CHAPTER III.

The Panic of 1825--Death of Emperor Alexander--The Duke of

Wellington's Embassy to St. Petersburg--Robinson Chancellor of

the Exchequer--Small Notes Bill--Death of Arthur de Ros--

George III. and Lord Bute--Illness and Death of the Duke of

York--His Funeral--Lord Liverpool struck with Paralysis--

Rundell's Fortune and Will--Copley and Philpots--The Cottage--

Formation of Mr. Canning's Administration--Secession of the

Tories--The Whigs join him--Dinner at the Royal Lodge--

Difficulties of Canning's Government--Duke of Wellington visits

the King--Canning's Death--Anecdotes of Mr. Canning--

Recognition of South American States--His Industry--The Duke of

Wellington on Canning--Lord Goderich's Administration formed--

The Difficulty about Herries--Position of the Whigs--The King's

letter to Herries--Peel and George IV.--Interview of Lord

Lansdowne with the King--Weakness of the Government--First

Resignation of Lord Goderich--Lord Harrowby declines the

Premiership--Lord Goderich returns--Brougham and Rogers--

Conversation and Character of Brougham--Lord Goderich's

Ministry dissolved--Cause of its Dissolution--Hostility of

Herries--Position of Huskisson and his Friends--Herries and

Huskisson both join the New Cabinet.

1826.

[Page Head: FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES.]

February 12th, 1826 {p.077}

The last three months have been remarkable for the panic in the

money market, which lasted for a week or ten days--that is, was

at its height for that time. The causes of it had been brewing

for some months before, and he must be a sanguine and sagacious

politician who shall predict the termination of its effects.

There is now no panic, but the greatest alarm, and every prospect

of great distress, and long continuation of it. The state of the

City, and the terror of all the bankers and merchants, as well as

of all owners of property, is not to be conceived but by those

who witnessed it. This critical period drew forth many examples

of great and confiding liberality, as well as some of a very

opposite character. Men of great wealth and parsimonious habits

came and placed their whole fortunes at the disposal of their

bankers in order to support their credit. For many days the evil

continued to augment so rapidly, and the demands upon the Bank

were so great and increasing; that a Bank restriction was

expected by everyone. So determined, however, were Ministers

against this measure, that rather than yield to it they suffered

the Bank to run the greatest risk of stopping; for on the evening

of the day on which the alarm was at its worst there were only

8,000 sovereigns left in the till.[1] The next day gold was

poured in, and from that time things got better.

[1] [Mr. Baring (Lord Ashburton) stated in his pamphlet on

this crisis, 'The gold of the Bank was drained to

within a very few thousand pounds, for although the

public returns showed a result rather less scandalous,

a certain Saturday night closed with nothing worth

mentioning. It was then that the Bank applied to Lord

Liverpool for an Order in Council to suspend cash

payment. A conference took place between Lord

Liverpool, Mr. Huskisson, the governor of the Bank, and

Mr. Baring. The suspension of cash payments was happily

averted, chiefly as it was said by the accidental

discovery of a box of one-pound Bank of England notes,

to the amount of a million and a half, which had never

been issued, and which the public were content to

receive.' Mr. Tooke, however, states in his 'History of

Prices' (Continuation, vol. iv. p. 342) that the lowest

amount of the banking treasure was on the 24th of

December, 1825: Coin, £426,000; bullion, £601,000: in

all, £1,027,000. The passage in the text refers of

course to the banking department only.]

In the midst of all this the Emperor Alexander died, and after a

short period of doubt concerning his successor it was found that

Nicholas was to mount the throne. The first act of the Russian

Government was to communicate to ours their resolution no longer

to delay a recognition of the independence of Greece, and their

determination to support that measure if necessary by force of

arms. They invited us to co-operate in this object, but intimated

that if we were not disposed to join them they should undertake

it alone. The Duke of Wellington is gone to Russia, ostensibly to

compliment the new Emperor, but really to concert measures with

the Russian Ministry for carrying this measure into effect; and

it is remarkable that the Duke, upon taking leave of his friends

and family to set out on this journey, was deeply affected, as if

he had some presentiment that he should never return. Alava told

me that he had frequently taken leave of him, when both expected

that they should never meet again, yet neither upon that occasion

nor upon any other in the course of the seventeen years that he

has known him did he ever see him so moved. Lady Burghersh said

that when he took leave of her the tears ran down his cheeks; he

was also deeply affected when he parted from his mother.

In the discussion which took place on Friday night in the House

of Commons, when the Chancellor of the Exchequer[2] opened his

financial plan, he is deemed to have made a very bad speech, and

Huskisson a very good one. Robinson is probably unequal to the

present difficult conjuncture; a fair and candid man, and an

excellent Minister in days of calm and sunshine, but not endowed

with either capacity or experience for these stormy times,

besides being disqualified for vigorous measures by the

remissness and timidity of his character. However, though it is

the peculiar province of the Finance Minister to find a remedy

for these disorders, he may well be excused for not doing that

which the united wisdom of the country seems unequal to

accomplish. All men agree as to the existence of the evil, and

all differ as to the causes of it and the measures which will

effect its removal; not one man seems to see his way clearly

through the difficulty; however, 'time and the hour runs through

the roughest day,' and probably the country will what is called

right itself, and then great credit will be given to somebody or

other who deserves none.

[2] [Right Hon. Frederick John Robinson, Chancellor of the

Exchequer from January 1823 to April 1827; afterwards

Viscount Goderich and Earl of Ripon.]

[Page Head: MR. ROBINSON'S SMALL NOTES BILL.]

February 20th, 1826 {p.079}

The Small Notes Bill,[3] as it is called, lowered the funds and

increased the alarm among the monied men. Numerous were the

complaints of the inefficacy of the measure for present relief,

numerous the predictions of the ultimate impossibility of

carrying it into effect. In the City, however, on Thursday

afternoon things began to improve; there was more confidence and

cheerfulness. On Friday evening the Chancellor of the Exchequer

comes down to the House and surprises everyone by abandoning one

part of his plan, and authorising the Bank to issue one pound

notes till October. The immediate cause of this alteration was a

communication which Hudson Gurney made to the Chancellor, that if

he persisted in his Bill he should send up £500,000 which he had

in Bank of England notes and change them for sovereigns, and that

all country bankers would follow his example. From this he found

that it would be impossible to persist in his original plan. The

great evil now is a want of circulating medium, and as the

immediate effect of the measure would be another run upon the

Bank, and that probably all the gold drawn from it would

disappear--for men now are anxious to hoard gold--this evil would

be increased tenfold. The whole country is in distress from the

absence of circulating medium for the common purposes of life; no

country banker will issue notes, for they are instantly returned

upon his hands and exchanged for gold. The circulation of country

notes being generally confined within a very limited extent, the

holders of them can easily present them for payment. The

circulation of a quantity of Bank of England paper will relieve

the immediate distress arising from this necessity, and the

difficulty of exchanging them for gold will ensure the continuance

of their circulation. When men find that they must take notes,

and that gold is not to be had without so much pain and trouble,

they will be contented to take the notes to which they have been

accustomed, and will think the paper of their own bankers as

good as that of the Bank of England, besides the advantage of

being less exposed to the losses arising from forgery. This is

the argument of the opponents of Robinson's Bill. It is generally

thought that the Ministers have disgraced themselves by their

precipitation and by the crudeness of their measures. Hitherto

they have done nothing towards removing the present distress, or

satisfying the minds of men, but the contrary. Robinson is

obviously unequal to the present crisis. His mind is not

sufficiently enlarged, nor does he seem to have any distinct

ideas upon the subject; he is fighting in the dark.

[3] [On the 10th of February the Chancellor of the

Exchequer moved in Committee 'That all promissory notes

payable on demand issued by licensed Bankers in England

or by the Bank of England for less than £5 shall not be

issued or circulated beyond the 5th of April next.' Mr.

Huskisson made an able speech in support of the

proposal, showing that the inflation produced by the

small note paper currency had greatly contributed to

cause and aggravate the panic ('Huskisson's Speeches,'

vol. ii. p. 444). Mr. Baring, afterwards Lord

Ashburton, opposed the restriction of small notes, but

with small success. The period allowed for the

contraction of their circulation was, however, extended

to the 10th of October.]

Everybody knows that Huskisson is the real author of the finance

measure of Government, and there can be no greater anomaly than

that of a Chancellor of the Exchequer who is obliged to propose

and defend measures of which another Minister is the real though

not the apparent author. The funds rose nearly two per cent, upon

this alteration in the Bill before the House, on account of the

prospect of an abundance of money. Still it is thought that

nothing will be sufficient to relieve the present distress but an

issue of Exchequer bills. So great and absorbing is the interest

which the present discussions excite that all men are become

political economists and financiers, and everybody is obliged to

have an opinion.

February 24th, 1826 {p.081}

I have been since yesterday the spectator of a melancholy scene

and engaged in a sad office. Arthur de Ros,[4] who was taken ill

a fortnight ago, became worse on Monday night. After this time he

was scarcely ever sensible, and yesterday, at a quarter-past two,

he expired. After they had given up all hopes they were induced

again to suffer them to revive from the disappearance of the most

unfavourable symptoms; but this was only the weakness which

preceded dissolution, and a few moments after his brother Henry

had told me that he did not despair he came and said that all was

over, and a little while after Rose announced that he had ceased

to breathe. He died tranquilly, and did not suffer at all. I

never saw such a distress. His father, mother, sisters, William,

and his wife went immediately to Boyle Farm. Henry would have

followed them, but I persuaded him to go home. He went first to

Mrs. ----, to whom Arthur had been attached for ten years, and

after a painful interview with her he came to his own house; he

has since been too ill to move. I have never seen grief so

strong and concentrated as his; it has exhausted his body and

overwhelmed his mind, and though I knew him to have been much

attached to his brother, I did not believe him capable of

feelings so acute as those which he has evinced. William is

much more calm and resigned, a strange, unaccountable thing

considering the characters of the two men--the one so indifferent,

and with feelings so apparently deadened to the affections of

this world, and the other with a sensibility so morbid, and such

acute susceptibility and strong feelings, that the least thing

affects him more deeply than very serious concerns do other men.

[4] [Colonel the Hon. Arthur John Hill de Ros, born 1793,

died February 1826. He was aide-de-camp to his Royal

Highness the Duke of York.]

