Previous to the exposition at New Orleans in 1885, Mr. Henry Brown, of
Oberlin, Ohio, visited the Southern States to obtain information as to
the views and desire of leading colored men regarding the establishment
of "Schools of Trade" in the South where the race could become
proficient in all the mechanical arts. He came at the suggestion of
philanthropic men of capital in Northern States, who thought by such
special means colored men and women could have an opportunity to equip
themselves with handicraft, denied them by the trades unions and other
influences in the country.
On his presentation of the project in Little Rock, it being so
completely in line with my view of a factor so important for the
uplifting of the race to a higher manhood and financial standing, I
eagerly co-operated. It was determined to take advantage of the
attraction of the exposition at New Orleans, issue a call for a
conference at that point, and thereby have a representative gathering to
obtain their views. I therefore proposed, had printed and issued the
following:
CALL FOR A CONFERENCE ON "SCHOOLS OF TRADE."
"Emancipated, turned loose, poor, ignorant and houseless, continually
surrounded by difficulties and embarrassments sufficient to appall and
retard, by commendable effort on their part, sustained by the generous
aid of philanthropists friendly to education, our race in the South has
made gratifying advance, mentally and morally. But with this progress of
mind and morals, we are confronted with the need of opportunity to
qualify ourselves for those activities and industries necessary to make
a people prosperous and happy. Our great want now is 'cunning hands' to
accompany cultured brains. After obtaining the benefit of our public
schools our boys should be fitted for some useful and profitable means
of livelihood. The restrictions engendered by trades unions, and the
obstacles of race prejudice concur to make it impossible for them to
obtain trades in the workshops of the country. Therefore, we need
industrial schools where our youth can qualify in the various mechanical
pursuits and thereby ennoble themselves, and add value to the State. For
the establishment of these "schools of trade" we require a united effort
and should make earnest appeal to the philanthropy of the nation.
"In view of this vital necessity the undersigned do hereby call a
conference, without distinction, of delegates appointed by mass
meetings in cities and counties; presiding officers of colleges,
principals of schools, bishops, and leading ministers; editors and
publishers friendly to the movement are also invited to meet at New
Orleans, La., January 15, 1885, for expression on this subject. Signed,
"M. W. Gibbs, Little Rock, Ark.; Hon. J. C. Napier, Nashville,
Tenn.; A. De Pose, New Orleans, La.; Hon. J. C. Clousen,
Charleston, S. C.; Rev. B. F. Tanner, Philadelphia, Pa.; Joseph
Carey, Galveston, Tex.; H. C. Smith, Cleveland, Ohio; W. G.
Simmons, Louisville, Ky.; Peter H. Clark, Cincinnati, Ohio;
Hon. B. K. Bruce, Washington, D. C.; P. A. Bell, San Francisco,
Cal.; J. W. Cromwell, Washington, D. C.; J. Henri Herbert,
Trenton, N. J.; Hon. Henry Demas, New Orleans, La.; Rev. E.
Lee, Jacksonville, Fla.; W. H. Russell, Indianapolis, Ind.; F.
L. Barnett, Chicago, Ill.; A. H. Grimke, Boston, Mass.; E. N.
Overall, Omaha, Neb.; H. M. Turner, Atlanta, Ga.; Hon. James
Lewis, New Orleans, La.; John S. Leary, Fayettville, N. C.;
Hon. Fred Douglass, Washington, D. C.; T. Thomas Fortune, New
York; Rev. M. Van Horn, Newport, R. I.; Lloyd G. Wheeler,
Chicago, Ill.; J. W. Birney, La Crosse, Wis.; M. M. McLeod,
Jackson, Miss.; George T. Downing, Newport, R. I.; D. Augustus
Straker, Columbia, S. C.; Hon. P. B. S. Pinchback, New Orleans,
La.; Peter Joseph, Mobile, Ala.; H. O. Wagner, Denver, Colo.;
Hon. W. A. Pledger, Atlanta, Ga.; H. Fitzbutler, Louisville,
Ky.; J. L. Walker, Atchison, Kan.; E. P. Wade, St. Paul, Minn.;
