C. Project To Kill Tubercular Polish Nationals

a. Introduction

The defendants Blome and Rudolf Brandt were charged with participation

in and responsibility for the murder and mistreatment of tens of

thousands of Polish Nationals allegedly infected with incurable

tuberculosis (par. 8 of the indictment). On this charge both defendants

were acquitted.

The prosecution’s summation of the evidence and argumentation on this

charge is contained in its closing brief against the defendant Blome. An

extract from this brief is set forth below on pages 760 to 763. A

corresponding summation of the evidence by the defense has been selected

from the final plea for the defendant Blome. It appears below on pages

763 to 768. This argumentation is followed by selections from the

evidence on pages 769 to 794.

b. Selection from the Argumentation of the Prosecution

_EXTRACT FROM THE CLOSING BRIEF AGAINST

DEFENDANT BLOME_

* * * * *

_Personal Participation in Criminal Activities—Murder and Mistreatment of

Polish Nationals_

By 1941 it was the accepted policy of the Third Reich to exterminate the

Jewish population of Germany and the occupied countries. (IMT

judgment.[89]) In pursuance of this policy the Reich Governor of the

Warthegau, Greiser, obtained permission from Himmler to exterminate the

Jewish population in this province. In a letter of 1 May 1942, he

informed Himmler that the “special treatment” of about 100,000 Jews

would be completed within 2 to 3 months. He stated that as soon as this

task was completed, the “existing and efficient special commandos” could

be used for the extermination of approximately 35,000 Polish Nationals

who suffered from open tuberculosis. These Poles allegedly were a danger

to the German officials and their families because they were a possible

source of tubercular infection. Greiser went on to say:

“The ever-increasing risks were also recognized and appreciated

by the deputy of the Reich Health Leader for Public Health

[Reichsgesundheitsfuehrer] Comrade Professor Dr. Blome as well

as by the leader of your X-ray battalion, SS Standartenfuehrer

Prof. Dr. Hohlfelder.

“Though in Germany proper it is not possible to take appropriate

draconic steps against this public plague, I think I could take

responsibility for my suggestion to have cases of open

tuberculosis exterminated among the Polish race here in the

Warthegau. Of course, only a Pole should be handed over to such

an action who is not only suffering from open tuberculosis, but

whose incurability is proved and certified by a public health

officer.

“Considering the urgency of this project I ask for your approval

in principle as soon as possible. This would enable us to make

the preparations with all necessary precautions now to get the

action against the Poles suffering from open tuberculosis under

way, while the action against the Jews is in its closing

stages.” (_NO-246, Pros. Ex. 196._)

In a letter of 27 June 1942 Himmler gave consent in principle to this

plan and instructed Greiser to discuss the individual measures in detail

with the security police first, in order to assure an inconspicuous

accomplishment of the task. (_NO-244, Pros. Ex. 201._) On 21 November

1942 Greiser informed Himmler that the examinations which were to be

carried out in order to separate the curable and incurable would be

executed by Professor Hohlfelder and his X-ray battalion. He estimated

that the first utilization of the method would be in approximately six

months. He further stated:

“In this stage of the proceedings, Professor Dr. Blome, in his

capacity as Deputy Chief of the Public Health Office [Hauptamt

fuer Volksgesundheit] of the NSDAP is raising some objections as

to its execution, as he states in a letter of 18 November. These

objections are expressed only now, although Dr. Blome and Dr.

Hohlfelder and myself have spent months of preliminary work on

examination, clarification, and straightening out the whole

procedure.

“I enclose a copy of Blome’s letter of 18 November for your

information * * *.” (_NO-249, Pros. Ex. 202._)

In this letter, Blome stated that among the Polish population of the

province, at least 35,000 persons were suffering from open tuberculosis,

and besides this number, about 120,000 consumptives were in need of

treatment. This constituted an enormous danger to the German settlers in

all parts of the province. In order to make further German immigration

possible, counter measures were to be taken soon. Blome then outlined

the three ways for the practical elimination of the danger of infection:

“1. Special treatment [Sonderbehandlung] of the seriously ill

persons.

“2. Most rigorous isolation of the seriously ill persons.

“3. Creation of a reservation for all tubercular patients.”

As to the first proposal he stated:

“The approximately 35,000 Poles who are incurable and infectious

will be ‘specially treated’. All other Polish consumptives will

be subjected to an appropriate cure in order to save them for

work and to avoid their causing contagion.” (_NO-249, Pros. Ex.