Arthur was an excellent creature, and will be regretted by the

Duke and deeply lamented by all who knew him intimately. His

talents were not brilliant, but he had good sound sense, and was

besides modest, diligent, honest, and trustworthy in a high

degree. There breathed not a more honourable man, and as his

ambition did not extend beyond the sphere in which fortune had

placed him and he was contented with his destiny, but for this

illness his career might have been long and prosperous. I went

last night to sleep at the house, that it might not appear to

have been entirely abandoned to the care of servants. The only

wish he expressed was that Francis Russell should succeed him,

which I have no doubt he will do.

February 25th, 1826 {p.082}

Received a letter from the Duke of York (to whom I had written to

announce poor Arthur's death) expressive of the greatest regret

for his loss.

March 2nd, 1826 {p.082}

I am just come from poor Arthur's funeral. There were present

William de Ros, the two Hills, Craufurd, Torrens, Taylor, Francis

Russell, Campbell, and B. Paget. The Duke appointed Francis his

aide-de-camp directly.

[Page Head: ILLNESS OF THE DUKE OF YORK.]

July 2nd, 1826 {p.083}

Four months since I have written anything. The Duke of York has

been dangerously ill, and it is still doubtful whether he will

recover. I was with him at Frogmore before Ascot; we went with

the King to see Windsor Castle. His Majesty has since been very

much annoyed about the Duke, cried a great deal when he heard how

bad he was, and has been twice to see him.

The elections have been particularly violent and the contests

very numerous. A batch of Peers has been made; everybody cries

out against Charles Ellis's peerage[5] (Lord Seaford); he has no

property, and is of no family, and his son is already a Peer. The

King, when these other Peers were created, asked Canning to name

somebody. He said he had nobody about whom he was interested but

Charles Ellis, and the King consenting to his elevation, it was

all arranged without his knowledge. However, it is thought very

ridiculous, and that he would have done much better to have

declined it. Clanricarde, too, being made a Marquis and an

English Peer is thought an indirect exertion of Canning's

influence.

[5] [Charles Rose Ellis, created Baron Seaford in 1826.

Lord Seaford was the father of Charles Augustus Ellis,

who succeeded to the title of Lord Howard de Walden

through his mother, Elizabeth Catherine Caroline

Hervey, granddaughter of the fourth Earl of Bristol,

who was the last Baron Howard de Walden, as heir

general of Thomas, first Baron. The son of Lord Seaford

had married a daughter of the fifth Duke of Portland,

and was consequently a connection of Mr. Canning.]

London, December 14th, 1826 {p.083}

The Duke of York very ill; has been at the point of death several

times from his legs mortifying. Canning's speech the night before

last was most brilliant; much more cheered by the Opposition than

by his own friends. He is thought to have been imprudent, and he

gave offence to his colleagues by the concluding sentence of his

reply, when he said, '_I_ called into existence the new world to

redress the balance of the old.' The _I_ was not relished.

Brougham's compliment to Canning was magnificent, and he was

loudly cheered by Peel; altogether it was a fine display.

Yesterday the Duke [of York] told me that the late King [George

III.] was walking with him one day at Kew, and his Majesty said,

'The world tells many lies, and here is one instance. I am said

to have held frequent communication with Lord Bute, and the last

time I ever saw or spoke to him was in that pavilion in the year

1764.' The King went over to breakfast with his mother, the

Princess Dowager, and she took him aside and said, 'There is

somebody here who wishes very much to speak to you.' 'Who is it?'

'Lord Bute.' 'Good God, mamma! how could you bring him here? It

is impossible for me to hold any communication with Lord Bute in

this manner.' However, he did see him, when Lord Bute made a

violent attack upon him for having abandoned and neglected him.

The King replied that he could not, in justice to his Ministers,

hold any communication with him unknown to them, when Lord Bute

said that he would never see the King again. The King became

angry in his turn, and said, 'Then, my Lord, be it so, and

remember from henceforth we never meet again.' And from that day

he never beheld Lord Bute or had any communication with him.

1827.

[Page Head: DEATH OF THE DUKE OF YORK.]

Friday night, January 5th, 1827, half-past one {p.084}

I am just come from taking my last look at the poor Duke.[6] He

expired at twenty minutes after nine. Since eleven o'clock last

night the physicians never left his room. He never moved, and

they repeatedly thought that life was extinct, but it was not

till that hour that they found it was all over. The Duke of

Sussex and Stephenson were in the next room; Taylor, Torrens and

Dighton, Armstrong and I were upstairs. Armstrong and I had been

there about half an hour when they came and whispered something

to Dighton and called out Taylor. Dighton told Torrens and they

went out; immediately after Taylor came up, and told us it was

all over and begged we would go downstairs. We went directly into

the room. The Duke was sitting exactly as at the moment he died,

in his great arm-chair, dressed in his grey dressing-gown, his

head inclined against the side of the chair, his hands lying

before him, and looking as if he were in a deep and quiet sleep.

Not a vestige of pain was perceptible on his countenance, which,

except being thinner, was exactly such as I have seen it a

hundred times during his life. In fact, he had not suffered at

all, and had expired with all the ease and tranquillity which the

serenity of his countenance betokened. Nothing about or around

him had the semblance of death; it was all like quiet repose, and

it was not without a melancholy satisfaction we saw such evident

signs of the tranquillity of his last moments.

[6] [His Royal Highness the Duke of York, second son of

King George III., died on the 5th of January, 1827.]

In about a quarter of an hour Taylor and Halford set off to

Windsor to inform the King; the Duke of Sussex went to the

Princess Sophia; letters were written to all the Cabinet

Ministers, to the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of London,

and the Speaker of the House of Commons. Orders were given that

the great bell of St. Paul's should toll. The servants were then

admitted to see the Duke as he lay. Worley[7] was very much

affected at the sight, and one woman, the wife of Kendal, cried

bitterly, and I saw her stoop down and kiss his hand. The room

was then cleared and surrendered to the Lord Chamberlain's

people. Thus did I take my last leave of the poor Duke. I have

been the minister and associate of his pleasures and amusements

for some years, I have lived in his intimacy and experienced his

kindness, and am glad that I was present at this last sad

occasion to pay my poor tribute of respect and attachment to his

remains.

[7] [Worley was the Duke's stud-groom.]

[Page Head: ILLNESS OF THE DUKE OF YORK.]

After the October meetings of 1825 the Duke came to town, not in

good health. At the end of November the Duchess of Rutland died,

which was a great blow to him, and probably made him worse. A

short time after her funeral he went to Belvoir, when the Duke of

Rutland took him down into the vault, where he stayed an hour and

returned excessively chilled. From that moment he grew worse till

the time of the Ascot races. We went to Frogmore two days before

the party began, and for those two days he led a quiet life. When

the party was assembled he lived as he had been used to do, going

to the races, sitting at table, and playing for hours at whist.

He slept wretchedly and seldom went to bed, but passed the

greater part of the night walking about the room or dozing in his

chair. I used to go into his room, which was next to mine, the

moment I was out of bed, and generally found him in his dressing

gown, looking harassed and ill. He showed me his legs, which were

always swelled. Still he went on till the last day of the party,

and when we got to town he was so ill that M'Gregor, who came to

him that night, thought him in danger. From that moment the

illness was established which has ended in his death. They began

by putting him through several courses of mercury, and they sent

him to the Greenwoods' villa at Brompton. Here he continued to

receive everybody who called on him, and went out in his carriage

every day. They always said that he was getting better. In August

he went to Brighton, and soon after his arrival his legs

mortified. It was then that Taylor went down to him and told him

that he was in great and immediate danger. He received the

information with perfect composure. The gangrene, however, was

stopped, and he came to town to the Duke of Rutland's house. The

dropsy continued to make rapid progress, and some time in

September he was tapped; twenty-two pints of water were drawn.

from him. This operation was kept secret, for the Duke did not

like that his situation should be known. He recovered from the

operation and regained his strength; no more water formed in his

body, but there was still water in his system, and a constant

discharge from his legs, which occasioned him great pain and made

wounds which were always open and extending. These wounds again

produced gangrene, but they always contrived to stop its

progress, and put the legs in a healing condition. As often,

however, as the legs began to heal the water began to rise, and

the medicines that were given to expel the water drove it again

to the legs, through which it made its way, making fresh sores

and entailing fresh mortification. In this way he went on, the

strength of his constitution still supporting him, till towards

the end of December, when the constitution could resist no

longer; his appetite totally failed, and with loss of appetite

came entire prostration of strength, and in short a complete

break-up. From that moment it was obvious that his recovery was

impossible, but he continued to struggle till the 5th of January,

although he had tasted no solid food whatever for above a

fortnight. At all the different periods at which his state was

critical it was always made known to him, and he received the

intimation with invariable firmness and composure. He said that

he enjoyed life but was not afraid to die. But though perfectly

acquainted with his own danger he never could bear that other

people should be informed of it, and so far from acknowledging

it, he always told his friends that he was better, and his

language was invariably that of a man who did not doubt of his

recovery. He was particularly anxious that nobody should know he

had been tapped, and it was not till many weeks after that

operation that he talked of it one day to me. Up to the last

moment that I saw him (the day week before he died) he told me he

was better, and he desired me to tell Montrond, who had called

upon him, that he would see him as soon as he was well enough. He

held the same language to everybody until the day previous to his

death, when he sent for Taylor and Stephenson into his room. He

could then hardly speak, but he took hold of Stephenson's hand,

and looking at Taylor, said, 'I am now dying.' He tried to

articulate something else, but he was unintelligible. About a

fortnight before his death, soon after his appetite began to

fail, Taylor had to announce to him his danger. He received the

intelligence with the same coolness he had before shown, but it

was not without difficulty that he admitted the conviction. A few

days after he received the Sacrament, which was administered by

the Bishop of London, in the presence of Sir H. Halford, Taylor,

and the Princess Sophia. He was then very weak, but calm and

collected during the ceremony. When it was over he shook hands

with the men and kissed the Princess. The King saw him the next

day, but he was in a lethargic state nearly the whole time that

he was there. For many days before his death the physicians

thought that every day must close the scene, but such was the

natural strength of his constitution that he evinced a tenacity

of life and maintained a struggle which astonished them all, and

of which they unanimously declared that their practice had never

furnished them with a similar instance. It seems that three years

ago, when he was very unwell, M'Gregor told him that unless he

was more prudent he would certainly be afflicted with dropsy. He

had been subject to spasms, and in consequence of them was averse

to lie down in bed, and to this pernicious habit and that of

sitting for many hours together at table, or at cards, they

attribute the origin, of the complaint which has terminated so

fatally. Had he been a more docile patient, from the amazing

vigour of his constitution he might have looked forward to a very

long life. His sufferings in the course of his illness have been

very great, and almost without cessation. Nothing could exceed

the patience and courage with which he endured them; his serenity

and good humour were never disturbed, and he never uttered a

word or complaint, except occasionally at the length of his

confinement. He not only saw all the visitors who chose to call

upon him, even those with whom he was not in habits of intimacy,

but he transacted the whole of his public business every day, and

every paper was laid before him and every detail gone through as

if he had been in perfect health. This he continued to within a

few days of his death, till his strength was so entirely

exhausted that he lay in a state of almost complete insensibility.

