At the Arkansas State election in 1876 I was selected as Presidential
elector, receiving the highest vote on the Republican ticket. The
national election of that year was followed by the memorable canvass of
the contested vote for Rutherford B. Hayes, which was ultimately settled
by a commission appointed under the Compromise Bill, which was passed by
Congress in January, 1877, Florida, Louisiana, and South Carolina
declaring for Hayes. That the compromise was the result of an agreement
that the United States troops should by withdrawn from Southern soil
cannot be doubted, and for so doing he was bitterly criticised and
denounced by many of his party, resulting, as it did, in the transfer of
those States in the South from Republican, by continuous and unblushing
disfranchisement, to Democratic rule.
President Hayes, not unlike many of historic fame, may have been "born
before his time;" that his action in removing U. S. troops was immature,
a continuation and increase of intimidation and violence abundantly
proved. At what period of their remaining on Southern soil would have
been a fitting time for removal, is an enigma hard to elucidate. Their
retention ultimately rested with the sentiment and judgment of the
nation. In the South the menace of their presence was galling and
increasing in intensity. The North was daily growing averse to the
bivouac of troops over a people who swore that they were on terms of
"peace with all the world and the rest of mankind." Would compulsion
soften animosity? Hayes was undoubtedly honest and sincere, but not of
that class of epoch-making men who anchor on the right, await and buffet
the advancing storm. Conciliation coyed as gently as loving dove his
mate, while within easy reach glistened the jewel "President" of a
fraternized Republic.
There are possibly men who would have spurned the enchantress. But an
array of figures and ability to enumerate would not be sorely taxed in
finding the number. I was among those at that period who saw the
inutility of depending on physical force to extract justice and lawful
methods from an unwilling constituency; that the reaction from a forced
compulsion in the moral world was as evident and unfailing under the
conditions as from compression in the physical. I was hopeful of good
results, and so expressed myself in an interview with the President. He
replied that he was "sincere in his policy, and should adhere to it
unless it seemed impracticable that the policy of force and musket had
been tried in the South and had failed and public sentiment now demanded
a change." We had and have the change, and it would have been a bright
jewel in the autonomy of many of the Southern States had it been more
liberal and righteous.
[Illustration: PROF. I. G. ISH.
Principal of High School, Little Rock, Arkansas. An Erudite Scholar and
Zealous Tutor.]
History, as a record of the lower to a higher status of civilization
increases in intensity and value as it records superior conditions, and
the degree of unrest and earnestness of appeal for the abrogation of
oppression is indicative of the appreciation and fitness for the rights
of citizenship.
It should be remembered that as it became men dowered with the proud
title of American Citizen, the Negro has not been remiss in stating his
grievances and appealing for justice. To have done less would have
banished sympathy and invited contempt. In Arkansas and some other
Southern States there is a growing demand for the forms of law and the
maintenance of order, and, while not attaining the zenith of
accomplishment, it will be observable when contrasted with the
lawlessness depicted in the following resolutions of a convention of
colored men held in Little Rock August 29, 1883. They contain views and
convictions I there presented, the equity of which 'tis fondly hoped
have not been lost by lapse of time:
"Be it resolved, That this convention of colored men of the State of
Arkansas have still to complain that violence and injustice to their
race still exists to an alarming extent. In most cases the perpetrators
go unwhipped of justice. That when they are arraigned the law is
administered with such laxity and partiality that the escape of the
criminal is both easy and possible. In no instance is the penalty of the
law enforced against a white man for the murder of a Negro, however
palpable the case may be; whilst in most instances the bare accusation
of a Negro committing a homicide upon a white man is sufficient for law,
with all its forms, to be ruthlessly set aside and the doctrine of
lynch, swift and certain to be enforced.
"Case after case is chronicled by the press of Negroes hung by
infuriated mobs without trial to determine their guilt or innocence. The
farcical proceedings at law in their inefficiency of prosecution, the
selection and manipulation of jurors, and the character of public
sentiment have had painful illustration in several cases, and but
recently of Johnson, the colored man murdered in this, the capital
county of the State. The homicide of this man, a servant at a picnic, of
a Christian society of white people, and in their presence, without
provocation, was universally admitted. Notwithstanding, a jury of twelve
men, with almost indecent haste, finds the murderer not guilty. A
verdict fit to shock the sense of every friend of right and justice.
