XlV. THEODORE ROOSEVELT

The bullet of the assassin had ended fatally, and McKinley was

no more. Theodore Roosevelt, vice-president, became president.

Few recognized at the time there had come into the presidency

of the United States one of the most remarkable, capable, and

original men who ever occupied the White House.

During the following seven years President Roosevelt not only

occupied but filled the stage of public affairs in the United States.

Even now, two years or more after his death, with the exception

of President Wilson, Roosevelt is the best known American in

the world. It is difficult to predict the future because of the

idealization which sometimes though rarely occurs in regard to

public men, but Colonel Roosevelt is rapidly taking a position

as third, with Washington and Lincoln as the other two.

My relations with Colonel Roosevelt were always most interesting.

His father, who was a cordial friend of mine, was one of the

foremost citizens of New York. In all civic duties and many

philanthropies he occupied a first place. The public activities

of the father had great influence in forming the character and

directing the ambitions of his son.

Mr. Roosevelt entered public life very early and, as with

everything with him, always in a dramatic way. One of the

interesting characters of New York City was Frederick Gibbs, who

was an active politician and a district leader. Gibbs afterwards

became the national committeeman from New York on the Republican

national committee. When he died he left a collection of pictures

which, to the astonishment of everybody, showed that he was a

liberal and discriminating patron of art.

Gibbs had a district difficult to manage, because, commencing

in the slums it ran up to Fifth Avenue. It was normally Democratic,

but he managed to keep his party alive and often to win, and

so gained the reputation that he was in league with Tammany.

He came to me one day and said: "Our organization has lost the

confidence of the 'highbrows.' They have not a great many votes,

but their names carry weight and their contributions are invaluable

in campaigns. To regain their confidence we are thinking of

nominating for member of the legislature young Theodore Roosevelt,

who has just returned from Harvard. What do you think of it?"

Of course, I advocated it very warmly. "Well," he said, "we will

have a dinner at Delmonico's. It will be composed entirely of

'highbrows.' We wish you to make the principal speech, introducing

young Roosevelt, who, of course, will respond. I will not be at

the dinner, but I will be in the pantry."

The dinner was a phenomenal success. About three hundred in

dress suits, white vests, and white neckties were discussing the

situation, saying: "Where did these stories and slanders originate

in regard to our district, about its being an annex of Tammany

and with Tammany affiliations? We are the district, and we all

know each other."

Young Roosevelt, when he rose to speak, looked about eighteen

years old, though he was twenty-three. His speech was carefully

prepared, and he read it from a manuscript. It was remarkable

in the emphatic way in which he first stated the evils in the city,

State, and national governments, and how he would correct them

if he ever had the opportunity. It is a curious realization of

youthful aspirations that every one of those opportunities came

to him, and in each of them he made history and permanent fame.

The term of office of Frank Black, Governor of the State of

New York, was about expiring. Black was a man of great ability

and courage. The people had voted nine millions of dollars to

improve the Erie Canal. There were persistent rumors of fraud

in the work. Governor Black ordered an investigation through an

able committee which he appointed. The committee discovered

that about a million dollars had been wasted or stolen. Black

at once took measures to recover the money if possible and to

prosecute the guilty. The opposition took advantage of this to

create the impression in the public mind of the corruption of the

Republican administration. The acute question was: "Should

Governor Black be renominated?"

Colonel Roosevelt had just returned from Cuba, where he had won

great reputation in command of the Rough Riders, and he and his

command were in camp on Long Island.

Senator Platt, the State leader, was accustomed to consult me, and

his confidence in my judgment was the greater from the fact that

he knew that I wanted nothing, while most of the people who

surrounded the leader were recipients of his favor, and either

the holders of offices or expecting some consideration. He asked

me to come and see him at Manhattan Beach. As usual, he entered

at once upon the question in hand by saying: "I am very much

troubled about the governorship. Frank Black has made an excellent

governor and did the right thing in ordering an investigation of

the Canal frauds, but the result of the investigation has been that

in discovering frauds the Democrats have been able to create

a popular impression that the whole State administration is guilty.

The political situation is very critical in any way. Benjamin Odell,

the chairman of our State committee, urges the nomination of

Colonel Roosevelt. As you know, Roosevelt is no friend of mine, and

I don't think very well of the suggestion. Now, what do you think?"

I instantly replied: "Mr. Platt, I always look at a public question

from the view of the platform. I have been addressing audiences

ever since I became a voter, and my judgment of public opinion

and the views of the people are governed by how they take or will

take and act upon the questions presented. Now, if you nominate

Governor Black and I am addressing a large audience--and I certainly

will--the heckler in the audience will arise and interrupt me,

saying: 'Chauncey, we agree with what you say about the Grand

Old Party and all that, but how about the Canal steal?' I have

to explain that the amount stolen was only a million, and that

would be fatal. If Colonel Roosevelt is nominated, I can say to

the heckler with indignation and enthusiasm: 'I am mighty glad

you asked that question. We have nominated for governor a man

who has demonstrated in public office and on the battlefield that

he is a fighter for the right, and always victorious. If he is

selected, you know and we all know from his demonstrated

characteristics, courage and ability, that every thief will be

caught and punished, and every dollar that can be found restored

to the public treasury.' Then I will follow the colonel leading his

Rough Riders up San Juan Hill and ask the band to play the

'Star-Spangled Banner.'"

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