The spirit in which these "schools of trade" have been conceived, and
the success of their conduct, indicate they have struck a responsive
chord in the communities where local approval is a necessity.
Constituting an agreeable counterpoise to the fixed determination of the
white people of the South that within its purview the Negro, however
worthy, shall not occupy political prominence. This, while diametrically
opposed to the genius and spirit of republican government, may yet be
the boomerang, beneficent in its return, redounding to his advantage by
turning the current of his aspirations to trades and business activities
rich with promise of material and ennobling fame. From this point of
view history records the Jew as a shining example. The Negro,
constitutionally buoyant, should be energetic and hopeful, for "there is
a destiny that shapes our ends," blunt them however much by "damning
with faint praise" or apology for oppression from whilom friends. In the
darkest hour of slavery and ignorance came freedom and education. When
lynchings became prevalent, lynching of whites made it unpopular; when
disfranchisement came, debasing him in localities as a factor in civil
government, came elevation and high honor ungrudgingly bestowed for
heroic deeds by commanders of the national armies.
President McKinley, in his order for the enlistment and promotion of the
colored soldier in the Spanish war, added additional luster to his page
in history, it being an act the result of which has been of inestimable
value to the race. Just and inspiring is the speech of Hon. Charles H.
Grosvenor, of Ohio, delivered at the close of the 56th Congress,
entitled "The Colored Citizen; His Share in the Affairs of the Nation in
the Years of 1897 to 1900. Fifteen thousand participated in the war. The
President's generous treatment of colored men in the military and civil
service of the Government."
General Grosvenor commences with an exordium eloquent in succinctness
and noble in generosity. "I cannot let pass this opportunity at the
close of a long session of Congress, and at the end of three years of
this Administration, without putting on record to enlighten future
generations the history of the part which the colored citizen has had in
the stirring events of this remarkable period. It is a period in the
history of the country of which future generations will be proud, as are
those of today, and as the colored citizens of the United States have
participated nobly in it, it is but just to them that the facts be put
on record.
"I want to speak of his part in the war in Cuba, in Porto Rico, in the
Philippines. Would a war with Spain benefit the Negro? was a popular
question for debate. Some thought it would benefit, others thought not.
In many respects it has been a Godsend and beyond dispute a great
benefit. If in no other way, 15,048 privates have shown their patriotism
and their valor by offering their bared breasts as shields for the
country's honor; 4,114 regulars did actual, noble and heroic service at
El Caney, San Juan and Santiago, while 266 officers (261 volunteers and
five regulars) did similar service and demonstrated the ability of the
American Negro to properly command ever so well, as he does readily
obey."
General Grosvenor then pertinently adds: "When we learn to appreciate
the fact that three years ago the Negro had in the army only five
officers and 4,114 privates, and that one year ago he had 266 officers
and 15,048 privates, we must know that inestimable benefit has come to
the race. Among the officers are to be found many of the brightest minds
of the race. Fully 80 per cent of those in authority come from the best
known and most influential families in the land. Their contact with and
influence upon their superior officers will be sure to raise the Negro
in the popular esteem and do an incalculable good."
Reference is made to disbursements to Negro officers and soldiers during
the Spanish war, which he colates to be $5,000,000; adding the salaries
of those employed in the civil service brings up to a sum exceeding
$6,000,000 paid the Negro citizen. This, coupled with the high honor
attached to such military designations as colonels, lieutenants and
captains conferred upon him, shed a halo of generosity over President
McKinley's Administration.
General Grosvenor is richly entitled to and received a just meed of
praise for the great service he has done by putting this grand array of
fact and heroic deed in popular form, and thereby strengthening the
Negro appeal for justice and opportunity, while its pages are a noble
contribution to a valor that will illumine Negro history for all time.
It was most opportune, for the then pressing need to strengthen the weak
and recall the recalcitrants who indiscriminately charge the party with
being remiss in requiting and acknowledging the Negro's devotion. The
well-earned plaudits for his bravery on the battlefield should widen the
area of his consciousness, intensify conviction that mediocrity is a
drug in every human activity, for whether in the professions,
literature, agriculture or trades, it is excellence alone that counts
and will bring recognition, despite the frowning battlements of caste.
As we become more and more valued factors in the common cause of the
general welfare, that the flexibility of American sentiment on
conviction of merit will be more apparent we cannot but believe; for
conditions seem to have surmounted law and seek their own solution,
since the supreme law of the land seems ineffectual and local sentiment
the arbiter, when the Negro is plaintiff.