It is remarkable that from the beginning to the end of his

illness I never saw him that he did not tell me that he was a

great deal better, and he never wrote to me without assuring me

that he was going on as well as possible.

[Page Head: FUNERAL OF THE DUKE OF YORK.]

February 12th, 1827

The Duke of York was no sooner dead than the public press began

to attack him, and while those private virtues were not denied

him for which he had always been conspicuous, they enlarged in a

strain of severe invective against his careless and expensive

habits, his addiction to gambling; and above all they raked up

the old story of Mrs. Clark and the investigation of 1809, and

published many of his letters and all the disgusting details of

that unfortunate affair, and that in a manner calculated to throw

discredit on his character. The newspapers, however, soon found

they had made a mistake, that this course was not congenial to

public feeling, and from that moment their columns have been

filled with panegyrics upon his public services and his private

virtues. The King ordered that the funeral should be public and

magnificent; all the details of the ceremonial were arranged by

himself. He showed great feeling about his brother and exceeding

kindness in providing for his servants, whom the Duke was himself

unable to provide for. He gave £6,000 to pay immediate expenses

and took many of the old servants into his own service. There

appeared a few days after the Duke's death an infamous forgery,

purporting to be a letter or declaration written by him a short

time before his death (principally upon the subject of the

Catholic question), which, however, was disavowed by Taylor, but

not till after many thousand copies had been sold. I dare say

many people believe still that he was the author of this

pamphlet. All his effects either have been or will be sold by

auction. The funeral took place a fortnight after his death.

Nothing could be managed worse than it was, and except the

appearance of the soldiers in the chapel, which was extremely

fine, the spectacle was by no means imposing; the cold was

intense, and it is only marvellous that more persons did not

suffer from it. As it is the Bishop of Lincoln has died of the

effects of it; Canning has been dangerously ill, and is still

very unwell; and the Dukes of Wellington and Montrose were both

very seriously unwell for some days after. The King was very

angry when he heard how miserably the ceremony had been

performed. I have been this evening to hear Peel move the address

of condolence to the King, which Canning would have done if he

had been here; and it is a pity he was not, for Peel did it very

ill: it was poor and jejune, and undistinguished by eloquence or

the appearance of deep feeling. I was greatly disappointed, for I

expected to hear a worthier tribute to his merits. Canning was

very anxious to have been here to have performed this duty

himself. The letters which he wrote to the Royal Family abroad

announcing the event of his death were admirable and gave great

satisfaction to the King.

February 21st, 1827 {p.090}

Three days ago Lord Liverpool was seized with an apoplectic or

paralytic attack. The moment it was known every sort of

speculation was afloat as to the probable changes this event

would make in the Ministry. It was remarked how little anybody

appeared to care about the _man_; whether this indifference

reflects most upon the world or upon him, I do not pretend to

say. A report was generally circulated that the Duke of

Cumberland was dead, which was believed, but turns out to be

untrue.

Old Rundell (of the house of Rundell and Bridge, the great

silversmiths and jewellers) died last week, and appointed Robarts

one of his executors. Robarts called on me this morning, and told

me he had been yesterday to Doctors' Commons to prove the will.

Rundell was eighty years old, and died worth between £1,400,000

and £1,500,000, the greater part of which is vested in the funds.

He has left the bulk of his property to his great-nephew, a man

of the name of Neal, who is residuary legatee and will inherit

£900,000--this Mr. Neal had taken care of him for the last

fourteen years--to a woman who had lived with him many years, and

in whose house he died, and to two natural sons by her he only

left £5,000 apiece. The old man began the world without a guinea,

became in the course of time partner in that house during its

most flourishing period, and by steady gains and continual

parsimony amassed this enormous wealth. He never spent anything

and lived wretchedly. During the panic he came to Robarts, who

was his banker, and offered to place at his disposal any sum he

might require. When the executors went to prove the will, they

were told at Doctors' Commons that it was the largest sum that

ever had been registered there.

March 13th, 1827 {p.091}

Since the debate on the Catholic question there has been a great

expectation that Canning would resign. Many of his friends think

he made an imprudent speech that night, and if he had not lashed

the Master of the Rolls so severely that he would have got more

votes.[8] The truth is he was mightily nettled by Dr. Philpots'

pamphlet and at Copley making a speech taken entirely from it.

The Master protested that he had no idea of offending Canning,

and until he got up had no notion that Canning had taken offence

at his speech. The question was lost by accident; several

pro-Catholics were suddenly taken ill or arrived too late for the

division, and the election petitions went all against them.

[8] [Sir John Copley was then Master of the Rolls, but this

occurrence did not prevent Canning from making him Lord

Chancellor on the 2nd of May following, when he was

raised to the peerage with the title of Baron

Lyndhurst.]

[Page Head: INTERVIEW WITH GEORGE IV.]

March 16th, 1827 {p.091}

On Wednesday at the Council at St. James's the King desired I

would go down to Windsor, that he might speak to me. I went down

on Thursday to the Cottage, and, after waiting two hours and a

half, was ushered into his bedroom. I found him sitting at a

round table near his bed, in a _douillette_, and in pretty good

health and spirits. He talked about his horses and told some old

stories, lamented the death of the Duke of York, which he said

was a loss to him such as no one could conceive, and that he felt

it every instant. He kept me about an hour, was very civil, and

then dismissed me.

Canning made an apology to the Master of the Rolls for his

severity in the debate on the Catholic question.

March 25th, 1827 {p.091}

When the King heard of Lord Liverpool's illness he was in great

agitation. He sent for Peel in the night, and told him he must

see the Duke of Wellington. Peel endeavoured to dissuade him, but

in vain. The Duke was sent for, but he refused to go. He sent the

King word that he had nothing to say to him, and that it would

not be fair to his colleagues that he should see the King at such

a moment. Consequently he saw none of his Ministers till he saw

Canning, who was taken to the Pavilion in a chair one day. There

have been a variety of reports about Lord Liverpool's successor

and a new Administration, as always happens on such occasions.

The King is in very good health and excellent spirits. He had a

large party at the Lodge last week, and Canning, the Granvilles,

Carlisles, Lievens, are going there next week. Mount Charles told

me yesterday that next week he thinks something must be decided,

and he told me what I did not know, that the King's opinions on

the Catholic question are just the same as those of the Duke of

York, and equally strong. This is the great difficulty which

Canning has to get over with him. He does not much like Canning,

though C. does everything he can to gratify and please him. Mount

Charles told me that his mother (Lady Conyngham) has strong

opinions in favour of the Catholics, but that she never talks to

the King on the subject, nor indeed upon politics at all.

[Page Head: MR. CANNING'S ADMINISTRATION.]

April 13th, 1827 {p.092}

The King came to town a week ago. From the moment of his arrival

every hour produced a fresh report about the Administration;

every day the new appointment was expected to be declared, and

the Ministers Peel, Lord Bathurst, Duke of Wellington, and

Canning were successively designated as the persons chosen to

form a Government. He had no sooner arrived than he saw his

Ministers _seriatim_, but nothing could induce him to come to any

determination. He wavered and doubted, and to his confidants,

with whom he could bluster and talk big, he expressed in no

measured terms his detestation of Liberal principles, and

especially of Catholic Emancipation. He begged his Ministers to

stand by him, and day after day elapsed and nothing was settled.

In the meantime London was alive with reports; and the _on dit_

of the day, repeated with every variety of circumstance and with

the usual positiveness of entire ignorance, would fill a volume.

Time crept on, and Parliament was to adjourn on the 13th (this

day). On the 9th Canning went to the King, and, after a long

audience, he came away without anything being settled. On the

10th he went again, and told his Majesty that longer delay was

impossible, and that he must come to some determination. On the

evening of the 10th we received a note from Lord Bathurst, saying

that the King had desired Canning to form an Administration on

the principles of that of which Lord Liverpool had been at the

head. This was not generally known that evening. Last night it

was said that the Duke of Wellington would not remain in the new

Cabinet, and we heard that Peel had resigned. To-day everything

will probably be known. Canning and his friends say that the King

has behaved admirably in this business, and they affect to

consider his appointment unconditional and unfettered; but this

is by no means the view which the others take of it. The King,

however, has acted in such a way that all his Ministers (except

those whose interest it now is to laud him to the skies) are

disgusted with his doubting, wavering, uncertain conduct, so weak

in action and so intemperate in language. It is now supposed

that he has been influenced by Knighton in coming to this

determination, in which he certainly has acted in a manner quite

at variance with his professions and the whole tenor of his

language. It must be owned, if this is so, that although Canning

has gained his point--has got the power into his hands and is

nominally Prime Minister--no man ever took office under more

humiliating circumstances or was placed in a more difficult and

uncertain situation; indeed, a greater anomaly cannot be

imagined. Canning, disliked by the King, opposed by the

aristocracy and the nation, and unsupported by the Parliament, is

appointed Prime Minister. The King, irresolute and uncertain, is

induced to nominate a man whose principles and opinions he fears

and dislikes by the advice and influence of his physician. The

measure which is of paramount importance Canning cannot carry as

he desires and believes to be necessary; he must form a Cabinet

full of disunion, and he is doubtful what support he can expect

from the old adherents of Government, by whom he is abhorred.

[Page Head: MR. CANNING'S ADMINISTRATION.]