202._)

Blome pointed out that one of the practical difficulties of outright

extermination of all tubercular Poles was that it might provide

excellent propaganda material for the enemies of Germany, especially

with regard to the strong Catholic feelings of the Italian nation and

“all the physicians of the world.” He therefore considered it necessary

that Hitler himself personally decide on this step. Should Hitler

consider this radical solution as unsuitable, preparations for the

execution of the plan as outlined in points 2 and 3 should be made. The

exclusive settlement of all tubercular Poles, irrespective of whether

they were curable or incurable, would remove the danger of infection for

the German settlers. These Poles should be used for labor. Not only the

tubercular Poles of the Warthegau, but also those in Danzig-West

Prussia, those of the administrative district of Zichenau, and of the

Province of Upper Silesia should be isolated in the same settlement. He

stated:

“Another solution to be taken into consideration would be a

strict isolation of all the infectious and incurable

consumptives, without exception, in nursing establishments.

_This solution would lead to the comparatively rapid death of

the sick._ With the necessary addition of Polish doctors and

nursing personnel, the character of a pure death camp would be

somewhat mitigated.” (_NO-249, Pros. Ex. 202._)

Finally Blome advocated as the most practicable solution the creation of

a reservation similar to the reservation for lepers. Within the

reservation, the strict isolation of the strongly contagious could

easily be achieved. In this way the danger of infection would be removed

and the problem of the German consumptives in the province would be

overcome. (_NO-250, Pros. Ex. 203._) Blome admitted that the expression

“special treatment” which he used in the letter meant the killing of the

tubercular Poles. (_Tr. p. 4791._)

Himmler approved Blome’s plan to create a reservation for tubercular

Poles, incurable and curable alike, in a letter to Greiser dated 3

December 1942. It would be possible to exploit this action for

propaganda purposes, whereas on the other hand, outright extermination

of those inflicted with open tuberculosis would take too long, as the

X-ray examinations of the Polish population would require at least six

months. (_NO-251, Pros. Ex. 204._)

That at least some of the tubercular Poles were exterminated, while the

others were taken to death camps where they were left to die, is proved

by the affidavit of the defendant Rudolf Brandt. (_NO-441, Pros. Ex.

205._) Brandt tried to explain, not to say repudiate, this affidavit by

testifying that he made the statements on the basis of documents shown

to him in pretrial interrogations. He stressed the point, however, that

he insisted the wording of one sentence be changed. This sentence

originally read: “As a result of the suggestions made by Blome and

Greiser, 8-10,000 Poles were exterminated”! He changed the expression

“8-10,000” to “numerous.” (_Tr. pp. 4890, 4953._) This proves in itself

that Brandt did not make his statement in exclusive reliance on the

contents of the documents shown to him in pretrial interrogations (_Tr.

p. 4891_) but also on the basis of the knowledge he obtained as

collaborator of Himmler. The documents do not show the execution of

“numerous” Poles. Moreover, Brandt states in these documents that Dr.

Blome visited Himmler from time to time and supported Greiser’s

suggestions. There is no document in evidence or in the possession of

the prosecution which would give the basis for this statement. It is,

therefore, clear that Brandt’s statements are founded upon knowledge

which he obtained from Himmler.

Without a doubt, Rudolf Brandt is as well advised on the crimes which

are the subject of this trial as any man in Germany. There is no reason

whatever for refusing to give full weight to the pretrial statements of

Brandt. There has been no proof that these statements were obtained by

fraud or duress. Brandt’s testimony before the Tribunal can be summed up

in one sentence: “I remember nothing.” Aside from a description of

Himmler’s personality, he contented himself with giving answers to

leading questions by his attorney which were calculated to reveal him as

a disembodied stenographic automaton—something in the nature of a

proficient half-wit. Surely his pretrial affidavits are entitled to more

weight than the blatant nonsense which was his testimony.

Blome denied that he ever planned or suggested that Poles suffering from

open tuberculosis should be exterminated and that the remainder should

be put in reservations and left there to die (_Tr. pp. 4578, 4790-1_)

but he is contradicted by the proof of his own making.

