The adaptability of the Negro to conditions that are at the time
inevitable has been the paladium that has sustained and multiplied him
amid the determined prejudice that has ever assailed him. The Indian,
unassimilating, combatted the prejudice of caste by physical force, and
has been well nigh extinguished, while the Negro has bowed to the
inevitable with the mental reservation to rise to a higher recognition
by a persistent assimilation of the forces that disenthralled and
exalted the Saxon.
The foregoing chapter, indicating the policy of the French in their
occupation and dealing with Madagascar, the planting of a nation's
authority and establishing a colony on the ruins of a weaker power, or
of subject races, under the plea of humanity, or through the chicanery
of diplomacy, has ever been the rule when territory has been desired by
a stronger power. The proximity of Cuba to the States, and Spanish
misrule of that island, and also of the Philippines, were the "open
sesame," it is alleged, that beckoned the armed force of the United
States to take possession. But in truth the Spanish jewel, Cuba, shone
in the distance, "so near, and yet so far"--so near for mischievous
complication, and so far for material and diplomatic control. With a
vicious administration by a nation of decaying prestige were all
elements promising success to the invader. The covert and dastardly
destruction of the U. S. warship "Maine" in Cuban waters, the offspring
of Spanish suspicion of American designs, was all, and more than
required, to inaugurate a "causi belli" and complete the conquest of the
island. To claim that these movements had their incipiency in a
consensus of desire of the American people for justice to subject races,
and was solely, or even mainly, on account of Spanish tyranny, is a
statement that will not bear investigation for moral consistency. It
being the very antipodes of their current behavior to a large class of
citizens born beneath the pinions of their eagle of freedom at home.
For how does it happen that the alien Cuban and Filipino colored
brothers are so much more entitled to protection and the enjoyment of
civil and political rights than the colored American brother, that
thousands of lives and millions of treasure must be expended to
establish that humanity and justice abroad denied by these "world
reformers" to millions of their citizens at home? Really, it would seem
that to duty and the bestowal of justice 'tis "distance that lends
enchantment to the view." "Wherever you see a head, hit it," was the
slogan of Pat, at Donnybrook Fair, and wherever there has been a
territorial plum ripe in its loneliness, and tempting in its
lusciousness, there has not been wanting a "grabber." It was the French
in Madagascar, the English in Africa, and the Americans in the Antilles.
"O! civilization; what crimes are committed in thy name!" The record of
our stewardship is in the tomb of the future for the coming historian to
"point a moral or adorn a tale."
The acquisition of new territory, when honorably acquired, is ever
attended with peculiar conditions and vicissitudes. The transformation
of the population of which into a desirable element of the body politic
depends much upon the wisdom of the statesman, and the insistence of
moral rectitude on the part of the Christian and philanthropist whether
it shall be a blessing or an evil to both parties in interest.
It is no secret that in many minds the motive and manner of acquiring
the Philippines are open to much disparaging comment. We are charged
with wresting by superior force that independence that a weak but heroic
people were and had been for ten years struggling to attain from the
Spanish yoke; that we, whom they hailed as an assistant and in good
faith co-operated with in turn, became their hostile enemies and
destroyed that identity as an independent entity for which they fought.
[Illustration: CHESTER W. KEATTS,
Grand Master "Mosaic Templars of America."
Born In Pulaski County, Arkansas, in 1860--For Many Years Prominent in
the Mail Service of that State--Broad in His Sympathies, and Strong as
an Advocate for the Beneficent Principles of the Institution of which He
is the Head.]
The conditions which confronted Aguinaldo as the leader of the
Philippine revolution have been vividly described by a writer of English
history: "With the statesman in revolutionary times, it is not through
decisive moments that seemed only trivial, and by important turns that
seemed indifferent; for he explores dark and untried paths; groping his
way through a jungle of vicissitudes, ambush and strategem; expedient, a
match for fortune in all her moods. Regardless of what has been called
'history's severe and scathing touch,' we cannot forget the torrid air
of revolutionary times, the blinding sand storms of faction, the
suspicions, jealousies and hatreds, the distinctions of mood and aim,
the fierce play of passions that put an hourly strain of untold
intensity on the constancy, the prudence, and the valor of a leader."
No one can read the state papers and proclamations of Aguinaldo without
being impressed with his ability as a leader, the intensity of his
patriotism and honesty of purpose depicted for the independence of his
country from Spanish rule. The statesmanship he displayed, the
intelligent and liberal conception of constitutional government, and the
needs and aspirations of his people, are at variance with the allegation
that the Filipinos were unfit for self-government.