The writ was moved for Canning yesterday by Wynne, 'he having

accepted the office of First Commissioner of the Treasury.' This

morning the Chancellor, Peel, Lord Westmoreland, and the Duke of

Wellington resigned. Lord Bathurst immediately wrote to Canning,

saying that, finding they had resigned, he could not avoid

sending in his resignation also; that it was unnecessary to enter

into explanations, which could only tend to widen the breach such

a separation must make. Afterwards Lord Melville resigned,

although well with Canning and a friend to the Catholics; he said

he could not desert the men with whom he had acted for so many

years. The Whigs seem greatly elated at the breaking up of this

Administration. The Tories evidently think Canning is in a

scrape, that he will not be able to form a Government, and that

the power will return into their hands. How Canning and his

friends feel is not yet known, nor what the King feels at being

deserted by half his Cabinet. The opinion prevalent with the

Opposition is that Canning has been deserted by his colleagues,

who induced him to accept the Government by promising their

support and adherence, and that when he had taken the final step

they left him to make the arrangements and fill up their places

as he could. This, however, is not the case. I saw George

Dawson[9] this evening, and he assured me that Canning had

received ample notice from all these Ministers that they would

not hold office under him, and that if he was appointed Prime

Minister they should resign. Peel told him this three weeks ago:

'that he could not, with a due regard to his own character,

continue in office under a man whose opinions are so diametrically

opposite to his own upon the most important question; that he had

no views of personal ambition, but that as the administration of

Ireland was his peculiar province it was impossible they should

not come into constant collision upon that subject.' They had no

objection to act with Canning, always considering him as one of

the most influential members of the Cabinet, but they could not

hold offices _under_ him. He said that he could not imagine how

Canning with his knowledge could take such a step, and it is

evident that he has no idea of his being able to carry on the

Government at all.

[9] The Right Hon. George Robert Dawson was Secretary of

the Treasury from 1828 to 1830, and was made a Privy

Councillor on resigning that office. He married in 1816

Mary, the eldest daughter of the first Sir Robert Peel,

and was consequently the brother-in-law of Mr. Peel,

the Minister.

April 30th, 1827 {p.095}

From the period of Canning's acceptance of office up to Thursday

night there have been continual negotiations between Canning and

the Whigs, and it is not possible to imagine greater curiosity

and more intense anxiety than have been exhibited during the

interval. The violence and confusion of parties have been

extreme--the new Ministers furious with their old colleagues, the

ex-Ministers equally indignant with those they left behind them.

May 12th, 1827 {p.095}

It is necessary to go back to the first formation of the

Government.[10] As soon as Canning had got the King's commission

he began to negotiate, and the Whigs readily enough entered into

negotiation. The friends of Ministers resigned one after another,

and for some time it seemed very doubtful whether Canning would

be able to form a Government at all. His first measure was,

however, very judicious--that of appointing the Duke of Clarence

Lord High Admiral--nothing served so much to disconcert his

opponents. The negotiations went on (through the Duke of

Devonshire) up to the end of the Easter recess, when Lord

Lansdowne came to town, and after much delay it was announced

that the Whigs would support the new Government, but that none of

them would take office immediately. The places were all filled

up, but the appointments were understood to be only provisional,

and the Duke of Portland, Lord Dudley, and Sturges Bourne were

considered to hold their offices until Lord Lansdowne, Lord

Carlisle, and Tierney should join the Cabinet. With this

arrangement Parliament met, and the rage which had been

accumulating in the minds of the seceders soon burst forth in a

furious attack on this provisional arrangement. The Whigs have

nearly in a body joined Government, with the exception of Lord

Grey in the House of Lords, who in a speech full of eloquence

attacked Canning's political life and character and announced his

intention of remaining neuter. In the meantime it was understood

that there was a reason for Lord Lansdowne not joining Government

immediately, which was not to be made public till that event took

place, and this secret was only imparted to a very few people; it

was even concealed from Brougham and the leaders of the party.

The secret, however, turns out to be this: Lord Lansdowne

insisted upon modelling the Irish Government as he pleased--that

is, in putting a Lord-Lieutenant, a Chancellor, and a Secretary

there favourable to the Catholic claims, to which the King would

not consent. Canning entreated Lord Lansdowne to have patience,

to allow time to elapse, during which the King's scruples might

be removed, and promised that every endeavour should be made to

reconcile the King to the arrangement Lord Lansdowne desired.

After much discussion it was resolved that Lord Lansdowne should

support Government, but that he should not take office until this

point was settled; and so the matter has remained.

[10] [The Cabinet formed by Mr. Canning was thus

constituted:--

Mr. Canning, First Lord of the Treasury and

Chancellor of the Exchequer.

Lord Lyndhurst, Lord High Chancellor.

Earl of Harrowby, Lord President of the Council.

Duke of Portland, Lord Privy Seal, and afterwards the

Earl of Carlisle.

Lord Dudley, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.

Lord Goderich, Secretary of State for Colonial

Affairs and War.

Mr. Sturges Bourne, Secretary of State for the Home

Department (this office was shortly afterwards

transferred to the Marquis of Lansdowne)

Mr. Huskisson, President of the Board of Trade.

Mr. Wynn, President of the Board of Control.

Lord Bexley, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster.

Mr. Tierney, Master of the Mint.

The Duke of Clarence was named Lord High Admiral.

The Office of Commander-in-Chief remained vacant

during the Administration of Mr. Canning. This

Administration lasted ninety-eight days, until the

death of Mr. Canning.]

[Page Head: MR. CANNING'S ADMINISTRATION.]

June 3rd, 1827 {p.096}

Soon after writing this Lord Lansdowne came into the Cabinet,

together with Tierney and Lord Carlisle, M'Donald and Abercromby

also taking places. They found so many objections to the

unsettled state of the Cabinet, and the provisional arrangements

had brought so much odium and ridicule upon the Government, that

it was thought necessary to settle this matter without loss of

time, but Lord Lansdowne would not consent to take the Home

Office except upon the conditions on which he had before

insisted. He therefore came into the Cabinet without a place. But

it is quite evident that the present state of affairs is far from

satisfactory; the Government is not established on a firm or

secure basis, and the members of it are not altogether satisfied

with each other or themselves. Lord Lansdowne particularly does

not feel comfortable where he is, and does not think that he has

been well treated by his own friends. It seems that when first

overtures were made to him by Canning he called a meeting of his

friends at Lansdowne House, at which he declared his own

sentiments and the conditions on which he would join the

Government. The persons there assembled unanimously agreed with

him, but a few days after a meeting was called at Brooks's which

was more numerously attended, and there certain resolutions were

agreed upon which were not in conformity with the opinions

expressed in Lansdowne House, and these resolutions were

communicated to Canning as the sentiments of the great body of

the Whigs, but without the same being imparted to Lord Lansdowne,

who was then at Bowood (this fact I had last night from

Duncannon[11] and Hobhouse[12]). Matters, however, went on

quietly enough till the other night, when the Government was beat

in the House of Lords upon the clause in the Corn Bill, and this

defeat it is obvious has enraged and embarrassed them to the

greatest degree.[13] Duncannon, who is entirely in the confidence

of the moderate Whig party, says that it is impossible the thing

can go on in this way; three Lords in the King's household

(Errol, Macclesfield, and Delawarr) voted against the Bill, and

if they are not dismissed it will be such a proof of the

feebleness of Government as will disgust all the Whigs and make

their support very lukewarm.[14] Burdett, who was more active and

zealous than anybody in bringing about the Coalition, is very

much disgusted already, and there appears altogether such a want

of confidence and unanimity among them as must lead to the

dissolution of the Government unless Canning can by some vigorous

measures establish his credit and convince the world of his

strength. In Ireland the Chancellor[15] has refused to put the

Great Seal to the appointment of Doherty as Solicitor-General. It

is supposed that he will take this occasion to resign, and it

will then be seen what part the King will take in the nomination

of his successor. The King sees numbers of people, talks

incessantly, and does nothing. Canning was with him yesterday

evening, and the result of his audience will be very interesting,

because it will appear whether he has insisted upon, and the King

consented to, the dismissal of the refractory Lords, as well as

what he will do about the Irish Chancellor. Government are

indignant with the Duke of Wellington and the other ex-Ministers

for opposing the Corn Bill, which they had been themselves (when

in office) instrumental in framing, as well as for the use which

the Duke made of Huskisson's letter.

[11] [John William, Viscount Duncannon, afterwards fourth

Earl of Bessborough.]

[12] [Mr. John Cam Hobhouse, M.P. for Westminster,

afterwards Sir John C. Hobhouse, Bart., raised to the

peerage in 1851 by the title of Baron Broughton de

Giffard.]

[13] [It was with reference to this defeat that Canning said

soon afterwards in the House of Commons that 'the Duke

of Wellington had been made the instrument of others

for their own particular views,' and he pledged himself

to bring in another Corn Bill in the following session.

But these were almost the last words uttered by Canning

in Parliament.]

[14] [Lord Delawarr resigned of his own accord, Lord Errol

was obliged to resign, and Lord Macclesfield came over

and voted with Government on the second reading of the

Corn Bill.]

[15] [Lord Manners was still Lord Chancellor of Ireland, as

he had been since 1807. Mr. Doherty was made

Solicitor-General for Ireland on the 18th of June.]

[Page Head: THE ROYAL LODGE.]

June 17th, 1827 {p.098}

I was at the Royal Lodge for one night last Wednesday; about

thirty people sat down to dinner, and the company was changed

nearly every day. It is a delightful place to live in, but the

rooms are too low and too small for very large parties. Nothing

can exceed the luxury of the internal arrangements; the King was

very well and in excellent spirits, but very weak in his knees

and could not walk without difficulty. The evening passed off

tolerably, owing to the Tyrolese, whom Esterhazy brought down to

amuse the King, and he was so pleased with them that he made them

sing and dance before him the whole evening; the women kissed his

face and the men his hand, and he talked to them in German.

Though this evening went off well enough, it is clear that

nothing would be more insupportable than to live at this Court;

the dulness must be excessive, and the people who compose his

habitual society are the most insipid and uninteresting that can

be found. As for Lady Conyngham, she looks bored to death, and

she never speaks, never appears to have one word to say to the

King, who, however, talks himself without ceasing. Canning came

the day I went away, and was very well received by his Majesty;

he looked dreadfully ill. The only thing which interested me was

the account I heard from Francis Conyngham about Knighton. He is

seldom there, and when he comes scarcely stays above a night or

two. But he governs everything about the house, and cannot endure

anybody who is likely to dispute his empire. The King certainly

does not like him, is always happier when he is away, and never

presses him to stay or to return. When he is there he has

constant access to the King at all times and whenever he pleases.

He is on bad terms with Mount Charles, he bullies Lord Conyngham,

and he is barely civil to Lady C.; he knows that Mount Charles is

independent of him, and that the King likes him and admits him

continually and familiarly to his presence, and of this it seems

that he is jealous. I was more struck with one word which dropped

from him than with all he told me of Sir W. Knighton. While the

Tyrolese were dancing and singing, and there was a sort of gay

uproar going on, with which the King was greatly delighted, he

said, 'I would give ten guineas to see Knighton walk into the

room now,' as if it were some master who was absent, and who

should suddenly return and find his family and servants

merrymaking in his absence; it indicates a strange sort of power

possessed by him.

