr. Gladstone being 'all powerful,' he
knows that in the financial details alone Mr. G. interferes, and I
presume Mr. Rowland would tell him that this is the duty of a Finance
Minister.
"Nothing struck me more than Mr. S.'s objection to _your_ being
present at our meetings. When you did 'drop in' I felt obliged to say
nothing about it till your card was brought, and on that occasion I
particularly remarked that his usual obstructiveness was suspended.
"The _one_ point now in dispute between the delegates and the
Treasury is really of no importance to either party. I hope and expect
that Mr. G. will give way; but I suspect if he does Mr. S. will be (by
no means for the first time) much disappointed.
"Have you seen a remarkable letter in the 'Standard' of the 6th, signed
'A British Canadian,' commenting upon Mr. Sicotte going over to Paris
and dictating to the editor of 'La France' an article upon a despatch
of mine to Canada on the subject of the Militia? The article in 'La
France' can _only_ come from _a_ member of the present
Canadian Government.
"Do not at present get up any new deputation or go to Lord Palmerston.
Considering Mr. G.'s strong opposition to the whole scheme on
principle, I cannot say I think he has shown any desire to thwart by
obstacles in details a measure upon which his views have been
overruled, and it would be ungracious to show distrust where none at
present has been merited. I may differ with him on some points; but he
has certainly conceded more to me than I to him, and I could be no
party to attempting to supersede his proper functions of the financial
watch-dog!
"I am anxious not to be brought up to town _unnecessarily_, for I
am conscious that I want _comparative_ rest, and that my health is
not very fit for the commencement of a Session; but whenever you are
passing between London and Manchester I shall always be happy to see
you, and glad if you can stay a day or two--only invite yourself.
"Yours very sincerely,
"NEWCASTLE."
The next day I had the following:--
"CLUMBER,
"9 _Decr_. 1862.
"MY DEAR SIR,
"It is no easy matter to give any advice as to what should be done,
especially as I do not know whether Mr. Gladstone is still in London,
though I rather imagine he has left for Hawarden.
"If Mr. Sicotte were anywhere but here (where he never ought to have
been), I should advise Messrs. Howe and Tilley to see Mr. Gladstone,
perhaps with you; but I can neither recommend them to see him
_with_ or _without_ Mr. Sicotte, so long as he is here.
"As I wrote to you yesterday, the business ought to have been closed
three days ago, for though I think. Mr. Gladstone's stipulation wrong,
it ought not to have been allowed to interfere with a final
arrangement.
"I agree with you that the new phrase about an 'uncovered loan' is not
very intelligible, but I put the same interpretation upon it that you
do.
"I am not without hope that whilst I am writing some 'leeway' may have
been recovered through Sir F. Rogers and Mr. Anderson, but, as the best
thing I can do, I propose this:
"I _ought_ to go down to Surrey, to attend Mrs. Hope's funeral on
Thursday morning, but being far from well, I was inclined to excuse
myself from so long a railway journey, which I find injurious, but my
decision is altered by your difficulty. I will be at Thomas' Hotel to-
morrow night at 10 o'clock, if you can meet me at that time, and if you
like to appoint Howe and Tilley a quarter of an hour later, I will see
them and discuss what we ought to do.
"I feel very confident we can yet set matters right, if we can only
prevent Mr. Sicotte upsetting the coach.
"I cannot see you on Thursday, as, being in London, I must go by the 9
a.m. train to attend the funeral at Deep Dene, and I may be late in
returning to town in the evening.
"I am, yours sincerely,
"NEWCASTLE."
_Memorandum from my diary of 10th December, 1862._
"To the Duke (_of Newcastle_), at 10 p.m.--(Thomas Hotel), by
request. Saw Howe (_representing Nova Scotia_), and Tilley
(_representing New Brunswick_)after. Very satisfactory. Duke said
Gladstone had expressed strong approval of Pacific, &c. affair--and had
added, 'that it was one of the grandest affairs ever conceived, and he
hoped it would be completed in Duke's time--and it should have his
hearty support.' Good."
Messrs. Sicotte and Rowland suddenly went home, and we appeared to be
at a dead lock. After several letters and suggestions, the Duke sent me
this letter:--
"CLUMBER,
"6 _Jany_. 1863.