Hence it is that men ask, "Would it not have been national nobility of a
high order if as a protector we should have given them a protectorate
instead of the ignoble action of shooting them down in their patriotic
attempt?" Indeed, it remains to be seen whether absolute authority
obtained by such means, together with current American usage of colored
races, will not evolve the fact that they have but changed masters. For
here in our own hemisphere our country's history continues to be rife
with lawlessness at the bidding of a vicious sentiment, and in some
sections it is the rule and not the exception. Free from the restraint
of law-abiding localities in the States, the American adventurer of
lawless propensity will have free reign in bullying and oppressing, and
probable partiality in the administration of the law.
George E. Horr, the able editor of the "Watchman," under "Treatment to
Subject Races," is pointed and timely when he says: "The Englishman who
emigrates to an English colony finds that he comes under the same laws
that apply to the natives; he is not a privileged personage, by virtue
of the fact that he is an Englishman. Law is enacted and executed with
absolute impartiality. In India a native and an Englishman stand exactly
on the same plane before the law. Indeed, in many cases, an Englishman
will be tried by an Indian judge. The British have not succeeded in
winning the affections of the natives, but the natives are thoroughly
convinced the Englishman will act justly. There will not be (in
practice) one law for European and another for the native, as in too
many cases in our own country there is one law for the white man and
another for the black man."
But let us all work, hope and trust that the best of American
Christianity and civilization may be equal to the emergency, giving the
Filipinos a larger measure of liberty and civil rights than they had
under the erstwhile rule of Spain.
Under a constitutional government it is premised that sustenance and
valor for "amor patria" proceeds from the fact that its institutions are
designed as bulwarks for the citizen's liberty, and that its political
and economic features are such as guarantee equality before the law and
promote an equal chance in the race of life.
That there is a degree of selfishness in his patriotism, and that
government is revered only as a means to an end, is evidenced by
revolutionary tendencies ever uppermost when there are reasons to
believe that these benign purposes are being thwarted. But if for
wrongs, the return be fidelity, for obloquy patience, for maltreatment
loyalty, be a high type of Christian ethics, the reflex influence of
which, we read, are God-like; surely the Negro has virtues "not born to
die," presaging an endurance that must evolve out of this nettle
discomfort, justice and contentment. For, as heretofore, in the last war
with Spain, putting behind him his century of oppression in slavery, and
the vicious discrimination since his emancipation, forgetful of all
else save the honor and glory of the flag, there, as, always, he wrote
his name high up on the roll of his country's heroes. "Our's not to ask
the reason why; our's to do or die." To read the reports of commanders
and other officers, and the narratives of bystanders, all attesting to a
bravery invincible, causes the blood to tingle and the patriot heart to
leap. We are making history replete with self-abnegation as we continue
to bring to our country's altar an unstinted devotion and brilliant
achievement. These take their places fittingly, and we should keep them
in the forefront of our claim for equality of citizenship.
For it is declared that "not the least valuable lesson taught by the war
with Spain is the excellence of the Negro soldiery". In the battle of
San Juan, near Santiago, a Negro regiment is said to have borne the
brunt of the battle. Three companies suffered nearly as seriously, yet
they remained steady under fire without an officer. The war has not
shown greater heroism. In the battle of Guasimas it is said by some of
the "Rough Riders" themselves that it was the brilliant supporting
charge of the Tenth Cavalry that saved them from destruction. George
Rennon writes: "I do not hesitate to call attention to the splendid
behavior of the colored troops." It is the testimony of all who saw them
under fire that they fought with the utmost courage, coolness and
determination; and Colonel Roosevelt said to a squad of them in the
trenches in my presence that he never expected to have and could not ask
to have better men beside him in a hard fight. If soldiers come up to
Colonel Roosevelt's standard of courage, their friends have no reason to
be ashamed of them. His commendation is equivalent to a medal of honor
for conspicuous gallantry, because, in the slang of the camp, he is
himself a fighter "from way back." I can testify, furthermore, from my
own personal observation in the hospital of the Fifth Army Corps,
Saturday and Sunday night, that the colored regulars who were brought in
there displayed extraordinary fortitude and self-control. There were a
great many of them, but I cannot remember to have heard a groan or
complaint from a single man.
General Miles is quoted as favoring an increased number of colored
soldiers in the United States service. He said that "in no instance had
they failed to do their full duty in this war, or in the campaigns in
the West; in short, they were model soldiers in every respect; not only
in courage have they done themselves credit, but in their conduct as
well."