F. G. Barbadoes, Washington, D. C."
As a duty, mingled with pleasure, by this humble means I reproduce a
record of the names of men who in the last century were intent upon
every occasion to promote the welfare of the race, many of whom were
conspicuous in their battle for justice and the betterment of their
fellow man, thus fitting themselves for harmonies of a higher clime,
have now "quiet sleep within the grave," while with the residue "life's
shadows are meeting" and will ere long "be lost to sight," with, let us
hope, their memory only dimmed by greater activity and deeper
consecration by their successors for the ideals they cherished. Ever
loyal, we should not--
"Rob the dead of their sweet heritage,
Their myrrh, their wine, their sheet of lead and trophies buried"--
but--
"Go get them where they got them, when alive,
And as resolutely dig or dive."
[Illustration: BLANCHE K. BRUCE,
Late United States Senator, Register of the United States Treasury.
Born a Slave in 1841 in Virginia--Studied at Oberlin--Sergeant-at-Arms
of the Senate of Mississippi--Elected United States Senator in
1874--President Garfield Appointed Him Register of the Treasury May,
1881--A Record Honorable and Inspiring.]
With the departed was Hon. B. K. Bruce, who, living to manhood under the
blighting influences of slavery, by honesty, native ability and
persevering study, placed his name in the forefront, leaving his career
as a model. With an astuteness of perception for the retention of
friends, he had suavity of manner for the palliation of foes; with
diligence and faithfulness winning a constituency that honored him with
a seat in the United States Senate.
The conference called at New Orleans, La., to promote industrial
education, above referred to, failed to be fruitful. Members of
different religious organizations, without suggestion that their
particular sect would furnish a modicum of the large expenditure
necessary to the establishment of such "schools of trade," strove to
have the movement inaugurated, and launched under some particular
denominational control.
Mr. Brown, whose only object in desiring to have a conference, was to
elicit an expression from leading colored men, an earnest desire for
such "schools of trade," and helpful suggestions, looked on the needless
strife with amazement and regret, and finally determined, as unity of
purpose and a proper conception of what was needed were so sadly
lacking, to abandon such an instrumentality to favor his purpose.
It can be properly noted here that among the many helpful signs of race
advancement not the least is a broader fraternalization of our religious
bodies, an increasing tolerance, indicative of greater intelligence, the
product of a more widely discriminated educated ministry. Our churches,
being our largest organizations numerically (and greatest of moral
educators), having the ear of the masses, their opportunity and growing
disposition to unite for the material as well as the spiritual progress
of our people, cannot be too highly commended.
Industrial fairs, promulgated and held by the colored people in
different Southern States, have been exceedingly beneficial and cannot
be too often repeated. Several have occurred at Pine Bluff, Ark., on the
extensive race and fair grounds owned by Mr. Wiley Jones, who, with Dr.
J. H. Smith, Ferdinand Havis and other prominent colored men of the
State, by executive ability, tact and judgment made them a success.
The following notice is from a correspondent of the Arkansas Gazette:
"Pine Bluff, Ark., Oct. 21, 1886.
"This, the third day, of the fair was sunny and bright, and the
hearts of the management were correspondingly light. Even
before the gates were open a long array of teams were seeking
admission. The executive officers were early at their posts and
no time was lost in beginning the exercises of the day.
President J. H. Smith won golden opinions by the pleasant yet
firm manner he performed his duties. This morning the Capital
Guards were formally received by the Colored Industrial
Association.
"Judge Gibbs, of Little Rock, delivered the welcome address,
which was a very eloquent and scholarly effort.
"He first praised the directors of the fair for their wonderful
success, and said it argues well for the future of the colored
people in that they have had extended such cordial support;
that nations were influential in the ratio of their
agricultural and mechanical development, and that the array of
production here made proclaimed in hopeful tones that 'we are
coming.'
"He recognized in the formation of the Capital Guards a hopeful
omen. Drill develops precision and accuracy, aside from
physical development; discipline is invaluable in inculcating
the idea of subordination, without which no constitutional
government can long exist. Even if they never come within the
reach of fiery shot and shell, they would be benefited, and if
war's stern summons swept over the land, he felt confident that
no more ready response would be made by any class than by the
Negro."