[Page Head: HOSTILITY OF LORD GREY.]

The King was very civil to the Duke of Dorset, and repeatedly

told him that what had passed would make no difference in their

private friendship. In the meantime the Corn Bill has been thrown

out, and I think political animosities are full as strong as

ever, though they have taken rather a sulky than a violent tone.

I had a long conversation with Duncannon yesterday, who is fully

possessed of the sentiments of all the Whigs, and by what he says

it is clear that they are extremely dissatisfied; they want

Canning to display his power by some signal act of authority, and

to show that he is really supported cordially by the King. The

opposite party are persuaded that the King is secretly inclined

to them and averse to his present Government, and this opinion

obtains more or less with the public in consequence of the

impunity with which Canning has been braved by the Chancellor in

Ireland. The appointment of Doherty as Solicitor-General has

never yet passed the Great Seal, and Lord Manners refuses to

sanction it; he has likewise refused to put Sir Patrick Bellew (a

Catholic) in the Commission of the Peace, though he is a

respectable man and he has been strongly pressed to do it even by

Protestants. This refusal so disgusted Duncannon that he was very

near withdrawing his name from the Commission, and if he had his

example would have been followed by many others, but Lord Spencer

dissuaded him from doing so. Lord Grey is in such a state of

irritation that he will hardly speak to any of his old friends,

and he declares that he will never set his foot in Brooks's

again. All this is the more extraordinary, and the vivacity of

his temper the more unaccountable, because he has constantly

declined taking an active part in politics when invited to do so

for a long time past; and whenever Duncannon has asked his advice

or consulted his opinions or wishes, he has invariably referred

him to Lord Lansdowne as the person whom his friends were to look

upon as their leader, asserting that he had withdrawn himself

from public life and would have no more concern with politics.

More than this, when first overtures were made by Canning to the

Whigs, it was the unanimous opinion of all those who have since

joined the Government that Lord Lansdowne and his friends could

not join an Administration of which Peel was to be a member (for

at that time the resignation of Peel was not contemplated as a

probable event), and this opinion was warmly combated by Lord

Grey, who contended that there was no reason why they should not

coalesce with Canning and Peel. What induced him to alter his

opinion so decidedly and to become so bitter an enemy to the

present arrangements does not appear, unless it is to be

attributed to a feeling of pique and resentment at not having

been more consulted, or that overtures were not made to himself.

The pretext he took for declaring himself was the appointment of

Copley to be Chancellor, when he said that it was impossible to

support a Government which had made such an appointment.

July 5th, 1827 {p.101}

The session is over, and has been short but violent enough. There

is apparently a majority against the Ministry in the House of

Lords, though they seem safe in the House of Commons. All depends

upon Canning's prudence and firmness during the recess. As to the

King, he seems desirous of living a quiet life and disposing of

all patronage; public measures and public men are equally

indifferent to him. The Duke of Wellington, who knows him well,

says he does not care a farthing about the Catholic question, but

he does not like to depart from the example of his father and the

Duke of York, to which they owed so much of their popularity. His

conduct is entirely influenced by selfish considerations, and he

neither knows nor cares what measures the exigencies of the

country demand. The present state of parties is so extraordinary

that it cannot last, and it remains to be seen whether Lord Grey

and the other Whigs will reunite themselves to the main body and

support Canning's Government, or whether they will join with the

Tories in their efforts to overturn it. Lord Grey's temper,

irritated by the attacks which have been made on him, seems

likely to urge him to the latter alternative.

July 25th, 1827 {p.102}

Canning is gone to Chiswick, where he has had the lumbago, and

could not go to the Council last week. He is very unwell, and in

a very precarious state, I think. I was at the Council last

Monday week; it was held for the appointment of Lords Lansdowne

and Carlisle, Lord Lansdowne having consented to take the Home

Office, and Lord Carlisle the Privy Seal; the only Cabinet

Ministers present were the four who changed places. It was the

first time the King had given Lord Lansdowne an audience, but I

believe he was very civil to him. The King gave him an account of

the Duke of Buckingham's visit to him (from Dropmore), the result

of which was that he sent his proxy to Lord Goderich, but not

with a good grace.

The Duke of Wellington has been to the Lodge, and great is the

speculation thereupon.[16] It is fiercely debated whether he went

by invitation or not, and how long he stayed. He was only with

the King twenty minutes, for so Prince Leopold, who was there,

told Lambton, who told me. I don't know if he was invited or no.

The King has taken from Prince Leopold the plate that was given,

or, as they now say, lent to him, on his marriage. The Chamberlain

sent to Sir E. Gardiner for it in the Prince's absence, and he

refused to give it up without his Royal Highness's orders, but

the Prince, as soon as he heard of it, ordered it to be sent to

the Chamberlain.

[16] [The causes and consequences of this visit, which was

by invitation from the King, are related in the Duke of

Wellington's 'Correspondence,' New Series, vol. iv.

p. 63 _et seq_.]

The Irish Chancellor has given way about Doherty's appointment,

and put the Great Seal to it before his own resignation. He did

it with a good grace, Lord Lansdowne told me.

We went all over the Castle the other day; his Majesty will not

let anybody see it now. I don't think enough is effected for the

enormous sums expended, though it is a fine and will be a good

house; still, how far (as a palace) from Versailles, St. Cloud,

and the other palaces in France! The external terrace has spoilt

the old one, and is altogether a frightful excrescence, and

should never have been made.

[Page Head: DEATH OF CANNING.]

August 9th, 1827 {p.103}

Canning died yesterday morning at four o'clock. His danger was

only announced on Sunday night, though it had existed from the

preceding Wednesday. When he saw the King on Monday his Majesty

told him he looked very ill, and he replied that 'he did not know

what was the matter with him, but that he was ill all over.'

Nothing could exceed the consternation caused by the announcement

of his danger and the despair of his colleagues. From the first

there was no hope. He was aware of his danger, and said, 'It is

hard upon the King to have to fight the battle over again.' The

Cabinet met on Monday, and great unanimity prevailed among them.

They all agreed to stand by each other in the event of his death.

As soon as it happened Lord Lansdowne went down to Windsor and

saw the King. His Majesty spoke with great affection of Canning,

and said something of the difficulties in which he was again

involved. Lord L. replied that he had come down, as it was his

official duty to do, to announce to him the event; that nothing

could be further from his wish or intention than to elicit from

him any opinion as to the future, and he begged his Majesty would

not say one word upon that subject. The King said that the first

thing he should do would be to show every mark of respect to the

memory and attachment to the person of Canning, and that he

should therefore send for those of his Ministers who had been the

most closely connected with him in public and private life. He

sent immediately for Lord Goderich and Sturges Bourne, who went

down to him when Lord Lansdowne returned.

Yesterday I saw some letters from Mr. Arbuthnot[17] (Gosh) giving

an account of the break-up of the old Government, and of the

reasons by which they had been influenced in resigning. They were

three in number, very violent and indignant, defending the Duke

and attacking Canning, but they contained little more than has

since appeared and been made public. The only fact that appeared

to me of consequence was this: that Peel, though he had resigned

on different grounds, was indignant at the way in which the Duke

had been treated, and was resolved never to take office till full

reparation had been made to him; that Lord Bathurst had begged

Gosh (Mr. Arbuthnot) not to mention this, as it might do harm.

The next letter was a long tirade with a great deal of wrath and

indignation, such as might be expected. He says that they knew

Canning was negotiating with the Whigs while he was pretending

that he wished the old Government to go on; and that in the

course of the negotiation with his old colleagues he offered

Peel, if he would stay with him, to recall the pro-Catholic

Lord-Lieutenant and send a Protestant. Peel wanted the Duke to

give up the army and take the Treasury, which he would not hear

of. He was miserable at the idea, and opposed it so strongly that

they could not press it upon him. However, the Peers--meaning all

the Lords who had made such a stir--applied to the Duke to put

himself at the head of the Government, but he hardly sent an

answer to their application--he would not hear of it.

[17] [Right Hon. Charles Arbuthnot, the most confidential

friend of the Duke of Wellington, with whom he lived.

He was known in society by the nickname of 'Gosh,' by

which he is frequently described in these Journals.]

[Page Head: ANECDOTES OF CANNING.]

I may here introduce some anecdotes of Canning told me by Lord

George Bentinck, his private secretary:--

Some time after they had been in office (after Lord Londonderry's

death) they found in a drawer, which apparently had been

forgotten or overlooked, some papers, which were despatches and

copies of correspondence between Lord Castlereagh and Lord

Stewart. These despatches were very curious, and more particularly

so after his attack last year on Canning for misappropriating the

secret service money, for they gave an account of his own

employment of the secret service money in getting Italian

witnesses for the Queen's trial. There was likewise an account of

the discovery Stewart had made of the treachery of an office

messenger, who had for a long time carried all his despatches to

Metternich before he took them to England, and Lord Stewart says,

'I tremble when I think of the risk which my despatches have

incurred of coming before the House of Commons, as there were

letters of Lord Londonderry's written expressly "to throw dust in

the eyes of the Parliament."' These were his own expressions, and

he said, 'You will understand this and know what to say to

Metternich.' In fact, while Lord Castlereagh was obliged to

pretend to disapprove of the Continental system of the Holy

Alliance he secretly gave Metternich every assurance of his

private concurrence, and it was not till long after Mr. Canning's

accession that Metternich could be persuaded of his sincerity in

opposing their views, always fancying that he was obliged to act

a part as his predecessor had done to keep the House of Commons

quiet.

From the moment Mr. Canning came into the Cabinet he laboured to

accomplish the recognition of the South American Republics, but

all the Cabinet were against him except Lord Liverpool, and the

King would not hear of it. The King was supported in his

opposition by the Duke of Wellington and by Lieven and Esterhazy,

whom he used to have with him; and to them he inveighed against

Canning for pressing this measure. The Duke of Wellington and

those Ambassadors persuaded his Majesty that if he consented it

would produce a quarrel between him and his allies, and involve

him in inextricable difficulties. Canning, who knew all this,

wrote to Mrs. Canning in terms of great bitterness, and said if

the King did not take care he would not let him see these

Ambassadors except in his presence, and added, 'I can tell his

Majesty that his father would never have acted in such a manner.'