* * * * *

c. Selection from the Argumentation of the Defense

_EXTRACT FROM THE FINAL PLEA FOR THE DEFENDANT

BLOME_[90]

* * * * *

Probably the most serious accusation against Dr. Blome seemed to be the

allegation that he had proposed the murder of 25,000-30,000 tubercular

Poles and had taken part in carrying out this plan. The evidence clearly

shows, however, that this accusation is quite unfounded. I maintain on

the contrary (_a_) it is not true that Dr. Blome approved or supported

this murderous plan, and (_b_) it is also untrue that this plan was ever

carried out. It is true, however, that it was Dr. Blome himself who

prevented this devilish plan. It was Dr. Blome who, by his clever

intervention saved the lives of the 25,000-30,000 tubercular Poles who

were to be “liquidated.”

The documents show that this plan originated with Gauleiter Greiser and

Reich Leader SS Himmler. Blome was then assigned to this matter because

it was known that he had for many years made the fight against

tuberculosis the aim of his life, and because he built his cancer

institute in the same Gau which Gauleiter Greiser governed. Blome stated

his attitude to this plan clearly at the time in the well-known letter

of 18 November 1942. (_NO-250, Pros. Ex. 203._) He discussed the three

possibilities which existed and explained the pro’s and con’s of each of

these three possibilities in detail. These three possibilities were

either “Liquidation,” i. e., the murder of those Poles suffering from

incurable tuberculosis, their internment in isolated institutions, or

lastly, their settlement in a reservation. In his letter of 18 November

1942 (Appendix 25) he definitely rejected the first possibility and

advocated the latter.

In this, Blome was completely successful. Greiser was so much impressed

by Blome’s arguments that he no longer dared to carry out the

liquidation of the Poles which had been decided upon. In fact, he

submitted Dr. Blome’s memorandum to the Reich Leader SS Himmler, so that

he should obtain a decision from Hitler himself. (_NO-249, Pros. Ex.

202._) This was already a remarkable success for Blome, because Himmler

had already ordered the liquidation of the Poles. Blome’s arguments made

such an impression even on the bloodhound Himmler that, contrary to

Greiser’s expectations, he cautiously put the matter before Hitler again

and obtained his definite ruling. It should be remembered that this in

itself would no longer have been necessary, because not only had Conti

agreed to the murder, but from Greiser’s covering note of 21 November

1942 it is obvious that Hitler had also given his approval to the

extermination of the Poles before.

Thereupon, after a subsequent examination of the matter, Hitler withdrew

the extermination order and thus Himmler had no alternative but to do

the same. This is clearly proved by Himmler’s letter of 3 December 1942.

(_NO-251, Pros. Ex. 204._)

The extermination of the Poles did not take place; _this is due to

Blome_.

Although these facts are incontestably proved by the documents

presented, the prosecution nevertheless upheld the charge against Blome.

This evidently was due to the peculiar wording of Blome’s letter to

Greiser of 18 November 1942. The prosecution in their speech of 19

December 1946 described this letter a “devilish masterpiece of murderous

intent.” In considering this case, the prevailing conditions should be

borne in mind. Dr. Blome knew that the tuberculous Poles were lost, that

their murder had been decided upon, unless it was possible on some

grounds to change Hitler’s mind at the last moment. The statement of the

witness Dr. Gundermann (_Blome 1, Blome Ex. 8_) proved that Blome at

that time, as is confirmed by Blome’s own testimony (_Tr. pp. 4574-78_),

strove for days for a successful wording of his letter; he repeatedly

drafted the letter, then rejected the wording again, and finally

introduced arguments in the letter which he hoped would be successful.

From the very beginning he was aware, of course, that his intervention

was bound to fail and have no success if he described Hitler’s planned

extermination of the Poles as a crime and downright murder and solemnly

protested against it. In this way Blome would have achieved nothing for

the Poles, but would have had to expect to be brought before a court

himself and sentenced for sabotaging an order of the Fuehrer, or to have

disappeared in a concentration camp without any legal sentence. With

such simple method as entering a solemn protest by calling on the laws

of humanity or of justice nothing would have been achieved with Hitler,

especially when he had already made up his mind and had decided on a

certain matter and had already given the necessary orders for execution;

in such cases Hitler was usually inaccessible and would not listen to

any counterproposals. Dr. Blome knew this, of course, just as well as,

for instance, the Gauleiter of the Lower Danube, who in connection with

a similar problem (sterilization), in his letter of 24 August 1942

(_NO-039, Pros. Ex. 153_) pointed out the importance of “enemy

propaganda,” as he considered this most likely to be successful. Dr.

Blome therefore looked for reasons which would perhaps have a decisive

influence on Hitler and these were either the Church or other nations.