Captain Thompson responded in behalf of his company, and alluded to the
whole-souled hospitality that had been bestowed upon them by the
authorities of the fair and the citizens generally. The Press
Association had by their speeches proclaimed that the "pen was mightier
than the sword," which he denied; "that the independence of this country
from the thraldom of England was won by Washington's sword, and that
Lincoln's pen only became effective after the sword had paved the way.
It was a recognized arbiter in the disputes of nations, although the pen
could render secure what the sword had won." The Captain put his company
through several evolutions that were very creditably performed.
In affairs of this character the comingling of the substantial and best
element of the white race, their liberal subscriptions and fraternal
endeavor, give impetus and valuable assistance, emphasizing the fact
along the lines of a higher industrial advancement that they are in
hearty sympathy. We cannot too often have these object evidences of our
progress. They speak loud and convincing far beyond oral announcement
the most eloquent. It stimulates the farmer to extra exertion and more
careful measures for increase of quality and quantity of his crop; it
inspires the artisan and mechanic for his best handiwork, and welcomes
articles the product of our cultured and refined women from the realms
of the home. We need this continued stimulus, shut out as we are from
most of the higher industries, the incentive born of contact, and which
promotes rivalry, to us is denied; hence our inspiration must be inborn
and unceasing.
In the economy of God and nature, His handiwork, prominent is "the
survival of the fittest." The fittest survive because they excel.
Whether within the student's study or the mechanic's bench, it is
excellence that counts and heralds its own superiority. If we desire not
only the best personal success, but to be helpful to the race, it is not
enough for one to be known as doctor, lawyer, mechanic, or planter; but
it is upon what round of the ladder of science mechanics or agriculture
he stands. Is he above mediocrity; does he excel? The affirmative answer
to this is the heroic offspring of self-denial and unceasing mental
toil.
A feature of attraction at these fairs has been the drill and martial
bearing of our military companies, for while jubilant in the "pride and
pomp and circumstance of glorious war," the measure of praise for
precision of manouver of the soldier is only excelled by commendation
for his bravery in action. The colored citizen took quiet pride and much
interest in these companies and were saddened when many were commanded
by the State authorities to disband. The motives which conspired and
demanded their dissolution were not commendable, but ungrateful, for the
Negro soldier in every war of the Republic has been valorous, loyal, and
self-denying, and has abundantly earned a reputation for discipline and
obedience to every military requirement.
The organization of these companies, furnished with State arms,
authorized and under the patronage of the government of many of the
Southern States, created an "esprit d'corps," a fellowship and worthy
ambition conducive to harmony and the general welfare.
Political friction, no doubt, had much to do with their displacement.
But now the Democracy, so long in power, with majorities in many of
these States almost cumbersome, could well afford to allow and patronize
these conservators for peace and efficient protectors in war, who are
ever ready to say, as Jehu to Jonahab, "Is thy heart right, as my heart
is with thine heart? If it be, give me thine hand."
Previous to a Presidential campaign I attended a meeting of leading
colored Republicans at New Orleans, La. It was not called as a strictly
political conference in the interest of any particular candidate, but to
exchange views and hear suggestions relating to pending legislation in
Mississippi and South Carolina for curtailing, if not abolishing Negro
suffrage in those States. Although the political condition of the Negro
was then and continues to be of such moment that at no intelligent
gathering will it fail to "bob up" and demand a hearing, and this was no
exception. While the claims of Reed, Morton, Allison, Harrison, and
McKinley were freely discussed, the suffrage was the leading topic.
Prominent among the attendants were T. T. Fortune, of New York; N. W.
Cuney and E. J. Scott, of Texas; W. A. Pledger and H. E. Johnson, of
Georgia; P. B. S. Pinchback, James Lewis, and J. Madison Vance, of
Louisiana; Stevens, of Alabama; Stevens, of Louisville, Ky.; E. Fortune,
of Florida; C. W. Anderson, of New York, and others.
[Illustration: TIMOTHY T FORTUNE.
Editor and Publisher of "New York Age."