"MY DEAR SIR,
"I have received several letters from you without sending any answer;
but I must confess I am so disheartened about the result of all the
trouble I have taken with the 'delegates,' that I do not know how to
proceed, or, rather, I do not see the possibility of proceeding at all.
"At the last interview I had with the Canadian delegates, everything
was considered settled to their satisfaction, except the one point of a
sinking fund, and even that was admitted by all but Mr. Sicotte to be
met by Mr. Gladstone's consent, that the money should be invested in
Colonial securities. Thus matters stood until the _day_ the
Canadians embarked, when (avoiding an interview with Sir F. Rogers, and
everybody else) they sent me in a paper, couched in terms offensive to
the British Government, and complaining of every single provision in
the conditions--evidently got up to carry out Mr. Sicotte's pre-
arranged plan of upsetting the whole scheme, and throwing the blame on
the Imperial Government.
"Unless this miserable creature and his colleagues are turned out of
office on the first day of the Session, it is manifest that the measure
will be _sold_ for party purposes; and in that case I shall be
unwilling to play into their hands, by giving them the N. W. Transit
Scheme.
"I cannot be in town till after the 19th. I will see you then, if you
wish it, or any day next week if, on your way to or from Manchester, it
were convenient to you to dine and sleep here. I shall most likely be
alone.
"I do not understand your alarm about a clause in the Treasury Minute.
I know of no provision which impedes legislation this Session, except
that requiring a previous survey, which I more than once discussed with
you, and which I thought you agreed could easily be met.
"When you are in London Sir F. Rogers can show you Messrs. Sicotte and
Rowland's extraordinary paper, if you wish to see it.
"I am, my dear Sir,
"Yours sincerely,
"NEWCASTLE."
Sir Frederick Rogers showed me the "extraordinary paper" of Messrs.
Sicotte and Howland, and yet Mr. Howland, on his return, favoured me
with the following letter:--
"QUEBEC,
"3_rd April_, 1863.
"MY DEAR SIR,
"The pressure of public business has prevented me from sending an
earlier reply to your valued favour of the 26th February. In reference
to the tariff of charges of your Company, you must be aware that it is
not legal, unless approved by the Governor and Council. I am not aware
of the circumstances stated by you, but presume, that if the Provincial
Secretary called for your tariff, it was because it had not received
the sanction of the Government; however, I feel safe in saying, that in
the exercise of that power the Government would not be actuated by any
feeling other than that of performing a public duty.
"Mr. Sicotte and myself were treated with the greatest consideration
and kindness by His Grace the Duke of Newcastle, and I deeply regret
that the action which we felt it necessary to take, in the performance
of a public duty, should have produced any unpleasant feeling on the
part of his Grace: however important the Intercolonial railroad may be,
the opening up of the N. W. Territory would increase its value, and, in
fact, afford much stronger grounds for its construction than exists at
present, and the immediate result of opening up that territory would,
in my opinion, be productive of much greater good to the people of
England and Canada than would result from the construction of the
Intercolonial railroad.
"I send by post the report of Mr. Taylor to the United States
Government, upon the N. W. Territory of B.A., by which you will
perceive, that they attach much greater importance to the future of
that country than the people of England or Canada have hitherto shown.
The description given of the climate appears to have been compiled from
reliable data, and affords the clearest information upon that point
that has as yet come before the public: I regret not having another
copy to send His Grace the Duke of Newcastle; if he has not received
one, will you be kind enough to send him this.
"Mr. Sandford Fleming (who is an engineer of high character and
ability) is now here, as a delegate from the people of Red River, in
charge of a memorial on their behalf to the Governments of Canada and
England: this memorial is accompanied with a very clear statement of
the condition and prospects of the country, and a report upon the
proposed communication to be made through it. I am now getting the
documents printed, and when done I will send you a copy, and one will
be forwarded by His Excellency to the Duke.
"Mr. Fleming and myself are preparing some suggestions for you, in
reference to the purchase of the rights of the Hudson's Bay Company,
with a view to show in what manner it could be carried out, and afford
security that the country should be opened for settlement, and at the
same time afford an inducement to the parties who might become the
purchasers. It would truly be a great project, and if the Company would
come down in their pretensions to what their possessory rights are
really worth, it could be carried out, and result in great good to the
country, and offer great inducement to those who might engage in it.