Robinson, a white man, for killing a colored man because his victim
asked for the return of money loaned, received but two years in the
penitentiary. Burril Lindsey, a colored farmer, who had homesteaded land
in Van Buren County and had commenced cultivation, was waited upon and
told he must leave; that they would have no "niggers" in the settlement.
They came back at midnight and broke down his door. One of the mob,
lying dead on the threshold was Burril Lindsey's response. The press of
our city--to their honor be it noted--said he did the proper thing.
Respectable men in the neighborhood who knew Lindsey said the same. But
yet, after being harrassed by threats and legal persecution for months,
a jury found him guilty of an assault with intent to kill, and six years
in the penitentiary at hard labor is the penalty for defending his home.
"Homicide has no local habitation; it is the accident of every
community, in every nation, and the justice and impartiality with which
the law is administered is the measure of their humanity and
civilization. But here we have the spectacle of the press, pulpit, and
rostrum of the State, with exceptions scarcely to be noted, either
entirely dumb or a mere passing allusion, more often in commendation
than censure. We are positive in our confidence that those, and only
those who expose and denounce and lay bare this conduct, and thereby
create a sentiment that will lessen this evil, are the only true friends
to the State's moral as well as its material progress. That the attempt
to deny and evade responsibility does not meet the issue in the minds of
thoughtful men, who believe that no life is safe where the humblest is
unprotected.
"We insist that value of the colored brother as a tiller of the soil,
the increasing thrift and economy conceded in securing homes and taxable
property, their favorable comparison (by fair judgment) with any other
classes as to their moral and law-abiding character, should at least
merit justice in the courts, and we ask for him consideration and fair
settlement for labor. For where could superiority and nobility of
character be better displayed than by generous treatment to the former
bondsmen. That the better element of the Democratic party do not favor
this lawlessness we are continually assured. But the ugly fact stands
out in bold relief that they are unable or unwilling, with forces of
wealth and intelligence, to create a healthier sentiment. To them, and
just men everywhere, we appeal to assist in bringing the moral power of
denunciation against this great wrong, that impartial justice shall be
the law for every citizen of the Commonwealth; and that the president
and secretary be empowered to sign a petition in behalf and as the
earnest request of this convention for presentation to his Excellency
the Governor, asking executive clemency in the pardon of Burril Lindsey,
now incarcerated in the penitentiary, under a sentence of six years."
The Governor was graciously pleased to pardon him, but for personal
safety he was compelled to abandon his homestead and leave the State.
For some time a general unrest among the colored people on account of
violence had permeated the South, and thousands of the most substantial
planters had already settled in Kansas, Indiana, and other Western
States to enjoy legal protection hitherto denied them. Upon the question
of Negro emigration the white South were divided. The planters and
leading politicians were adverse. The planter for the reason that he
could not supplant him by more efficient and tractable labor; the
politician for fear of reducing Congressional representation, each
regardless of the conditions creating his discontent. A minority
respectable in numbers and prominent for standing, approved of his
removal, alleging that the movement would be mutually beneficial, that
it would induce white immigration, relieve the congested overproduction
of the staples of the Southern States, introduce a higher class of
industries, and simplify the so-called problem by removing the bugbear
of Negro domination by means unobjectionable.
Of this class of opinion the "Nashville American," of the State of
Tennessee, was a fair exponent. In its issue of May 9, 1879, it had this
to say: "We rather rejoiced at a movement which will bring about a
better understanding and teach both races a lesson they ought to learn.
To the Negro it is simply a question as to whether he will be better off
there or here. If there, he ought to go; if here, he ought to stay; and
this simple economic proposition will settle it."
This, the sentiment of the best Southern thought, encountered an adverse
which, while unwilling to grant the Negro the right of an American
citizen, maltreated and imprisoned immigrant agents; desiring his
retention in a specious of serfdom. Such being the conditions existing
at the time of the meeting of the Nashville Conference in 1879, induced
it by resolution to request Senator Windom, Chairman of the National
Executive Committee, to appoint a committee to visit the Western States
to ascertain what inducement they offered for immigration.
In pursuance whereof I received the following, containing words of
wisdom warranting their insertion here:
"United States Senate,
"Washington, D. C., Jan. 10, 1879.
