There is at present a lowering cloud on prospect of righteous rule in
many of the Southern States, but the relative rights and
responsibilities of equitable government, enunciated from desk in
church, schoolhouse, or from stump in grove by the Republicans during
and since reconstruction, have been an education to the poor whites,
hitherto ignorant and in complete political thraldom to the landed
class, and to the freedman a new gospel, whose conception was
necessarily limited to his rights as a newly-fledged citizen.
Nevertheless, they were the live kernels of equality before the law,
that still "have their silent undergrowth," inducing a manhood and
patriotism that is now and will more and more blossom with national
blessing. Friends regretfully and foes despairingly sometimes speak of
the tardiness of his progress. He will compare favorably, however, for
all history records that it is slowly, through the crucible of physical
and mental toiling, that races pass to an elevated status. For of serfs
he was not the least in his appreciation of liberty.
Sir Walter Scott, in his note on English history during the reign of
George III, of the "colliers and salters, who were not Negroes," says:
"The persons engaged in these occupations were at the time bondsmen, and
in case they left the ground of the farms to which they belonged, and as
pertaining to which their services were bought and sold, they were
liable to be brought back by a summary process. The existence of this
species of slavery being thought irreconcilable with the spirit of
liberty, the colliers and salters were declared free, and put on the
same footing with other servants by the act of George III. But they were
so far from desiring or prizing the blessing conferred on them that they
esteemed the interest taken in their freedom to be a mere decree on the
part of the proprietors to get rid of what they called "head or harigold
money" payable to them when a female of their number, by bearing a
child, made an addition to the live stock of their master's property."
If the fitness for liberty is the measure of persecution sustained in an
effort for its enjoyment, of that disciplinary process the freedmen have
not been deprived, for ever since his maiden attempt to exercise the
right of an American citizen he has encountered intense opposition and
physical outrage, all of which has been met by non-resistance and manly
appeal to the American conscience for protection; first from the "Ku
Klux band" of murderers, and subsequently against the vicious practices
to deprive him of his political rights, should establish his claim.
Nevertheless, after a third of a century of successful endeavor,
educationally and materially, efforts are being made in Southern States
for his disfranchisement and the curtailment of his education. On this
attempt George C. Lorimer, a noted divine and writer, in a late article
in "The Watchman," under the head of "The Educational Solution of Race
Problems," has this to say:
"But may it not be that this reactionary movement rather
expresses a fear of education than a serious doubt of its
power? We must remember that conditions are peculiar in the
South, and, in some quarters, there exists a not unnatural
apprehension that Negro supremacy may prevail. To avert this
political catastrophe, extraordinary measures have been
adopted. To the difficulties that beset the Southern people we
cannot be indifferent, and neither should we assume that we
would act very differently, were we similarly situated. But we
think, in view of all the circumstances, that their position on
this subject exposes them to the suspicion that it is the
success of education they fear, and not its failure. This
apparent misgiving reasonably awakens distrust in the soundness
of their contention."
It is assumed by many who oppose the educational solution that inferior
races are unassimilable in their nature to the higher civilization.
Proof is sought for in the alleged decadence or disappearance of the
Turanian people of Europe, the natives of South America, and the West
India Islands. But what is this civilization that is so fatal in its
operation? What do we mean by the term? What is that exalted something
before which African and Asiatic must perish? Does it consist in armies,
machinery, saloons, breweries, railways, steamboats, and certain
commercial methods that are fatal to truth and honesty. Baron Russell,
Lord Chief Justice of England, included none of these in his conception
of its character. He is recorded as saying: "It's true, signs are
thoughts for the poor and suffering, chivalrous regard and respect for
women, the frank recognition of human brotherhood, irrespective of race
or color, or nation or religion; the narrowing of the domain of mere
force as a governing factor in the world, the love of ordered freedom,
abhorrence of what is mean and cruel and vile, ceaseless devotion to the
claims of justice. Civilization in its true, its highest sense, must
make for peace."
[Illustration: HON. PINCKNEY B. S. PINCHBACK,
United States Senator.
Born May, 1837--Educated at Gilmon High School, Cincinnati,
Ohio--Captain Co. A, 2d Regiment, Louisiana Volunteers--Member
of Constitutional Convention of Louisiana--State
Senator--Lieutenant-Governor--Editor and Lawyer--Able as a Statesman,
Eloquent as an Advocate, and Unflinching in Defense of Equal Justice.]
Previous to the National Convention which nominated General Grant for a
second term, there had been held a conference of colored leaders, who
assembled at New Orleans to elicit opinion and divine the probable
course of the colored delegates at that convention. It was there I first
met that faithful, able, and invincible champion of the race, Governor
P. B. S. Pinchback and Captain James Lewis, my fellow-member of the "Old
Guard," who, true in peace as war, never surrendered. The conference,
though not great numerically, was strong in its mental calibre and
representative character, with Douglas, Langston, Cuney, and others who
have since passed to the great beyond. The colored office holders at
Washington under Grant were much in evidence and naturally eager for his
endorsement.