"I am much pressed with work, and somewhat better in health.
"Yours faithfully,
"WM. P. HOWLAND.
"EDW. WATKIN, Esq.,
"21, Old Broad Street, London."
And if further proof were wanting that these gentlemen deserved the
previously-quoted strictures of the Duke, always bearing in mind the
trouble, responsibility and expense incurred, mainly at their instance,
upon the Pacific project, the following gives it:--
"No. 1107. SECRETARY'S OFFICE, QUEBEC,
"1_st Augt_. 1863.
"SIR,
"I have the honour to inform you that your letter of the 27th ultimo,
addressed to the Hon. John S. Macdonald, has been transferred to this
Department.
"I am now directed to state, in reply to the inquiry therein made, that
the details of the scheme for the promotion of telegraphic and postal
communication across the Continent of British North America have not,
as yet, been placed before the Provincial Government in such a definite
shape as to enable them to determine the course which it may be
advisable to take in relation to that important undertaking.
"The Government will, however, be prepared, whenever a sufficiently
matured scheme shall be submitted for their consideration, to give the
subject their most earnest attention.
"I have the honour to be, Sir,
"Your most obedient Servant,
"E. A. MEREDITH,
"_Assistant Secretary_."
"EDWD. W. WATKIN, Esq.,
"_Montreal_"
Two days after the Duke's last letter, came the following:--
"KELHAM, NEWARK,
"8 _Jany_. 1863.
"MY DEAR MR. WATKIN,
"Since your letter of the 6th (received to-day), you will partly have
learnt why I could not answer some of your private letters, but as
regards the official letter respecting the Western project, I think you
will see that I cannot answer it without consulting my colleagues.
_I_ cannot _grant_ a subsidy, and on the other hand I should
be unwilling to _refuse_ it. The proposal that part of the subsidy
should be Imperial necessarily entails delay. I do not think I can
possibly send an answer till after the next Cabinet.
"I shall be sorry to miss Mr. J. A. Macdonald. The only chance of
seeing him would be if he could dine and sleep a night at Clumber on
his way to Liverpool. Unfortunately I must be all day on the 16th at
Newark on County business. Could he come on the afternoon, of 15th
without inconvenience?
"I am, yours very sincerely,
"NEWCASTLE."
And farther letters in the order given.
"CLUMBER,
"15 _Jany_. 1863.
"MY DEAR MR. WATKIN,
"I have written officially to the Admiralty respecting the formation of
a Naval Station at Esquimault, but I will now write privately to the
Duke of Somerset and ask for an early answer.
"Mr. Macdonald came last night, and I was delighted to see him a new
and healthy man. I had an interesting conversation with him, but fully
expecting he would stay till to-morrow reserved several things for to-
day. It was not till breakfast was over that I knew he was returning in
five minutes. As, however, his return to Canada is postponed for a
week, I shall see him in London.
"I am, yours very sincerely,
"NEWCASTLE."
"CLUMBER,
"26 _Jan_.
"Your letter received just as I am starting for London. I remain there,
and can see Mr. Cameron in town any day. I was in London last week, and
saw Mr. Macdonald. Mr. Cameron was Mr. Malcolm Cameron, a man whose
worth was undoubted.
"Yours, &c.,
"N."
"DOWNING STREET,
"20 _Feby_. 1863.
"MY DEAR MR. WATKIN,
"It has not been till to-day that I could have given you any answer
respecting the proposed subsidy to the N. W. Transit.
"I think a short verbal communication would be more satisfactory than
explanation by letter.
"Can you call here to-morrow about 2.30, or, if more convenient, at
Thomas' Hotel--between 11 and 1.
"Yours very sincerely,
"NEWCASTLE."
"DOWNING STREET,
"27 _March_, 1863.
"MY DEAR SIR,
"I do not on the first blush of your proposal see any great difficulty
in agreeing to it,--_if_ indeed the Imperial Government is in
absolute possession of the tract of country you speak of.
"I have requested Sir F. Rogers to look into this and see you if you
like to call upon him when you come to town.
"I leave London to-morrow morning for, I hope, a fortnight.
"I am, yours sincerely,
"NEWCASTLE."
This letter of the 27th March, 1863, was in reply to a letter from
me:--
"ROSE HILL, NORTHEN,
"_March 27th_, 1863.