At length after a long contest, in the course of which Peel came

round to him, he resolved to carry the measure or resign. After a

battle in the Cabinet which lasted three hours, and from which he

came heated, exhausted, and indignant, he prepared a memorial to

the King, and Lord Liverpool another, in which they tendered

their resignations, alleging at length their reasons, and this

they submitted to the Cabinet the following day. When their

colleagues found they were in earnest they unanimously surrendered,

and agreed upon a declaration to the King that they would all

resign unless the measure was adopted. This communication was

made to his Majesty by the Duke of Wellington, who told him that

he found Canning was in earnest, and that the Government could

not go on without him, and he must give way. The King accordingly

gave way, but with a very ill grace.[18] When he saw Canning he

received him very ill, and in a letter to him signifying his

assent to the measure he said that it must be his business to

have it carried into effect in the best way it would admit of.

Canning took fire at the ungracious tone of the letter, and wrote

for answer that he feared he was not honoured with that

confidence which it was necessary that the King should have in

his Ministers, and that his Majesty had better dismiss him at

once. The King sent no answer, but a gracious message, assuring

him he had mistaken his letter, and desiring he would come to the

Cottage, when he received him very well. From that time he grew

in favour, for when the King found that none of the evils

predicted of this measure had come to pass, and how it raised the

reputation of his Minister, he liked it very well, and Canning

dexterously gave him all the praise of it, so that he soon

fancied it had originated with himself, and became equally

satisfied with himself and with Canning.

[18] [The memorial of Mr. Canning on this subject, the

counter-opinions of the Duke of Wellington, and the

King's minute upon them have been published in the

second volume of the New Series of the 'Duke of

Wellington's Correspondence,' pp. 354, 364, and 402.]

Canning concealed nothing from Mrs. Canning, nor from Charles

Ellis. When absent from Mrs. C. he wrote everything to her in the

greatest detail. Canning's industry was such that he never left a

moment unemployed, and such was the clearness of his head that he

could address himself almost at the same time to several

different subjects with perfect precision and without the least

embarrassment. He wrote very fast, but not fast enough for his

mind, composing much quicker than he could commit his ideas to

paper. He could not bear to dictate, because nobody could write

fast enough for him; but on one occasion, when he had the gout in

his hand and could not write, he stood by the fire and dictated

at the same time a despatch on Greek affairs to George Bentinck

and one on South American politics to Howard de Walden, each

writing as fast as he could, while he turned from one to the

other without hesitation or embarrassment.

August 10th, 1827 {p.107}

The Cabinet sat yesterday morning and again at night. It is

generally believed that Lord Goderich will succeed Canning at the

Treasury, and Lord Lansdowne has no objection to serve under him.

The Tories were full of hope and joy at first, but in proportion

as they were elated at first so were they dejected yesterday,

when they found that the King sent for Lord Goderich and not for

the Duke of Wellington. He never seems to have thought of the

Duke at all. It will all be out to-day or to-morrow. The Tories

may now give the King up. They have taken leave of office, except

Peel, who will come in some day or other.

[They remained out of office five months. What a prophecy!--

_January 28th, 1828_.]

[Page Head: WELLINGTON'S OPINION OF CANNING.]

The Duke of Wellington talked of Canning the other day a great

deal at my mother's. He said his talents were astonishing, his

compositions admirable, that he possessed the art of saying

exactly what was necessary and passing over those topics on which

it was not advisable to touch, his fertility and resources

inexhaustible. He thought him the finest speaker he had ever

heard; though he prided himself extremely upon his compositions,

he would patiently endure any criticisms upon such papers as he

submitted for the consideration of the Cabinet, and would allow

them to be altered in any way that was suggested; he (the Duke)

particularly had often 'cut and hacked' his papers, and Canning

never made the least objection, but was always ready to adopt the

suggestions of his colleagues. It was not so, however, in

conversation and discussion. Any difference of opinion or dissent

from his views threw him into ungovernable rage, and on such

occasions he flew out with a violence which, the Duke said, had

often compelled him to be silent that he might not be involved in

bitter personal altercation. He said that Canning was usually

very silent in the Cabinet, seldom spoke at all, but when he did

he maintained his opinions with extraordinary tenacity. He said

that he was one of the idlest of men. This I do not believe, for

I have always heard that he saw everything and did everything

himself. Not a despatch was received that he did not read, nor

one written that he did not dictate or correct.

[Page Head: COUNCIL AT WINDSOR.]

August 20th, 1827 {p.108}

There was a Council at Windsor Castle on Friday last, which was a

very curious scene. What I saw puzzled me very much till matters

have since been explained to me.

On Tuesday morning Drummond, Lord Goderich's private secretary,

came to me at my office and told me the Council would be held on

Friday, and that Herries was to be appointed Chancellor of the

Exchequer and was going down that day with Lord Goderich to

Windsor. Accordingly when I arrived at the Castle I found Herries

in the room, and I asked him if he was to take an oath as

Chancellor of the Exchequer, because there was none in the

oath-book for Chancellor, but one for the Treasurer of the

Exchequer, and whether he was to take that. He said he did not

know, upon which I asked Wynn if he knew. He did not; when we all

agreed to wait till Lord Bexley came,[19] and enquire of him what

he had done. When Lord Bexley arrived we asked him, and he said

that Herries would only be sworn then as a Privy Councillor, and

must take the oath of Chancellor of Exchequer in the Court of

Exchequer. Shortly after we walked round the Castle, and some

conversation occurring about the elevation of the Round Tower,

which Wyattville was anxious to accomplish, Herries said to him,

'But it is my business now to ask you what you will do it for,

how much it will cost. Will you do it for £10,000?' Wyattville

said, 'You must give me £15,000,' so that I could have no doubt

that Herries was Chancellor of the Exchequer. In the meantime all

the Ministers arrived, the whole Cabinet being present except the

Chancellor and Lord Anglesey, who arrived afterwards. As soon as

Lord Goderich and Lord Lansdowne were come they retired into the

next room and had a long conference. Shortly afterwards the King

came, when Lord Goderich went into his room. He stayed some time,

when the Duke of Portland went in, then Herries. When Lord

Goderich came out he had another conference with Lord Lansdowne,

at the end of which he went again to the King. He came out, and

at the end of three-quarters of an hour went a third time, and

after him Herries a second time, and with him Lord Bexley.

Another very animated conversation took place between Lord

Lansdowne and Lord Goderich, when the latter went to the King a

fourth time, and after him Lord Lansdowne, Goderich whispering

something to him as he went in. Previous to this I remarked a

conference between Lord Lansdowne, Goderich, and Carlisle, after

which Carlisle took Tierney into the next room, evidently

communicating what had passed. Something was clearly going on,

but I could not make out what. I fancied that Lord Lansdowne

insisted upon Lord Holland's being in the Cabinet. Yesterday,

however, I discovered that it was all about Herries and his

appointment. The appointment was the King's, with whom Herries

had ingratiated himself by transacting some of his pecuniary

business, and getting odds and ends for him out of _droits_, &c.

The King then named him, and Goderich made no objection. Herries

came to Windsor, not doubting but that he was to receive the

seals, which in fact Goderich brought down with him on purpose.

Lord Lansdowne, however, declared that he would not consent to

the appointment, and hence arose all the conferences and

audiences for which I could not account at the time. The Whigs

dislike Herries' politics, and still more do they object to the

King taking upon himself to nominate the members of the

Government without consulting his Ministers. They are determined

to resist this nomination, and the consequence of Lord Lansdowne's

remonstrance was the suspension at least of the appointment. Such

is the state of affairs, and not a very agreeable state

certainly.

[19] [Lord Bexley as Mr. Vansittart had been Chancellor of

the Exchequer, from 1812 to 1823.]

The Whigs are satisfied of the candour, fairness, and plain

dealing of Goderich, but dissatisfied with his facility and want

of firmness. The King is grasping at power and patronage, and

wants to take advantage of the weakness of the Government and

their apparent dependence upon him to exercise all the authority

which ought to belong to the Ministers. The Whigs are not easy in

their places. They feel that they are not treated with the

consideration to which they are entitled. But they have got too

far to recede, and they evidently are alarmed lest, if they

exasperate the King, he should accept their resignation and form

a Government by a junta of the old Tories with the rest of his

Administration, by which their exclusion would be made certain

and perpetual. I find that the Duke of Portland was likewise

named by the King himself. They do not object to the Duke, on the

contrary, but they object greatly to his being so appointed. All

this I have from Tierney, who added, if the Duke had been

proposed to the King by Lord Goderich, not a member of the

Cabinet would have objected, but they don't like his being named

by the King. At the end of the Council, on Friday, Lord Anglesey

arrived, having travelled day and night, and brought with him the

Duke of Wellington's acceptance of the command of the army.

Altogether it was a day of unusual interest, and unlike the

dulness of ordinary Councils.

[Page Head: MR. HERRIES' APPOINTMENT.]

September 1st, 1827 {p.110}

Since the Council on the 17th the affair of Herries has still

been going on. It appears that when Goderich went into the King

(at the Council) to announce to him the objection that had been

raised, his Majesty was very angry, angry at having been so

committed and at being obliged to give up a nomination he liked.

Herries naturally felt himself very ill treated and nettled by

the attacks upon him in the newspapers. He has ever since

insisted upon being admitted to the Cabinet as the only thing

which could afford due reparation to his honour, and prove that

he had not been rejected for the reasons which had been assigned.

This the Ministers opposed, and it was at length determined that

this matter should rest till Huskisson's return. Huskisson agreed

with his colleagues about Herries, went to the King, and spoke to

him openly and firmly on the subject. The King consented that

another arrangement should be made; the one proposed was, that

Sturges Bourne should be Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Herries

take the Woods and Forests without a seat in the Cabinet.

Herries, who had constantly refused to accede to any arrangement

by which he was to be excluded from the Cabinet, said he would

consider of it; but in the meantime Sturges took fright, and

refused to take the Exchequer. In vain Huskisson offered to take

all the trouble on himself, and they all tried to persuade

Sturges. He would not do it, and so this arrangement fell to the

ground. They went again to the King yesterday to report progress

and state to him what had occurred. When they came back

(Goderich, Huskisson, Sturges, Herries, and the Chancellor)

Goderich wrote a long letter to Lord Lansdowne, and he is to go

to the King again this evening.