In the first section of Article 14 of the Constitution we have: "All
persons born or naturalized in the United States and subject to the
jurisdiction thereof are citizens of the United States and of the
several States wherein they reside. No State shall enforce any law which
shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United
States." To neutralize this pronounced and unequivocal legislation we
have the dictum of the Supreme Court of the United States that this
constitutional right, so plainly set forth, can be legally abrogated by
a State convention or legislature. While from the premises stated the
conclusion may be evident to a jurist, to the layman it is perplexing;
and while bowing in obeyance to this court of last resort, he cannot but
admire the judicial agility in escaping the problem. He is reminded of a
final response touching the character and standing of a church member of
whom the inquirer wishes to know. The reply was: "Brother B. is quite
prominent and well known here." "Well, what is his standing?" "Oh, very
high; he is the elder of our church and superintendent of the Sunday
school." "Yes, but as I am thinking of having some business dealings
with him, what I want to know is, how does he stand for credit and
promptness?" "Well, stranger, if you put it that way, I must say that
heavenward Bro. B. is all right, but earthward he is rather twistical."
Ordinaryward, the Supreme Court is all right; but Negroward, twistical.
[Illustration: JOHN MARSHALL HARLAN,
Chief Justice of the United States.
Born in Kentucky--A Colonel in the Union Army--Candidate for
Vice-President of the United States--One of the Foremost Authorities on
Constitutional Law--Learned and Impartial.]
For the law-abiding citizens of these Commonwealths we have this other,
the second section of the same article: "When the right to vote at any
election for the choice of electors for President or Vice-President of
the United States, Representatives in Congress, the executive or
judicial officers of a State, or the members of the legislature thereof,
is denied to any one of the male inhabitants of such State being
twenty-one years of age and a citizen of the United States, or in any
way abridged, except for participation in rebellion or other crimes, the
basis of representation thereon shall be reduced in the proportion which
the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male
citizens twenty-one years of age in such State."
If, as avowed, that it is for the welfare of such Southern States that
they desire to banish the Negro from politics, can welfare be promoted
or national integrity sustained by such rank injustice, as their Members
of Congress occupying seats therein, or having representation in the
electoral college based upon an apportionment in which the Negro
numerically is so prominent a factor, and in the exercise of rights
pertaining thereto, he is a nonentity.
"The Baptist Watchman" takes this unassailable position of this misrule:
"Ex-Governor Northen, of Georgia, in his address before the
Congregational Club the other evening, declared that the status of the
black race in the South was that of permanent dependence upon the white
race. The central point of his contention is that capacity to rule
confers the right to rule. The white man can give the black man a better
government that he can give himself; therefore, the black man should be
glad to receive the blessing at the hands of the white man. For our
part, we believe that, whatever specious defense on the ground of
philanthropy, civilization and religion may be made for this position,
it is radically repugnant to the genius of American institutions. If the
men of the nation who are best qualified to rule have a right to rule,
they themselves being the judge of their qualifications, England or
Russia would be justified in attempting to impose their sovereignty on
the United States, if they thought they could give us a better
government than we are apt to give ourselves. Unless the doctrine is
vigorously maintained that governments 'derive their just powers from
the consent of the governed,' and not from the conceit of an aristocracy
as to its own capacity, then we of the North will not find it easy to
protest effectively against the disfranchisement of the Southern
Negroes."
But the issue will not be made in opposition to a great national party
that draws a large measure of its strength from the South till disaster
from material issues compel. With the Republican party (as of a
Christmas morning) "everything is lovely and the goose hangs high;" but
discomfiture, sometimes laggard, is ever attendant on dereliction of
duty. This usurpation, which should have been throttled when a babe, has
now become a giant seated in its castle, compelling deference and
acquiescence to an anomaly, reaching beyond the Negro in its menace to
representative government.
And now, while from inertia the Republican party has been privy to this
misrepresentation, prominent Northern leaders are trying to take
advantage of their own neglect in an attempt to reduce representation in
national conventions from Southern States, irregularly Democratic. But
the friends of just government need not despond, for the political and
industrial revolution which the war for the perpetuation of the Union
and the basic principle of equity it evolved will continue to demand and
eventually secure equal rights for all beneath the flag.