"MY LORD DUKE,
"In looking over the maps very carefully prior to sending in the
documents proposed to be transmitted through your Grace, I find that it
is very probable--from the desirability of carrying a telegraph through
a wooded country, and avoiding the plains, where buffaloes often move
about in square miles of extent--that we may go through the Imperial
territory for a more or less considerable distance. It therefore
strikes me, that what I have before suggested, as to the desirability
of Imperial assistance, may not be reconciled with Mr. Gladstone's
desire to avoid an Imperial contribution of money. I therefore suggest
to your Grace, that the Imperial Government should agree to give a
grant of land of some reasonable extent, also that portion of the
territory lying between the Hudson's Bay territory and British Columbia
which belongs to the Crown, provided a telegraphic and road
communication passes through any portion of that territory.
"If this meets your Grace's views, would it not be better that the fact
of the Imperial Government having made this concession should be
recited in the preamble of the proposed Bill which we are to send to
Canada, and that thus invited to the scheme by a contribution of land,
power to purchase or control should be directly given by a clause to
the Crown? If your Grace will give me your views upon this at once, I
will have the documents prepared accordingly, and transmitted without
delay.
"'Minesota' has given about two millions of acres in aid of works to
extend their rail and water communications in the direction of Red
River.
"I have to thank your Grace for sending me Mr. Foley's report, and,
also, copy of the Minutes of Council as to the Intercolonial and the
western project.
"The territory I allude to is hunted over by the Hudson's Bay Company,
and forms, mainly, a portion of what they call the Athabasca district."
It was matter of deep regret to me that the Government of the day would
not accept any share of the pecuniary responsibility of adding to the
compactness of the Empire, by connecting the two oceans by telegraph
and by road. The despatch which I copy--dated Downing Street, 5 March,
1863--distinctly says, in its third paragraph, "Her Majesty's
Government are of opinion that they cannot apply to Parliament to
sanction any share in the proposed subsidy by this country."
"DOWNING STREET,
"5_th March_, 1863.
"SIR,
"I am directed by the Duke of Newcastle to acknowledge the receipt of
your letter of the 27th of December, and to express his Grace's regret
that so long, though quite unavoidable, a delay should have occurred in
replying to it.
"I am now desired to make to you the following communication:--
"Her Majesty's Government are of opinion that they cannot apply to
Parliament to sanction any share in the proposed subsidy by this
country; and though they take great interest in the project
contemplated with so much public spirit by the gentlemen represented by
you for carrying a telegraphic and postal communication from the
confines of Canada to the Pacific, they do not concur in the opinion of
the Canadian delegates that the work is of such special 'Imperial
importance' as to induce them to introduce for the first time the
principle of subsidizing or guaranteeing telegraphic lines on land.
"Her Majesty's Government are further of opinion that without a
submarine Transatlantic telegraph the proposed line in America will be
of comparatively small value to the Imperial Government, and that
whenever a scheme of the former kind is renewed, it is almost certain
that this country must be called upon to bear a much larger charge for
it than that which it is now proposed to devolve upon the British
Colonies in respect of the land-telegraph and communication.
"As Canada has offered to bear one-half of the proposed guarantee, the
Duke of Newcastle is prepared to recommend, and his Grace has no doubt
of ready acquiescence, that British Columbia and Vancouver Island shall
pay the sum of L10,000 per annum, as their share of L20,000 (being at
the rate of L4 per cent, on a capital of L500,000), to commence when
the line is in working order.
"It will, however, be necessary, before any proposal is made officially
to the Colonies, that the Duke of Newcastle should receive further
details. It is requisite that his Grace should be informed what
provision will be proposed as to the duration of this subsidy; what
conditions as to the right of purchasing the line, and to what
authorities that right should belong; and on what terms the whole
arrangement may be revised in the event of the Hudson's Bay Company
coming to any agreement for the sale of their territory.
"There will doubtless be other provisions which the Colonies will
expect.
"I am, Sir, your obedient Servant,
"T. F. ELLIOT.
"E. W. WATKIN, Esq."
I close this narrative of the Pacific Transit Scheme with the despatch
of the 1st May, 1863, which summarises the proposals made and generally
concurred in. These long discussions were not abortive, for they led up
to the great question of the buying out of the Hudson's Bay Company,
without which neither successful Confederation, nor its child the
Canadian Pacific Railway, would have been achieved in this generation.