When the Second Volunteer regiment of Immunes (white) became so
disorderly in Santiago that they had to be sent outside to the hills for
better discipline, General Shafter ordered into the city the Eighth
Illinois regiment of colored troops, who had an unsullied name for
sobriety and discipline, and enjoyed the thorough confidence of those in
command. And the following brief compendium of Spanish war mention from
a few of the leading press of the country is good reading. A soldier
writing home to friends in Springfield said: "You want to see the
Negroes; they let out a yell and charge, and the fight is over." Arthur
Partridge, of Co. B, writes: "At first we got the worst of it, but we
received reinforcements from the two regiments of colored infantry, who
walked right up to the block house, against their whole fire; they lost
heavily, but it put heart into everybody, and the way we drove those
Spaniards was a caution. A colored man can have anything of mine he
wants. When storming they yelled like fiends." Corporal Keating of Co. B
writes: "The Negroes are fighters from their toes up. They saved
Roosevelt at the first battle, and took one of the forts in the battle a
few days ago."
Thomas Holmes, a Rough Rider, who hails from Newkirk, Oklahoma, was the
magnet of attraction at St. Paul's Hospital, says a writer in the New
York Tribune. "He is a handsome, stalwart fellow, full of anecdote and
good humor, and popular all around. He was sitting next to Corporal
Johnson, of the Tenth Cavalry, a Negro who still carries a Mauser bullet
somewhere 'inside of me inside,' as he expressed it. 'The colored
cavalry fought well, eh?' interjected the clergyman. 'Indeed they did,'
said Holmes, fervently. 'That old idea about a "yellow streak" being in
a Negro is all wrong. No men could have fought more bravely, and I want
to tell you that but for the coming up of the Tenth Cavalry the Rough
Riders might have been cut to pieces.' 'Oh, he is just talking,' said
the colored man, who smiled like a happy child nevertheless."
Says the "Philadelphia Daily Press:" "At every forward movement in our
national life the Negro comes to the front and shares in the advance
with each national expansion. He does his part of the work, and deserves
equal recognition. At Santiago two Negro regiments--the Ninth, in
General Sumner's Brigade, and the Tenth, in General Bates'--were at the
front in the center of the line. With the rest they crested the heights
of San Juan; with the rest they left their men thickly scattered on the
slope, and since they shared in death every member of the race has a
right to ask that in life no rights be denied and no privileges
curtailed. The white regiments that connected them in that thin blue
line, that slender hoop of steel which hemmed in more than its opposing
number, may have held men who hesitate about this and that, contact with
color; but on that Saturday afternoon and Sunday morning, when risk and
peril hung heavy over the line, there was no hesitation in closing up
on the Ninth and Tenth Regiments, because the men in them were colored.
All honor to the black troops of the gallant Tenth."
Says the "New York Mail and Express:" "No more striking example of
bravery and coolness has been shown since the destruction of the Maine
than by the colored veterans of the Tenth Cavalry during the attack on
Fort Caney of Saturday. By the side of the intrepid 'Rough Riders' they
followed their leader up the terrible hill from whose crest the
desperate Spaniards poured down a deathly fire of shell and musketry.
They never faltered; the rents in their ranks were filled as soon as
made. Firing as they marched, their aim was splendid, their coolness
superb, and their courage aroused the admiration of their comrades.
Their advance was greeted with wild cheers from the white regiments, and
with an answering shout they pressed onward over the trenches they had
taken close in pursuit of the retreating enemy. The war has not shown
greater heroism. The men whose freedom was baptised in blood have proven
themselves capable of giving their lives that others may be free. Today
is a glorious 'Fourth' for all races of people in this great land."
The "New Orleans Item" gives its contemporary, the "States," the
following spanking (with the usual interrogation, "Now will you be
good?"): "The 'States' has evidently failed to profit by the beneficial
lesson taught since the opening of the Santiago campaign. Had our
esteemed contemporary been present in Richmond a few days since; when
the form of a Negro soldier pierced by nine Mauser bullets was tenderly
borne through the streets by four stalwart white infantry men, he would
have heard the lustiest cheers that ever went up from the throats of the
residents of the former capital of the Confederacy. Perhaps our
anti-Negro friend would have learned wisdom from the statement of a
member of Roosevelt's regiment, who declared in an interview with a
press representative, that had it not been for the valiant conduct of
the Negro cavalry at Baguiri the Rough Riders would have found the
routing of the Spaniards almost a hopeless task. The attack of the
'States' on the Negro soldier is vicious and unpardonable. There is no
more intrepid or hardy fighter to be found anywhere than the much-abused
descendant of Ham. He has dogged persistence and a determination to
conquer which triumphs over all obstacles. He is aware of his social
inferiority and never seeks to attain positions of eminence to which his
valor and his spirit of daring do not entitle him. The 'States' presents
one of the most rabid cases of negrophobia extant. It should seek an
immediate cure."