It is understandable that Hitler, in view of the tense situation at that

time, in the middle of the Second World War, did not want to break

completely with the Church, and he also had to consider the opinion of

foreign countries so as not to antagonize neutral states. Dr. Blome

speculated on these two points. In his letter of 18 November 1942 he

emphasized in a skillful manner, and with full determination, these two

points of view, and with those two references he achieved full success.

(_NO-250, Pros. Ex. 203._)

It may now be realized why Blome, in the early part of his letter, tried

to give Hitler the impression that he (Blome) fully agreed with the plan

as such for the extermination of the Poles, and why he even pretended

that everything was already prepared for the execution of this plan.

Hitler had, so to speak, only to press the button and 25,000-30,000

Poles would be done away with. This was merely a trick which Blome used

in order to ensure a favorable consideration of his second and third

proposals (internment or reservation).

If Dr. Blome had written that he declined to approve such an order of

the Fuehrer, that, in consequence, no preparations for its execution had

been made, and that he would rather resign than become a party to a mass

murder, then Hitler would have had his customary outburst, and Blome

would have been finished as far as he was concerned; he would, of

course, have entirely disregarded the protest of such a “saboteur,” and

in the interests of so-called “reasons of State,” the Fuehrer’s orders

would have been strictly carried out. To prevent this, Dr. Blome had to

pretend for the time being, that he was ready to acknowledge the

Fuehrer’s orders as a matter of course and, where possible, to

participate personally in their execution, if Hitler, as Head of the

State, so desired. However, when weighing the pro’s and con’s, Dr. Blome

was able to bring to the foreground points of view against the plan of

extermination which conceivably might greatly impress Hitler.

Blome’s letter of 18 November 1942 can only be explained thus, and was

intended in this way. (_Blome 1, Blome Ex. 8._) So Dr. Blome, on the

strength of this letter, cannot be convicted. For it is certain that

Hitler thereupon dropped his plan and completely rescinded his orders

for the murder.

This success, which could hardly have been anticipated because of

Hitler’s obstinacy and vainglory, completely justifies the defendant

Blome. It proves that Blome’s conception was the right one and that his

manipulations saved the lives of the Poles.

Another matter helped Blome considerably, which must not be overlooked

here. Shortly before, Hitler had cancelled the continuation of the

Euthanasia Program. Apparently he did this under the influence of

numerous protests which had been made by the two Christian Churches. The

reaction abroad also played a considerable part in this because mass

destruction of the insane had been taken up repeatedly by the foreign

press with particular reproaches against the Nazi regime. Dr. Blome made

use of these points of view which had proved effective in the case of

the Euthanasia Program, and they also produced telling effects in the

case of the tubercular Poles.

Why did the prosecuting authorities maintain the accusation against. Dr.

Blome in spite of all this? Apparently this was solely on account of an

affidavit by the codefendant Rudolf Brandt. In his affidavit of 24

October 1946 Rudolf Brandt completely suppresses the letters which cause

the complete rescinding of the plan for murder. (_NO-441, Pros. Ex.

205._) He is silent about these letters, although it can be proved that

they passed through his hands, were initialed, and handed down to lower

offices by him.

During his examination by the defense, Rudolf Brandt was charged with

untruthfulness. He was unable to offer an explanation, failed to answer,

and was forced to submit to the charge of untruthfulness, of deliberate

untruthfulness. Altogether, Rudolf Brandt has made an amazing number of

affidavits; he has, without scruples, supplied the prosecution with

practically every affidavit desired for the incrimination of

codefendants, and with equal readiness, he has given affidavits for

these same codefendants which directly contradicted his former

assertions. What he confirms under oath today, he denies under oath

tomorrow, and vice versa. However, it must be stated that the affidavit

which Rudolf Brandt made against Dr. Blome, dated 24 October 1946, was

the climax of his mendacity. After the experiences in this trial, and

after having become acquainted, as we have, with a man like Rudolf

Brandt, it would be ridiculous even to consider attaching any weight to

the affidavit of a man such as we have got to know in Rudolf Brandt. His

affidavit of 24 October 1946 has been entirely refuted by documents

introduced by the prosecution. It is unnecessary, therefore, to examine

to what extent Rudolf Brandt’s untruthfulness can be traced to his state

of mental health.