I had a long conversation with Tierney yesterday, and I find that

the Whig Ministers are sick to death of their situation and

anxious to resign. They think they are not treated with the

consideration which is due to them whether as individuals or as

the representatives of a great party who are supporting the

Government. Then they think Goderich has behaved so ill in this

affair that they can have no confidence in him. They believe so

much in the integrity of his character that they do not suspect

him of any duplicity in what has passed, but his conduct has been

marked by such deplorable weakness as shows how unfit he is for

the situation he occupies. He has acted equally ill to the King,

to his colleagues, and to Herries himself. The history of the

transaction is this:--While Goderich was Chancellor of the

Exchequer Herries was the man upon whose assistance he relied to

carry on the business of his office, and who in fact did it all

for him. As soon as he was at the head of the Treasury he

felt that Herries would be equally necessary to him, and he

accordingly pressed him to take the office of Chancellor of the

Exchequer, which Herries declined. After repeated solicitations,

Herries told him that he had no objection to belong to his

Government, and that he would take the office of Vice-President

of the Board of Trade, and do all his Treasury business for him

(this is the account of Herries' friends, which seems to me

somewhat doubtful), though he did not wish to be in the Cabinet.

At last, however, Goderich prevailed on Herries to let him

propose him to the King, which was done. The appointment was

particularly agreeable to the King, who wrote a letter with his

own hand to Herries, desiring him to take the place. When

Goderich returned to town, with this letter in his pocket, he

went (before he delivered it) to the Cabinet, and then mentioning

Herries, without saying what had passed, he found that the

Cabinet would not approve of the appointment, on which he went to

Herries, and said that he found that it would not do, and begged

him to allow his appointment to be cancelled. Herries told him

that he had never desired it, and was quite ready to give it up.

As soon as Herries had agreed to give it up Goderich pulls out of

his pocket the King's letter, and says, 'By-the-by, here is a

letter which I ought to have given you before.' When Herries had

read this letter he said, 'This puts me quite in another

situation, and though I am still ready to give up being

Chancellor of the Exchequer, I must have my conduct explained to

the King, and you must take me down to Windsor to-morrow for that

purpose.' This Goderich refused to do, when Herries said he

should go down by himself. He did so, and then passed all which I

have described above in the account of the Council on the 19th. I

ought to have mentioned, as not the least curious circumstance of

the Council, that in the middle of it the King sent for Sir

William Knighton, who was closeted with him for an hour. I see

this account is not altogether the same as the preceding, a proof

of the inaccuracy of anecdotes and historical facts whenever they

differ. This is the true one.

Henry de Ros told me that he saw George Dawson, Peel's

brother-in-law, at Brighton, who told him that he believed there

was nobody the King was more exasperated against than Peel, and

for this reason:--When the late Government (Canning's) was

forming, Peel went to the King, and in reply to his desire that

he should form a part of it told him he could not continue in any

Government the head of which was a supporter of Catholic

Emancipation. The King proposed to him to remain, with a secret

pledge and promise from him that the question should not be

carried. This of course Peel refused, and the King, who construed

his rejection of the disgraceful proposal as conveying a doubt of

his word, dismissed him with much resentment.

[Page Head: LORD LANSDOWNE AND THE KING.]

September 15th, 1827

Taking up the account from where I left off, Goderich went to the

King, and it was settled Herries was to be Chancellor of the

Exchequer. He returned and wrote to Lord Lansdowne entreating him

to acquiesce. Lord Lansdowne went to the King, and the result of

his interview was that he retained office together with his

friends. He wrote a letter to one of them, which he intended

might be communicated to others, giving an account of his conduct

and motives. I saw this letter. He said the King received him

very well and spared no entreaties to him to keep office. The

King said that he was most anxious the present Government should

continue on every account, but more particularly on account of

what was now passing on the Continent; that Lord Lansdowne's

holding office was indispensable for this object, and he asked

him in his own name and for the sake of the country not to

resign; that what had occurred had arisen out of a series of

blunders which, 'let me say,' he added, 'were neither yours nor

mine.' Lord Lansdowne said it was put to him in such a way that

he could not do otherwise; that he had insisted with Goderich

that Stanley and Mackintosh[20] should be employed. This was the

pith of his letter. I have been with Huskisson for a week in the

country; he is in good health and excellent spirits. Capo

d'Istria was there, going to Greece. Huskisson told me he wanted

money. He owned to me that he considered Greece as a great

humbug. I discovered from what he said that they only interfered

that they might keep the Russians quiet and prevent a war between

Russia and Turkey. The Sultan had announced his intention of

sending any Minister to the Seven Towers who should communicate

the treaty to him.[21] Everything is now quiet for the moment,

and will probably continue so till the meeting of Parliament.

[20] [Mr Stanley, afterwards Earl of Derby, had taken office

under Mr. Canning, and was Under-Secretary of State for

the Colonies from April 1827 till January 1828. Lord

Lansdowne must have recommended him for a higher

office.]

[21] [The Treaty of London for the Settlement of the Affairs

of Greece was signed by England, France, and Russia on

the 7th of July, 1827. It was of course received with

indignation by the Porte, and led three months

afterwards to the battle of Navarino, which was fought

on the 20th of October.]

December 13th, 1827 {p.114}

Three months have passed since the above was written. I went to

Doncaster and Chatsworth, then to Newmarket, and returned to town

the middle of last month. The battle of Navarino has been fought,

and after three weeks' expectation we know very little about the

matter. The strong part of the Cabinet, with Huskisson at the

head, are for letting things take their course, and for suffering

Russia to go to war with Turkey, and leaving it to her to enforce

the articles of the Treaty of London. The plan is that Russia

should occupy Moldavia and Wallachia; that the terms should then

be offered to the Sultan, and that on his yielding the Greek

independence these provinces should be evacuated by the Russians;

this is what they propose that our mediation shall effect. In the

meantime the Ministers are uneasy about the approaching meeting

of Parliament. They anticipate a violent opposition in the House

of Lords; they are by no means sure of a majority in that House,

and there is not one among them who has spirit and character

enough to face it. Lord Dudley is terrified to the greatest

degree at the notion of being attacked by Lord Grey. Then, though

they are not disunited, they derive no strength from mutual

co-operation and support, and the tone which the King has assumed,

and the peremptory manner in which he has claimed the disposal of

every sort of patronage, is both a proof of the weakness of

Government, a source of discord among themselves, and the cause

of distrust mixed with contempt on the part of many of their

friends. The King and the Duke of Clarence made the promotions

and dispensed the honours after the battle of Navarino without

consulting the Ministers. The King gave Sumner the Bishopric of

Winchester in the same way,[22] and there is a very general

opinion that the Cabinet is weak, that they do not act together

with cordiality, that they have neither energy nor authority, and

are not likely to keep their places. It has been currently

reported that they would willingly have censured Codrington, and

have thrown the responsibility of the battle from their own

shoulders upon his, if they had dared, but that they were

prevented by the precipitate approbation expressed by the King.

These things are greatly exaggerated, but are not without

foundation.

[22] [_Vide supra_, p. 45, when Lord Liverpool caused the

nomination of Mr. Sumner to a canonry of Windsor to be

cancelled, because he had not been consulted. The King

took the earliest opportunity of appointing him to the

See of Llandaff, whence he was soon afterwards

translated to that of Winchester. He died in 1874.]

[Page Head: LORD GODERICH'S RESIGNATION.]

December 15th, 1827

The Ministry is at an end. Goderich resigned either by letter to

the King yesterday or at the Council on Thursday. They have been

going on ill together for some time. Goderich has no energy, and

his colleagues are disgusted at his inefficiency, and at the

assumption by the King of all power in disposing of patronage.

Huskisson is away, and wishes to be out. They are embarrassed

with the Greek question, and have to meet Parliament with an

immense deficiency in the revenue. This state of things and

mutual irritation and dissatisfaction have at length produced

Goderich's resignation. Yesterday the Chancellor, Dudley, and

Huskisson were backwards and forwards to the King all day, and

when he went to Windsor at half-past five they were still in the

Palace, and he left them there in consultation. He is gone, but

Knighton remains behind to negotiate and communicate. In the

meantime I find that the King is quite mad upon the Catholic

question, and that his real desire is to get rid of the Whigs,

take back the Duke of Wellington, and make an anti-Catholic

Government. This seems to be quite impossible in the present

state of affairs, but a few days will probably produce some

decisive change.

1828.

January 2nd, 1828 {p.116}

As soon as Lord Goderich had resigned they sent to Lord Harrowby

and offered him the Premiership. He came to town directly, and

went to the King, but refused the place. His refusal was

immediately known, and of course there were a variety of

conjectures and opinions afloat as to the man who would be

chosen. A few days, however, put an end to these, for it was

announced, to the astonishment of everybody, that Goderich had

returned to town, and that he would not resign. Here ended this

matter, which made a great noise for a few days; but the effects

of what passed are yet to be seen when Parliament meets. The

injury which Goderich's conduct has done to the Government is

incalculable, for it has brought them into such low estimation

that it is the general opinion they will not be able to retain

their places, and there are a great variety of persons in both

Houses of Parliament who are disposed to withdraw from them the

support which they did give to Canning's Government, and which

they were previously inclined to give to this. As matters now

stand they do not themselves know upon whom they can count, nor

who are their friends and who their foes. They are, however, to

have Lord Holland in the Cabinet, to help them on in the House of

Lords, but it is very doubtful whether his appointment will not

lead to the resignation of some of the Tory members of the

Government and the secession of some of its Tory supporters.

Nothing can exceed the alarm which they feel at the prospect of

the approaching contest in Parliament, and thus, full of fears

and weakness, neither inspiring nor feeling confidence, there

seems a bad chance of their getting through the session.

I have heard no more of the King and of his intentions, except

that he said he did not see why he was to be the only gentleman

in his dominions who was not to eat his Christmas dinner in

quiet, and he was determined he would. Don Miguel has been with

him at the Cottage these two days. He has been received with

great magnificence; they say he behaves well enough, but is very

shy. He went out stag-hunting in red coat and full hunting

costume, and rode over the fences like anybody else.

M'Gregor told me the other day that not one of the physicians and

surgeons who attended the Duke of York through his long and

painful illness had ever received the smallest remuneration,

although their names and services had been laid before the King.

He told me in addition that during sixteen years that he attended

the Duke and his whole family he never received one guinea by way

of fee or any payment whatever.

[Page Head: MR. BROUGHAM AT PANSHANGER.]