There was much discussion, and while an ardent advocate for Brooks, I
could not follow his supporters--the Brindle wing of the party in my
State--in their choice of Horace Greely for President. My slogan in the
State canvass had been Grant for President and Brooks for Governor. The
wisdom of the conference determined upon a non-committal policy. It was
thought unwise, in our peculiar condition, to hasten to proclaim in
advance of the gathered wisdom of such an august body as a National
Convention. Hence, the conference concluded by setting forth by
resolutions, grievances, and a reaffirmation of fealty to the Republican
party.
The result of the State election in Arkansas in 1872 was that Brooks got
the votes and Baxter the office, whereupon a contest was inaugurated,
terminating in civil war. The Baxter, or Minstrel, wing of the party,
with the view of spiking the guns of the Brindles, had, in their
overtures to the Democrats during the campaign and in their platform at
the nominating convention declared in favor of enfranchising the
Confederates that took part in the war against the Union. Baxter's
movement in that direction and his appointment of Democrats to office
created discontent in both wings of the Republican party, leading to
their union and determined steps for his removal and the seating of
Brooks, who, both factions now declared, was elected. The doctrine of
estoppel "cutting no figure" with the Baxter contingent. A writ of
ouster was obtained from Judge Vicoff, of the Circuit Court, which
Sheriff Oliver, accompanied by Joseph Brooks, J. L. Hodges, General
Catterson, and one or two others, including the writer, proceeding to
the State House and made service.
No notice of such action having preceded, Governor Baxter was
ill-prepared for the announcement. After a short parley with his private
secretary, General McCanany, escorted by the Sheriff and General
Catterson down the stairway, they were met by Hon. J. N. Smithea, the
able editor of the "Arkansas Gazette." Leaving the building, they went
direct to the Antony House, on East Markam Street. Word was sent to A.
H. Garland, U. B. Rose, R. C. Newton, and other prominent Democrats, who
soon joined him in consultation. Governor Baxter immediately notified
President Grant of the situation and sent instructions to the custodian
of State arms at the U. S. Arsenal to honor none but his order for
delivery. Joseph Brooks was sworn in, and the two Governors made
immediate preparations for siege and defence. Main Street south from the
river to the boundary line of the city was the dividing line of the two
factions. Governor Baxter to the east on Markam Street, and Governor
Brooks, at the Antony House, to west; at the State House established
their respective quarters.
A condition of unrest had pervaded the State for several months
preceding this event, and when the slogan of war was sounded the
respective adherents by hundreds from all over the State hastened to the
capital. On the morning following the "coup d'etat" a report reached the
State House that a company of colored men, commanded by Gen. King White,
from Pine Bluff, had arrived and was quartered on Rock Street. On the
assumption that the men were misinformed as to the merits of the
quarrel, it was proposed that they be interviewed. To do that was to
cross the line and enter the enemy's territory. It was not unlike the
query of the rats in the fable, Who shall bell the cat? I was solicited,
and, learning I had friends in the company, consented to go. Going south
on Center Street to cross the line by a circuitous route, I reached Rock
Street, and nearly the rendezvous. But the "best laid plans of men and
mice oft gang a glee." The emissary had been discovered and reported.
Approaching me at a rapid rate, mounted on a charger which seemed to me
the largest, with an artillery of pistols peeping from holsters, rode
General George L. Bashman, of the Baxter forces. Reining up his steed he
said, not unkindly: "Judge Gibbs, I am instructed to order you to leave
the lines immediately, or subject yourself to arrest." As formerly
intimated, and not unlike Artemus Ward, I was willing that all my wife's
relatives might participate in the glories and mishaps of war. Hence I
bowed a submissive acquiescence and returned. I appreciated the amity
expressed in the manner and delivery of the order--an amity of which I
have been the recipient from my political opponents during the thirty
years of my domicile in Arkansas.
General Rose, who held command at the Arsenal, and had received
instructions from Washington to keep peace pending a settlement of the
controversy, with a detail of soldiers, had erected a barricade opposite
the City Hall on Markam Street and placed a piece of artillery on
Louisiana Street, pointing to the river. In the afternoon of their
arrival, General White's troops, headed by a brass band, marched on
Markam Street to the Antony House. While so doing a report became
current that they were preparing to attack the State House. General Rose
attempted to investigate and, with his orderly, rode rapidly on Markam
Street, across Main, toward the Antony House. At the moment a shot,
increasing into volleys, from combatants on either side, who primarily
were the aggressors was never known. It resulted in several casualties.
Colonel Shall was killed in the Antony House, and others within the
precincts of the City Hall and Metropolitan Hotel. Markam Street
suddenly assumed a Sunday-like appearance, the Brooksites seeking safety
in the State House and the Baxterites in the Antony. The feet of General
White's troops fought bravely. Three hours later it was announced that
they had made the fifty miles to Pine Bluff without a break, windless,
but happy. Each faction was deficient in arms to equip their adherents.