Such indorsements from the white press of the country is not only
timely, but for all time. History of his endurance and endeavor in
peace, and his valor in war, stimulates his demand and strengthens his
claim for equal justice. Such and kindred books as "Johnson's School
History of the Race in America" should be prominent as household gods in
every Afro-American home, that along the realm of time the vista of
heroic effort "bequeathed from sire to son" may gladden hearts in "the
good time coming;" for it is display in endurance, a vigorous courage, a
gladsome self-control, a triumphant self-sacrifice, that mankind applaud
as supreme for exaltation, and the highest types of self-abnegation for
human advancement; for "before man made us citizens, Great Nature made
us men."
Equally as in the realm of war has the race produced its noblemen in the
arena of peace and mental development. For, if it be true that "the
greatest names in history are those who in the full career and amid the
turbid extremities of political action, have yet touched the closest and
at most points the ever-standing problems of the world and the things in
which the interests of men never die," our industrial educators are
fittingly placed.
[Illustration: HON. JOSIAH T. SETTLE, A. B. A. M.
Born in Tennessee September, 1850--Entered Oberlin College in
1868--Graduated From Howard University, 1872--A Leading Member
of the Bar--Member of State Legislature of 1883--Assistant
Attorney-General--For Integrity as a Man, Learning as a Jurist, and
Eloquence of Appeal, He Has Made an Honorable Record.]
Of the ever-standing problem of the world, and in which mankind is ever
alert, is the struggle for survival, and he that by inspiring word and
untiring deeds leads the deserving poor and destitute to prosperity and
contentment, is entitled to unstinted praise as a great human force
directed to a high moral purpose. While an advocate for the higher
education of as many of the race who have the will or means to obtain
it, for the majority, after obtaining a good English education, it
should be immediately supplemented by a trade, to labor skillfully, is
its great want today.
The question has been asked: "Can any race safely exist in any country
composed only of unskilled laborers and professional men? Must not the
future leaders of our people come from the middle classes, from those
who work and think?" Education to be of practical advantage must not
only sharpen the intellect, but it must be of that sort that will enable
them to engage in pursuits and avocations above those of mere drudgery;
those that are more lucrative, and from which accumulate wealth. The
school room must be the stepping stone to a good trade. The statement
has been made (which may be problematical) that we have fewer,
comparatively, very many fewer, mechanics of all kinds now than we had
in the days of slavery. The master knew that the money value of the
slave was increased in the ratio of his efficiency as a skilled laborer.
To the credit of Kentucky, Alabama, Arkansas and other Southern States,
they have made generous provisions for industrial education by supplying
machinery and the most modern appliances to teach skilled labor to
those who prefer them to the white apron of the waiter or the grubbing
hoe of the plantation. Of the students that graduate from our high
schools and colleges there are those who have not the qualities of head
and heart essential for teaching and preaching, including a love and
devotion to those callings, and possibly would have been shining marks
had their studies fitted them to grapple with the mercantile or
industrial factors that promise a future more independent and lucrative.
The advancement of any race in morals and culture is retarded when poor
and dependent. It is indispensable to progress that it has the benefit
of earnings laid by. It is therefore to these industrial features that
we must look for the foundation of advancement for the race. It will not
be found at either extreme of our present avocations; neither the
attainment of the professions, nor devotion to menial labor will solve
the problem of the "better way." A greater number must be fitted to
obtain work more lucrative in character and more ennobling in effect.
Institutions of applied science and business pursuits seem to me the
great doorway to ultimate success. Economy and industries of this kind
will more rapidly produce the means to achieve that higher education for
the race so desirable. Morality, learning and wealth are a trio
invincible.
To content ourselves with denouncing injustice is to fail to enlist the
economic features so necessary as assistants. For amid all our
disadvantages we are to a large extent arbiters of our fortunes, for we
can by an indomitable will dispel many, many seeming mountains that
encumber our way. But we have much to unlearn, and especially that the
road to financial prosperity is not chiefly the dictum of the facile
mouth, but through the manifestation of skilled hands and routine of
business methods, however much the mouth may attempt to compete,
conscious of its wealth of assertion and extent of capacity. While it is
eminently proper we should strive for the administration of equitable
laws for our protection, it should be ever remembered that while local
laws under our constitutional government are supposed to be the equity
of public opinion, for us they are not sustained unless in harmony with
feelings and sentiments of their environments. Our work as a dependent
element is plainly to use such, and only such, methods as will sustain
or create the sentiment desired by a fraternization of business and
material interests. This we cannot do either in the arena of politics or
the status of the menial laborer. For in the one, when the polls are
closed, we are continuously reminded of "Othello's occupation gone." In
the other, the abundance of raw and uncouth labor robs it of its
vitality as a force to compel conditions.