About three weeks ago I passed a few days at Panshanger, where I

met Brougham; he came from Saturday till Monday morning, and from

the hour of his arrival to that of his departure he never ceased

talking. The party was agreeable enough--Luttrell, Rogers, &c.--

but it was comical to see how the latter was provoked at

Brougham's engrossing all the talk, though he could not help

listening with pleasure. Brougham is certainly one of the most

remarkable men I ever met; to say nothing of what he is in the

world, his almost childish gaiety and animal spirits, his humour

mixed with sarcasm, but not ill-natured, his wonderful information,

and the facility with which he handles every subject, from the

most grave and severe to the most trifling, displaying a mind

full of varied and extensive information and a memory which has

suffered nothing to escape it, I never saw any man whose

conversation impressed me with such an idea of his superiority

over all others. As Rogers said the morning of his departure,

'this morning Solon, Lycurgus, Demosthenes, Archimedes, Sir Isaac

Newton, Lord Chesterfield, and a great many more went away in one

post chaise.' He told us a great many details relating to the

Queen's trial, and amongst other things (which I do not believe)

his conviction that the Queen had never had any intrigue with

Bergami. He told us the whole story of his finding out the

departure of Rastelli, which happened from a friend of his

accidentally seeing Rastelli in the street, recognising him, and

telling Brougham.[23] Brougham told none of his colleagues, and

at first did not believe the story, but by putting artful

questions, and watching their effect, he found it was so, and

then out he came with it. There was a grand discussion whether

they should not throw up their briefs and stop there, and he was

all for it, but was overruled and gave way. The person who was

most anxious they should go on was Lord Grey, for he had got a

notion that they could not any of them speak to evidence, and he

wanted to make such a speech, which he fancied he could do very

well. Brougham said that as leading counsel for the Queen he

always reserved to himself the power of acting as he thought fit,

whatever the opinions of his colleagues might be, though they

always consulted together and gave their sentiments upon every

debated point _seriatim_. He and Denman invariably thought alike.

The Queen never could bear him, and was seldom civil to him. When

she had to answer the address of the House of Commons she

appealed to her counsel for their advice, which they declined to

give, and she was furious, for she wanted to make them advise her

to accept the propositions of the House, which would have been

very unpopular, and then throw the odium of doing so on them.[24]

He spoke very highly of Alderman Wood, who behaved very well,

never annoyed or interfered with them, and seems to have been

altogether a _brave homme_.

[23] [For the use made by Mr. Brougham of the accidental

departure of Rastelli during the Queen's trial _vide

supra_, p. 37, October 15, 1820.]

[24] [This was the address moved by Mr. Wilberforce on the

22nd of June, 1820 (_vide supra_, p. 30, June 23rd,

1820). Lord Brougham states in his 'Memoirs' that the

Queen resolved to reject the advice of Parliament

without consulting her lawyers. In one of Lord

Brougham's letters written at the time he calls Wood

'the ass and alderman called _Thistle_-wood,' and

attributed to him the intrigue which brought the Queen

to England.]

If it had been possible to recollect all that Brougham said on

this and a hundred other subjects, it would be well worth writing

down, but such talk is much too evanescent, and I remember no

more.

[Page Head: CHARACTER OF MR. BROUGHAM.]

After all Brougham is only a living and very remarkable instance

of the inefficacy of the most splendid talents, unless they are

accompanied with other qualities, which scarcely admit of

definition, but which must serve the same purpose that ballast

does for a ship. Brougham has prospered to a certain degree; he

has a great reputation and he makes a considerable income at the

bar; but as an advocate he is left behind by men of far inferior

capacity, whose names are hardly known beyond the precincts of

their courts or the boundaries of their circuits. As a statesman

he is not considered eligible for the highest offices, and

however he may be admired or feared as an orator or debater, he

neither commands respect by his character nor inspires confidence

by his genius, and in this contrast between his pretensions and

his situation more humble abilities may find room for consolation

and cease to contemplate with envy his immense superiority. To

suppose that his ambition can be satisfied in the possession of

natural and acquired powers far greater than the majority of

mankind would be contrary to all experience. Such men consider

their acquirements as means for the attainment of greater ends,

and the disappointments which they frequently meet with in the

pursuit of their objects of ambition more than counteract all the

feelings of pride and satisfaction which conscious superiority is

calculated to inspire. The life of a politician is probably one

of deep mortification, for the race is not always to the swift

nor the battle to the strong, and few things can be more galling

than to see men far inferior to ourselves enabled by fortune and

circumstances to attain what we toil after in vain, and to learn

from our own experience how many things there are in this life of

greater practical utility than splendid abilities and unwearied

industry.

London, January 19th, 1828 {p.120}

The Ministry is at last settled, and now for its history. Early

in last week Goderich went down to the King and told him there

was such a quarrel in the Cabinet between Huskisson and Herries

about the Finance Committee that both could not remain, and that

Huskisson would resign if he had not his own way. The King was

furious at this new disturbance, and said he could not understand

it; if Huskisson resigned, the Government was at an end. 'Go,' he

ended, 'and send the Chancellor to me.' The Chancellor [Lord

Lyndhurst] went, and was desired to bring the Duke of Wellington.

The Government was dissolved and the King desired the Duke to

form a new one. All this was immediately known, and first it was

asked, 'What is the quarrel between Huskisson and Herries which

broke up the old Cabinet?' The friends of each put about a story,

one of which appeared in the 'Times,' the other in the 'Morning

Chronicle.' The question was Lord Althorp's appointment as

chairman of the Finance Committee. Huskisson's story is this:--In

November Tierney went to Goderich and proposed Althorp as a good

man to be in the chair of that Committee. Goderich assented, and

said, 'But you had better speak to Huskisson about it, as it is a

House of Commons matter.' He did so, and Huskisson approved of

it. A few days after Tierney called on Huskisson and found

Herries with him, when they discussed the matter generally, as

well as the particular appointment of Althorp, and Herries made

no objection, and, as they thought, agreed with them; but shortly

after Herries went to Goderich, complained that this matter had

been settled without his knowledge and concurrence, that it was a

slight put upon him, and said he would not agree to Althorp's

nomination, nor stay in office if it were persisted in.

[Page Head: HOSTILITY OF HERRIES.]

This is one story, told me by Sefton, who had it (I am sure) from

Brougham, and _verbatim_ the same by Robarts, who had it (he told

me himself) from Tierney. Herries' story only differs in this: it

omits the interview between the three Ministers, and declares the

matter was never mentioned to him at all till they had decided on

it, when it was shown him as a plan which was not to be

discussed, but which he was at once to assent to. It appears

difficult to know which to believe, and at first my impression

was that they had probably not treated Herries with as much

consideration as he was entitled to as Finance Minister, and that

he had been prone to take offence and touchy from old recollections,

which were probably not effaced. But a circumstance I heard

afterwards convinced me that Herries has been all along full of

ill-will towards his colleagues, and not a little desirous of

breaking up the Ministry. When he found, too, with what

difficulties they would have to contend in Parliament and the

weakness of Goderich, he probably thought they would never be

able to go on, and was not sorry to find an opportunity of

accelerating their dissolution. The circumstance is this:--In the

old business of his appointment to the Chancellorship of the

Exchequer, when he thought he was _not_ to be appointed, he wrote

to Arbuthnot telling him how ill he had been treated, and

promising to send him all the correspondence on the subject.

Subsequently he _was_ appointed, when he wrote again to A.,

saying that as it was settled and he was appointed, he did not

think it would be right to send him the correspondence, which he

was sure he would understand; that there he was, and he should do

his best to act cordially with his new colleagues; but he

finished, 'I shall hail the day which brings all of you back

again.' Such an expression to a man who was the bitterest enemy

of the Government of which he was a member did not evince much

cordiality towards his colleagues.

[Page Head: MR. HUSKISSON'S POSITION.]

The first thing to be done by the Duke was to negotiate with

Huskisson. He sent forthwith for his own friends, Peel, Lord

Bathurst, and Melville, and for many days the great question was

whether Huskisson would join or not, the Whigs of course most

anxious he should refuse, the new Government ready to make great

concessions to tempt him to join them. He has acceded, however,

but much to the disgust of many of his friends, some of whom

think he has behaved shabbily in abandoning the Whigs, who

supported him, and who had supported Canning at his utmost need.

Some think he was pledged never to act with the men who they

consider to have behaved so ill to Canning, and some think he has

compromised his dignity and independence by not insisting on

higher terms, particularly the lead in the House of Commons. At

present the exact terms of his bargain are not known, and without

being acquainted with all that has passed _de part et d'autre_ it

is impossible to form a judgment as to the wisdom or the fairness

of his conduct. Those who think he would have acted a wiser part

and have made himself of greater importance by heading a third

party in the House of Commons and keeping aloof, judge too

hastily. He would have been followed by all those who call

themselves Canning's personal friends, and probably by a

considerable body of neutrals, who would not have been disposed

to support a Tory Government, and still less to join a Whig

Opposition. But however weak the Ministry (without Huskisson)

might have appeared at first sight in the House of Commons, it

would very possibly have proved stronger than was imagined.

Strength and weakness are relative terms, and it remained to be

seen what sort of power would have been brought against it, and

to what attacks the Government would have exposed itself. The old

Tory Ministry, which was voted out for incapacity by the House of

Commons, was the strongest and longest that we have seen for many

years, though opposed by all the talent and power of an

Opposition more formidable than this can be. To be sure it must

always be remembered that they floated through their difficulties

on the tide of the Duke of Wellington's victories. Of all the

party who would have ranged themselves under Huskisson, only

Canning's friends, a select few, would have considered themselves

bound to him, and the rest, if they found the Government strong

and likely to last, would probably have dropped off and gradually

joined it. In that case Huskisson would never have been able to

treat as an independent power, and though they might have been

glad to take him into the Administration, he could not have made

his own terms. I do not think he ever could have looked to

overturning the Tory Government and coming in with the whole body

of the Whigs, for he has no natural partiality (any more than

Canning had) for that party, and he is fully aware how odious

they are to the King and how unpopular in the country, which is

always more inclined to the Tories than to them. If the Tories

have agreed to those measures (except the Catholic question, for

that is to remain on its old footing) which he deems necessary,

and of which he is the author--that is, of Free Trade, &c.--he

would probably rather act with them than with the Whigs; and in

joining Government he is liable to no reproach but that of having

shaken off his Whig colleagues too easily. But it remains to be

proved whether they could have gone on, and at all events Lords

Lansdowne and Carlisle might have remained in office if they

pleased, though certainly it was not probable that they would do

so. The part of the transaction which will appear extraordinary

is, that the Government having been broken up by a quarrel

between Huskisson and Herries, the opposite party come in and

both these Ministers remain with them. In private life the

transaction would look very like a fraud, and be open to great

suspicion. It would appear as if they had got up a sham quarrel

in order to get out their colleagues and stay in themselves with

the Tories. This, however, I believe not to have been the case,

at least as far as Huskisson is concerned, though perhaps Herries

may not be altogether so clear.