The closing decade of the past century was conspicuous for exhibitions
of products of nature and skill intended to stimulate a country's
consumption, but mainly to increase exportation; for a nation, not
unlike an individual, that buys more than its resources warrant,
bankruptcy is inevitable. Hence the industrial struggle of all
progressive nations to produce more than they consume, export the
residue and thereby add to the national wealth.
The United States not only excels in the magnitude of natural
productions, but in skill in manufacturing articles. The vast stretch of
agricultural lands for natural products, superiority of mechanical
appliance, and the expertness of American workmen herald the supremacy
of the United States for quantity, quality and celerity. For Yankee
ingenuity has not only invented a needed article, but has invented a
"thing to make the thing."
National and State expositions for the extension of American commerce
and development of State undertakings have been marked features of
American enterprise, creating a national fraternity, and stimulating
domestic industries. While the financial motive is ever in the forefront
and the impetus that gives it "a habitation and a name," the moral
effect is the reflex influence of contact, the interchange of fraternal
amenities that ripen and become helpful for the world's peace, progress
and civilization. At the present time Consuls of our Government inform
the State Department that agents of American manufacturers of steel,
electric apparatus, city railroads and improvements in machinery are in
evidence in Europe to an extent hitherto unknown. The directors of the
World's Exposition held at New Orleans, La., in 1884, gave a pressing
invitation to Afro-Americans to furnish exhibits of their production
from farm, shop and home. The late B. K. Bruce, having been created
Chief Director, appointed commissioners for the various States to
solicit and obtain the best specimens of handicraft in their respective
localities for "The Department of Colored Exhibits," and to which the
following refers:
Washington, D. C., Aug. 13, 1884.
Hon. M. W. Gibbs,
Little Rock, Ark.
Dear Sir:
By virtue of authority vested in me as Chief Director of the Department
of Colored Exhibits of the World's Exposition, I have nominated you for
Honorary Commissioner for the State of Arkansas. It is unnecessary for
me at this time to make any suggestions relative to the importance of
managing this business in a manner that will reflect credit on all
immediately concerned and our people in general further than to say that
my heart is thoroughly in the work. I will communicate with you from
time to time, after being advised of your acceptance, giving necessary
information and instructions.
Hoping that you will undertake the fulfillment of the trust, I am,
Very respectfully and truly yours,
B. K. BRUCE,
Chief Director.
I therefore accepted, and proceeded to canvass my State urging the great
opportunity offered to show our progress in industry and culture, on the
fields of nature or within the realms of art. The movement was a novel
one, and the leading colored men and women in the different sections of
the State had much to do to awaken the interest that resulted in a very
commendable showing.
One of the specialties of these expositions was what was designated as
"Emancipation Day," or colored people's day, for the two-fold purpose of
directing the attention of the general public to race advancement, and
inducing a larger attendance of the class directly concerned, and
thereby stimulate race pride for greater achievements. With some of our
brethren this appointment of a particular day seemed derogatory to
their claim of recognition and equality of citizenship, and evoked
considerable discussion. In this I thought some of us were unduly
sensitive. Where intention can be ascertained it should largely govern
our estimate of human action. This exposition was not only open each and
every day to our people, but we were constantly invited, and the few who
attended were most cordially treated and our exhibits were properly
placed without distinction.
The directors of the exposition were gentlemen known to be most liberal
in their dealings with us, and regretted the small attendance, remarking
that aside from our patronage, the exhibits would be beneficial as
object lessons, educating and inspiring, and proposed a
day--"Colored-People's Day." It was not unlike in design and effect
"Emancipation Day" at the Minneapolis Exposition, where noted colored
leaders from various States attended and spoke, and were not impressed
that it was derogatory to the race.
We have a deal of "gush" about recognition. A demand for
recognition presupposes a rightful claim based upon an inherent
interest--deportment, special fitness, or legal right. In politics we
rightfully claim recognition in the ratio of our numerical contribution
to the body politic, and from public carriers, for the reason of
performance of our part of the contract.
[Illustration: PAUL LAWRENCE DUNBAR.
Born in 1872 at Dayton, Ohio--Author and Poet--The Foremost of his Race
for Versatility in the Field of Literature--His Poetry and Prose are
Read in Every Clime Where Men Love Truth and Nature the More For Being
Clothed in Beauty of Diction, or Quaintness of Dialect--He has Published
a Number of Books.]
In our demand for a more extended recognition on these material lines,
we should first remember that our contributions are generally meager,
and that these exhibitions are quite the product of the business
ventures and expenditure of our "brother in white," and then brace up
and thank Providence that excessive modesty will never "strike in" and
kill the Negro. We have the men, the money and the ability to do much,
very much more, on many business lines that are now almost exclusively
followed by our more prosperous fellow-citizens. No man in our country
need beg for recognition; he can compel it if he labors assiduously and
takes advantage of opportunity. It can be truly said of Little Rock that
the press and leading citizens have been more just and liberal to her
colored citizens than any other Southern city. I well remember when her
institutions relating to commerce, literature, professions, Board of
Trade, Real Estate Exchange, bar and lyceum were open to us, whilst
two-thirds of their members were our political opponents. These required
but a moderate yearly outlay, repaying, largely, in the amount of
information received. Scarcely any availed themselves of these
opportunities. If for any reason we do not wish to profit by these
overtures, when these trees bear let us not insist upon receiving the
choicest of the fruit.
At an indignation mass meeting some time ago a good brother reached the
climax of the grievance and then exclaimed:
"How long, O Lord, are we to bear these discriminations?"
"For some time longer," I answered, and then said: "All things
considered, we are making progress, and will continue in the ratio we
obtain education and wealth, and come forward in the incipiency of
public enterprises with our money and practical knowledge from the best
possible sources; and, although race identity still exists, the
antagonisms and much of the prejudice of which we now complain will be
buried under higher activities and greater enterprises--when we have
more bank and railroad stock, fewer high-sounding societies, such as
"The Seventeen Stars of the Consolidation," "The Rising, Persevering
Free Sons of Joshua"; more landlords and fewer tenants, more owners of
plantations and fewer share-workers, more merchants and fewer dudes,
more piety and less religion, more economy and less wastefulness, more
confidence and less envy. I simply rise to submit these as irresistible
claims to a higher recognition." I succeeded in making my escape, for
which I was thankful.