A company of cadets from St. John's College had been placed at the
service of Baxter.
At the State University at Fayettville were stored rifles and
ammunition, the property of the State. Thither Col. A. S. Fowler, of the
Brooks forces, proceeded, and, with courage and diplomacy, succeeded in
obtaining and placing a supply on a flat boat, and commenced his trip
down the river. Information of this movement having reached the Antony
House, the river steamer Hallie, with a detachment of Baxter forces, was
dispatched up the river to intercept, and succeeded in passing the State
House without interference. The circuitous character of the river
enabled a company from the State House, by quick march, to overhaul it
at a bend of the river, a fusillade of whose rifle shots killed the
captain, wounded several others, and disabled the steamer, which was
captured and brought back to the State House. A restless quiet then
ensued, occasionally broken by random shots.
In the meantime Governor Baxter had called an extraordinary session of
his legislative adherents, vacancies of recalcitrant Republicans filled,
the Brooks government denounced, and an appeal to the President for
support. All the records and appurtenances of the Secretary of State's
office, including the great seal of the State, were in possession of
Brooks at the State House. Information that a duplicate had been made in
St. Louis and was en route to the Antony House was received, whereupon
General D. P. Upham made application for a search warrant to intercept
it, a copy of which is as follows:
"I, D. P. Upham, do solemnly swear that one Elisha Baxter and
his co-conspirators have ordered and caused to be made, as I am
informed, a counterfeit of the great seal of the State of
Arkansas, and that the same is now or soon will be in the
express office of the city of Little Rock, as I am informed,
and that the same is intended for the purpose of defrauding,
counterfeiting, and forging the great seal of the State of
Arkansas by the paid Elisha Baxter and his co-conspirators, and
to use the same for illegal and fraudulent purposes, against
the peace and dignity of the State of Arkansas, and I ask that
a search warrant may issue forthwith, according to law, to
search for and seize said counterfeit seal, wherever or in
whomsoever possession it may be found.
"(Signed.) D. P. UPHAM.
"Subscribed and sworn to before me this 1st day of May, 1874.
M. W. GIBBS,
"City Judge."
The warrant was duly served and return made, with the seal. Baxter,
having now ignored the men who placed him in power, called around him as
supporters and advisers the brain and strength of the Democratic party.
Meanwhile each party had representatives in Washington, urging their
claims for recognition. As a party, the Republicans were at a
disadvantage. When Brooks, being elected, was contesting Baxter's right
to the Governorship, Baxter was supported by the leading and most
prominent republicans of the State, who swore "by all the gods at once"
that he and not Brooks was elected; but now they swore at once at all
opposing gods, who said that Baxter was.
A committee of Brooks men, of whom the writer was one, was sent to
Washington to present the claims and conditions to the President. When
the train, en route, stopped at Alexandria a gentleman came hurriedly in
and, accosting another, said: "What do you think? Grant has recognized
Baxter." I did not learn the thought or hear the response, being
possessed immediately by a feeling not unlike the boy whose "piece of
bread and butter falls with the butter side down." We pursued our way to
Washington to find the report true. We called at the White House several
times, but the engagements of the President prevented an interview. Late
of an afternoon, sitting in my room on I Street, I saw the President
approaching slowly and alone. I put on my hat, and was soon with him,
and, with becoming salute, addressed him. General Grant, who was ever
accessible to the most humble, attentively listened, as we walked, to my
brief statement of our case. He replied that his sympathies were with
us, for he believed that Brooks was elected; but that his Attorney
General had given an opinion that the people, through the expression of
their last Legislature, had endorsed Baxter, and that he must acquiesce.
That this avowal was sincere was shown by a subsequent message to
Congress on the subject, condemning the process by which the Democracy
had vaulted into power. When the dispatch from Washington recognizing
Baxter was received at the Antony House the faithful, while making the
welkin ring, made immediate preparations to take undisturbed possession
of the State House. The march of Governor Baxter and his adherents to
the capital was made, as imposing as had his former exclusion been
humiliating. A band playing inspiring music not unlike "See, the
Conquering Hero Comes," and stepping to the air came an array, led by
General King White, on horseback, with flags flying, animated and
exhilarated with all the pomp and circumstance of a victorious legion,
entered and occupied the building which Brooks and his following,
defeated and depressed, had vacated, in obedience to the President's
mandate. The prospect for their rehabilitation seemed shadowy, but, with
that hope said "to spring eternal in the human breast," they had
resolved to carry their contest to Congress.
It may be properly said of Joseph Brooks, as of Charles II, "His
fault--and no statesman can have a worse one--was that he never saw
things as they really were. He had imagination and logic, but he was an
idealist, and a theorizer, in which there might have been good if only
his theories and ideals had not been out of relation with the hard
duties of a day of storm."
There was opportunity for him to have secured the approval of the Poland
Committee. But the tenacity of his ideal of no concession allowed it to
pass.