During the session of 9 December 1946 the prosecuting authorities

announced:

“The prosecution will introduce evidence to show that the

program was in fact carried out at the end of 1942 and the

beginning of 1943, and that as a result of the suggestions made

by Blome and Greiser, many Poles were ruthlessly exterminated

and that others were taken to isolated camps, utterly lacking in

medical facilities, where thousands of them died.”

This evidence has not been produced so far by the prosecuting

authorities, although the defense, during the session of 17 March 1947,

referred in particular to this lack of evidence. The assertions of a

Rudolf Brandt in this respect cannot be evaluated as “evidence,” even if

it had not been completely retracted and even if it had not already been

completely refuted by additional documents submitted by the prosecution.

If the prosecuting authorities had succeeded in producing the witness

Perwitschky, who had already been proposed in 1946, and who had been

approved by the Tribunal, then his testimony would have produced

additional clear proof that Blome actually prevented the proposed mass

murder.

We know that later fate of these Poles who suffered from incurable open

tuberculosis from the affidavit of Dr. Gundermann, the highest medical

officer of the Warthegau (the territory in which the tubercular Poles

were to be liquidated). (_Blome 1, Blome Ex. 8._) The fight against

tuberculosis was a legal task of the Public Health Offices which were

subordinated in the Warthegau to the witness Dr. Gundermann. As a result

of difficulties caused by the war, it was not possible to accommodate

during the war, either in restricted institutions or in a segregated

area, those suffering from tuberculosis; these two possibilities, which

had been examined in a letter dated 18 November 1942 from Blome to

Greiser were therefore out of the question for the time being. (_NO-250,

Pros. Ex. 203._) Therefore, the tubercular Poles were provided for

according to the same legal regulations which applied to tubercular

Germans in Germany proper. Legal regulations notwithstanding, a separate

Tuberculosis Welfare Office, with Polish physicians and nurses, was

established in the various health offices of the Warthegau. (_Blome 1,

Blome Ex. 8._) Therefore, the contention of the prosecution “that the

accommodation of sick Poles in restricted institutions resulted in the

comparatively rapid death of the sick” or, that the transportation of

the sick into a reserved area meant that, “they were left to their fate,

provided with few physicians and with few or no nursing personnel,” is

devoid of application. (_Tr. pp. 757-59._)

It should be observed, however, that these proposals by Blome (for

internment or reserved areas) did not originate from him, but had

already been discussed during the meeting of the German Tuberculosis

Society in 1937, and went back to proposals which had already been

worked out years before by English research workers in tuberculosis on

instructions from the International Tuberculosis Commission, and which

had been generally approved. (_Blome 14, Blome Ex. 6._) Therefore, even

if the existence of these proposals had been known, it cannot be said

that they contradicted in any way the laws of humanity. According to

widespread views held by the responsible circles, such measures are

necessary if tuberculosis, from which millions die yearly, is to be

fought effectively, and if the healthy portion of the population is to

be protected effectively against the dangers of infection through

incurable tubercular patients. In this case, the protection of the

healthy population against infection appears more important than

consideration for the unrestricted liberty of incurable patients.

* * * * *

d. Evidence

_Prosecution Documents_

Doc. No. Pros. Ex. No. Description of Document Page

NO-247 197 Letter from Koppe to Rudolf Brandt, 3 May 769

1942, concerning the killing of

tubercular Poles.

NO-244 201 Letter from Himmler (signed by Rudolf 770

Brandt) to Greiser, 27 June 1942,

concerning the extermination of

tubercular Poles.

NO-250 203 Letter from Blome to Greiser, 18 November 771

1942, concerning the mass extermination

of tubercular Poles.

NO-441 205 Affidavit of defendant Rudolf Brandt, 24 775

October 1946, concerning the plan to

exterminate tubercular Polish

Nationals.

NO-246 196 Letter from Greiser to Himmler, 1 May 776

1942, concerning the plan for mass

extermination of tubercular Poles.

_Defense Documents_

Doc. No. Def. Ex. No. Description of Document Page

Blome 14 Blome Ex. 6 Extracts from a report on the German 777

Tuberculosis Conference of 18 to 20

March 1937, at Wiesbaden.

Blome 1 Blome Ex. 8 Extracts from the affidavit of Dr. Oskar 778

Gundermann, 28 December 1946, stating

that Blome opposed the plan to

exterminate tubercular Poles and that

the plan was never carried out.

_Testimony_

Trials of war criminals before the Nuernberg military tribunals under control council law no. 10, volume I · 第 415 / 486 题