Born in Jackson County, Florida, October 6, 1856--Polished and Able--On
the Staff of the White Press at Metropolitan Centers--The Most
Aggressive and Trenchant Writer of the Negro Press.]
The late N. W. Cuney, of Texas, was a man of commanding presence,
forceful and emphatic as a speaker; honest, tireless and
self-sacrificing. His sterling qualities as a leader of men grows
brighter as time recedes from his demise.
Fearless in enunciation, the timid thought him impractical. But there is
ever this concerning unpopular truth: When it induces honest thought
that burns to be spoken, you can depend it is not confined to a single
possessor; it has habitation in many hearts. But he alone is the "leader
of leaders," who, with Eolian harp or trumpet call summons its
worshipers. Among matters discussed was the charge that Negro
delegations were a marketable commodity, with no convictions as to
national policy, no regard for manly probity, and were ever at the beck
of the highest purchaser in the political market. Such a sweeping charge
is most unjust; but, if granted, the admission cuts deeply in the
opposite direction, requiring no analysis to discover the preponderance
of venality. It may happen between the receiver of stolen goods and the
thief that impulse to steal is sometimes weakened by uncertainty of
market. The Negro delegate has no market to seek; the market is jammed
under his nose at every turn by immaculate white men, often entrusted
with large sums to be placed "where it will do the most good," report to
those interested the purchase of Negro votes, when such was not the
fact. Satisfied they had placed it where it would do them the most good,
by allowing it to rest in their pockets, this was not only hard on the
Negro, but mean to charge him up with it, then not let him have it. To
say there were no colored men susceptible to such advances would be as
idle as to say there were no white men thereby influenced; but in either
case let us hope it was the exception and not the rule.
Conferences for statement and appeal for removing harsh conditions are
historic, ante-dating and creating constitutional government; for,
implanted in the hearts is a consciousness of right, however much
selfish hate may shut out recognition, or avarice stifle its egress, and
the measure of accord granted just claims of the petitioner is the moral
and Christian status of a commonwealth.
It may be noted here that the character of accord given the Negro in his
now severe battle for justice and equality before the law by the
Christian churches and other organizations is of a peculiar kind. While
the benefactions for moral and Christian education is to him
indispensable, it is not the kind most prominent and effectually
practiced by the Divine Master to dissipate wrong. He forbids the cry of
peace when there is no peace. He was aggressive and distinct. The
peculiarity of accord can be accounted for in this, that it is so much
easier for the well-to-do Christian to donate to the Negro than by word
or pen to denounce the wrongs to which he is subject. Wrong smiles
complacently at any mode save direct attack. It is not in silent
acquiescence, but on the forum of agitation and denouncement, that
reform finds lodgment, so sadly needed in many of the States where he is
the victim of lawlessness and murder, his ballot suppressed, and denied
representation. The partiality and indecent haste with which he is tried
and almost invariably sent to the penitentiary, where as convict he
receives the most barbarous treatment. As a people no one denies that
they are law-abiding; as laborers in all the avenues of industry in
which they are capable they are faithful and honest: as patriots at the
incipiency and duration of the Government they have been faithful and
brave. If, then, in the roll of patriots, citizens and producers, they
have maintained character for fidelity, deportment and industry, surely
they can rightly claim and demand as citizens of the Republic protection
from outrage, justice in the courts and in every way equality before the
law. They ask for nothing more, and would be unworthy to be content with
any less.
The cry of "Negro domination," like the "baseless fabric of a vision,"
has as little foundation. The problem to be solved is not what is or
shall be the status of the colored man born beneath the flag, but
whether the forces of Christian civilization, the genius and spirit of
our Government, impartiality in the execution of law, without let or
hindrance, are equal to the performance of their missions, or are only
"sounding brass and tinkling cymbals." That is the problem for our white
fellow-citizens to solve. That which most troubles the Negro is has the
nation sufficient Christianity and regard for justice to allow these
forces to prevail? The assumption that citizens of a common country
cannot live together in amity is false, denying as it does that lawful
citizenship is the panoply and bulwark of him who attains it, that
should vindicate and shield him, whether he be high or low, at home or
abroad, whenever or wherever his civil rights are invaded.