"My Dear Sir: In compliance with the resolution of the
Nashville Convention requesting me, as Chairman of the National
Executive Committee, to appoint a committee of three to visit
Western States and Territories and report, not later than the
1st of November, upon the health, climate, and productions of
said States and Territories, I have the honor to designate you
as one of the number of said committee. In doing so I may add
that the duty involves great labor and responsibility on your
part and requires the exercise of that sound discretion for
which you are noted among your friends. The exodus of the
colored people involves the greatest consequences to themselves
and should only be undertaken after the most careful inquiry
and preparation. If judiciously guided and regulated, I am
thoroughly convinced that it will result in great good. If not
so regulated, it may cause incalculable suffering to the
colored race, and work great injury to the industrial interest
of the South. If the Negro can have fair treatment as a citizen
and a man in his present home, he will probably not care to
remove. If he cannot obtain such treatment there, it is his
right and duty to secure it by every means in his power, and no
one has the right to say he may not change his residence at his
own will and pleasure.
"Your proposed inquiry will contribute much to inform and
control the action of those who may desire to emigrate and your
discretion gives the best assurance that no rash action will be
advisable. I regret the committee has no funds at command to
pay your necessary traveling expenses.
"Hon. James P. Rapier, Member of Congress, of Montgomery,
Alabama, I have also designated as a member of said committee,
but I am not sufficiently advised to name the third member.
"Very respectfully yours,
(Signed.) "WM. WINDOM,
"Chairman.
"Mifflin W. Gibbs, Little Rock, Ark."
It often happens that distance lends enchantment to the view; that while
contending with hardship, disappointment, and earnest toil, we are apt
to imagine that at some far locality, amid new surroundings, there
abides a reign of contentment and happiness, where labor has its highest
rewards and where there is a minimum of those trials inseparable from
human existence. The gratification of this migratory impulse has in many
instances proved disastrous, the yielding to which should be only
indulged after every possible effort has been made to remove local
obstacles by uprightness, softening animosities, and by industry
accumulate wealth. But emigrants have been illustrious as nation
builders, their indomitable spirit blessing mankind and leaving impress
on the scroll of time. The bump on the head of the Negro that the
phrenologists call "inhabitiveness" is very prominent; he is not
naturally migratory--"content to bear the ills he has, than fly to those
he knows not of." Hence there appeared reason, if not entire "method in
his madness."
[Illustration: HON. JOHN P. GREEN.
United States Stamp Agent.
Educated at Cleveland, Ohio--A Leading Member of the Bar--Twice Elected
to the Senate of the Ohio Legislature.]
In all movements of like character there are always conflicting rumors
and reports as to success or failure of the benefit or loss of the
venture, and this was no exception. Colored immigrants to the number of
10,000 had left the South during a brief period, and the wildest rumors
circulated as to reception and success of these forerunners, and, as bad
news is ever alert, much was heard that was discouraging and demanded
investigation; hence the action of the Nashville Conference referred to.
In pursuance of our appointment, J. T. Rapier and myself, in August,
1879, went to Topeka, Kan., and from there, chiefly by wagon travel,
visited different colonies of the immigrants. Kansas had received seven
or eight thousand. At Topeka we found nearly 100 at immigrant camp
receiving rations, some sick, others looking for work; the balance had
settled on lands or had found work as laborers. At Dunlop we found a
colony of 300 families settled upon 20,000 acres of land. In Wabunsee
County 230 families had settled on their land, while in Lawrence and
other counties hundreds had found work. Mechanics receiving $2 to $2.25
per day and farm hands $13 to $15 per month and board. We found women in
great demand for house servants from $6 to $8 per month.
In our interviews with the colonists we found the list and nature of
their grievances were the same as have impelled men in all ages to
endeavor to better their condition, and should five or ten thousand,
for a period, annually leave the South and settle in Western States and
Territories, the effect would be mutually beneficial to whites and
blacks alike. In Emporia we found the colony in a very prosperous state.
Out of 120 families one-half owned their houses and land on which they
lived. We remained twenty days in Kansas and had not opportunity to
visit Indiana and other States that had received immigrants. But the
information we received, with few exceptions, was similar to that of
those visited. There had been suffering and destitution in some
localities during the past winter; that was to be expected, as many had
come wholly unprepared and without that push and ready adaptation to the
status of a new country.
We made an extended report to Senator Windom, which contained data as to
the success and prosperity of the many and advice to the moneyless to
avoid the suffering which might lie in wait.