"DOWNING STREET,
"1_st May_, 1863.
"SIR,
"I am directed by the Duke of Newcastle to state that he has had much
satisfaction in receiving your letter of the 28th ultimo, enclosing the
heads of a proposal for establishing telegraphic and postal
communication between Lake Superior and New Westminster, through the
agency of the Atlantic and Pacific Transit and Telegraph Company. These
proposals call for some observations from his Grace.
"New Westminster is named as the Pacific terminus of the road and
telegraph. His Grace takes for granted that if the Imperial Government
and that of British Columbia should find on further inquiry that some
other point on the coast would supply a more convenient terminus, the
Company would be ready to adopt it.
"_Article_ 1.--His Grace sees no objection to the grant of land
contemplated in this Article, but the 'rights' stipulated for are so
indeterminate that without further explanation they could scarcely be
promised in the shape in which they are asked. He anticipates, however,
no practical difficulty on this head.
"_Nos_. 1 _and_ 2.--The Duke of Newcastle, on the part of
British Columbia and Vancouver Island, sees no objection to the maximum
rate of guarantee proposed by the Company, provided that the liability
of the Colonies is clearly limited to 12,500_l_. per annum. Nor
does he think it unfair that the Government guarantee should cover
periods of temporary interruption from causes of an exceptional
character, and over which the Company has no control.
"But he thinks it indispensable that the Colonies should be
sufficiently secured against having to pay, for any lengthened period,
an annual sum of 12,500_l_. without receiving the corresponding
benefit, that is to say, the benefit of direct telegraphic
communication between the seat of government in Canada and the coast of
the Pacific.
"It must, therefore, be understood that the commencement of the
undertaking must depend on the willingness of the Canadian Government
and Legislature to complete telegraphic communication from the seat of
government to the point on Lake Superior at which the Company will take
it up. Nor could his Grace strongly urge on the Colonies of Vancouver
Island and British Columbia the large annual guarantee which this
project contemplates, unless there were good reason to expect that the
kindred enterprise of connecting Halifax and Montreal by railway would
be promptly and vigorously proceeded with. It will also be requisite to
secure by formal agreements that the guarantee shall cease, and the
grants of land for railway purposes revert to the grantors, in case of
the permanent abandonment of the undertaking, of which abandonment some
unambiguous test should be prescribed, such as the suspension of
through communication for a stated period.
"The Duke of Newcastle does not object to five years as the maximum
period for the completion of the undertaking--and he thinks it fair to
exclude from that period, or from the period of suspension above
mentioned, any time during which any part of the line should be in
occupation of a foreign enemy. But injuries from the outbreaks of
Indian tribes and other casualties, which are inherent in the nature of
the undertaking, must be taken as part of the risks which fall on the
conductors of the enterprise, by whose resource and foresight alone
they can be averted.
"His Grace apprehends that the Crown land contemplated in Article 3, is
the territory lying between the eastern boundary of British Columbia
and the territory purporting to be granted to the Hudson Bay Company by
their charter. His Grace must clearly explain that Her Majesty's
Government do not undertake, in performance of this article of the
agreement, to go to the expense of settling any questions of disputed
boundary, but only to grant land to which the Crown title is clear.
"With regard to the 7th Article, the Duke of Newcastle could not hold
out to the Company the prospect of protection by any military or police
force in the uninhabited districts through which their line would pass
--but he would consider favourably any proposal for investing the
officers of the Company with such magisterial or other powers as might
conduce to the preservation of order and the security of the Company's
operations.
"With reference to the 9th and concluding Article, the Duke of
Newcastle would not willingly undertake the responsible functions
proposed to him, but he will agree to do so if by those means he can in
any degree facilitate the project, and if he finds that the Colonies
concur in the proposal.
"Subject to these observations, and to such questions of detail as
further consideration may elicit, the Duke of Newcastle cordially
approves of the Company's proposals, and is prepared to sanction the
grants of land contemplated in the 3rd Article. He intends to
communicate the scheme, with a copy of this letter, to the Governor-
General of Canada, and the Governor of Vancouver Island, recommending
the project to their attentive consideration.
"I am, Sir, your obedient Servant,
"C. FORTESCUE.
"E. W. WATKIN, Esq."