For the planning, attention must be paid to different points of view of
a practical, political, and psychological nature. Considering it most
soberly, the simplest way would be the following: Aided by the X-ray
battalion we could reach the entire population, German and Polish, of
the Gau during the first half of 1943. As to the Germans, the treatment
and isolation are to be prepared and carried out according to the
regulations of tuberculosis relief. The approximately 35,000 Poles who
are incurable and infectious will be “specially treated.” All other
Polish consumptives will be subjected to an appropriate cure in order to
save them for work and to avoid their causing contagion.
According to your request I made arrangements with the offices in
question, in order to start and carry out this radical procedure within
half a year. You told me that the competent office agreed with you as to
this “special treatment” and promised support. Before we definitely
start the program, I think it would be correct if you would make sure
once more that the Fuehrer will really agree to such a solution.
I could imagine that the Fuehrer, having some time ago stopped the
program in the insane asylums, might at this moment consider a “special
treatment” of the incurably sick as unsuitable, and irresponsible from a
political point of view. As regards the Euthanasia Program it was a
question of people of German nationality afflicted with hereditary
diseases. Now it is a question of infected sick people of a subjugated
nation.
There can be no doubt that the intended program is the most simple and
most radical solution. If absolute secrecy could be guaranteed, all
scruples—regardless of what nature—could be overcome. But I consider
maintaining secrecy impossible. Experience has taught that this
assumption is true. Should these sick persons, having been brought, as
planned, to the old Reich supposedly to be treated or healed, actually
never return, the relatives of these sick persons in spite of the
greatest secrecy would some day notice “that something was not quite
right”. One must take into consideration that there are many Polish
workers in the old Reich who will inquire as to the whereabouts of their
relatives; that there are a certain number of Germans related to or
allied by marriage with Poles who could in this way learn of the
transports of the sick. Very soon more definite news of this program
would leak out which would be taken up by enemy propaganda. The
Euthanasia Program taught in which manner this was done and which
methods were used. This new program could be used better politically, as
it concerns persons of a subjugated nation. The Church will not remain
silent either. Nor will people stop at discussing this program. Certain
interested circles will spread the rumor among the people that similar
methods are also to be used in the future for German consumptives—even,
that one can count on more or less all incurably ill being done away
with in the future. In connection with this I recall the recurring
recent foreign broadcast in connection with the appointment of Professor
Brandt as commissioner general spreading the news that he was ordered to
attend as little as possible to the healing of the seriously sick, but
all the more to healing the less sick. And there are more than enough
people who listen to illegal broadcasts.
Furthermore, it is to be taken into consideration that the planned
proceeding will provide excellent propaganda material for our enemies,
not only as regards the Italian physicians and scientists, but also as
regards all the Italian people in consequence of their strong Catholic
ties. It is also beyond all doubt that the enemy will mobilize all the
physicians of the world. And this will be all the more easy as the
general age-old conception of medical duty practice is “to keep alive
the poor and guiltless patient as long as possible and to allay his
suffering.”
Therefore, I think it necessary to explain all these points of view to
the Fuehrer before undertaking the program, as, in my opinion, he is the
only one able to view the entire complex and to come to a decision.
Should the Fuehrer decline the radical solution, preparations for
another way must be made. An exclusive settlement of all Polish
consumptives, both incurable and curable, would be one possibility of
assuring an isolation of the infected. One could settle with them their
immediate relatives, if they so desire, so that nursing and livelihood
would be assured. As regards labor commitment, besides agriculture and
forestry certain branches of industry could be developed in such
territories. I cannot judge whether you can conceive such a possibility
within your Gau. I also could imagine the creation of a common area for
the settlement of the consumptives not only of your Gau, but also of the
districts of Danzig-West Prussia, of the administrative district of
Zichenau and of the province of Upper Silesia. In order to avoid
unnecessary overtaxing of public means of transport, the transfer could
be accomplished by walking. This would be a solution that world
propaganda could hardly use against us, and one, on the other hand, that
would not arouse any of those stupid rumors in our own country.
Another solution to be taken into consideration would be a strict
isolation of all the infectious and incurable consumptives, without
exception, in nursing establishments. This solution would lead to the
comparatively rapid death of the sick. With the necessary addition of
Polish doctors and nursing personnel, the character of a pure death camp
would be somewhat mitigated.
The following Polish accommodation possibilities are at present
available in your Gau:
Nursing Home Walrode 400 beds
Nursing Home “Grote Wiese” 300 beds
Smaller establishments 200 beds
Liebstadt barracks, district of Leslau as of 1 Jan 1943 1,000 beds
—————
Total 1,900 beds
Should the radical solution, i. e., proposal No. 1, be out of question,
the necessary conditions for proposals 2 or 3 must be created.
We must keep in mind the conditions of the war deprive us of the
possibility of arranging for a fairly adequate treatment of the curable
consumptives. To do so would require procuring at least 10,000 more
beds. This figure, under the condition that the program is to be carried
out within half a year, could not be met.
After a proper examination of all these considerations and
circumstances, the creation of a reservation, such as the reservations
for lepers, seems to be the most practicable solution. Such a
reservation should be able to be created in the shortest time by means
of the necessary settlement. Within the reservation one could easily set
up conditions for the strict isolation of the strongly contagious.
Even the case of the German consumptives represents an extremely
difficult problem for the Gau. But this cannot be overcome, unless the
problem of the Polish consumptives is solved at the same time.
Heil Hitler!
Yours,
[Signed] DR. BLOME
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-441
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 205
AFFIDAVIT OF DEFENDANT RUDOLF BRANDT, 24 OCTOBER 1946, CONCERNING THE
PLAN TO EXTERMINATE TUBERCULAR POLISH NATIONALS
I, Rudolf Emil Hermann Brandt, being duly sworn, depose and state:
1. I am the same Rudolf Brandt who on 30 August 1946 swore an affidavit
concerning certain low-pressure experiments which were also conducted
with test subjects of the Dachau concentration camp without their
consent.
2. I am entitled by the same reasons as already stated in paragraphs 1,
2, and 3 of my affidavit of 30 August 1946 to state as follows:
3. In the middle of 1942 the Reich Governor of the Warthegau, Herbert
[Arthur(?)] Greiser, suggested to Himmler to annihilate Poles infected
with incurable tuberculosis. In submitting this suggestion, Greiser gave
as a reason that the Germans in Poland would be exposed to this
epidemic. Dr. Kurt Blome, Deputy Chief of the Main Office for Public
Health of the NSDAP, and radiologist Dr. Hohlfelder conferred with
Greiser about this matter. Dr. Blome was from time to time with Himmler
and supported Greiser’s suggestion.
4. The Higher SS and Police Leader, and Chief of the Warthegau, Koppe,
further, Mueller of Office IV of the Reich Security Main Office (RSHA),
and the Chief of the Reich Security Main Office, Heydrich, were involved
in this operation. At the end of 1942 and the beginning of 1943 Greiser
carried out the annihilation of the Jews in the Warthegau, and the
rounding up of the tubercular Poles was finished at the same time as the
rounding up of the Jews. As a result of the suggestions made by Blome
and Greiser numerous Poles were exterminated. Many thousands of
tubercular Poles were taken to isolation camps where they had to take
care of themselves.
I have read the above affidavit in the German language, consisting of
one page, and it is true and correct to the best of my knowledge and
belief. I was given the opportunity to make changes and corrections in
the above affidavit. This affidavit was given by me freely and
voluntarily without promise of reward, and I was subjected to no threat
or duress of any kind.
Nuernberg, 24 October 1946
[Signature] R. BRANDT
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-246
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 196
LETTER FROM GREISER TO HIMMLER, 1 MAY 1942, CONCERNING THE PLAN FOR MASS
EXTERMINATION OF TUBERCULAR POLES
Reich Governor of the Reichsgau Wartheland.
Poznan, Schlossfreiheit 13, 1 May 1942
Telephone No. 1823 24
[Handwritten note]
P 802/42