_Railroads for Ireland_
IF WE take a general view of the career of Lord George Bentinck during
the last year--from the time indeed when he was trying to find a lawyer
to convey his convictions to the House of Commons until the moment when
her Majesty prorogued her Parliament, the results will be found to be
very remarkable. So much was never done so unexpectedly by any public
man in the same space of time. He had rallied a great party which seemed
hopelessly routed; he had established a parliamentary discipline,
in their ranks which old political connections, led by experienced
statesmen, have seldom surpassed; he had brought forward from those
ranks, entirely through his discrimination and by his personal
encouragement, considerable talents in debate; he had himself proved a
master in detail and in argument of all the great questions arising
out of the reconstruction of our commercial system; he had made a
vindication of the results of the Protective principle as applied to
agriculture, which certainly, so far as the materials are concerned, is
the most efficient plea that ever was urged in the House of Commons
in favour of the abrogated law; he had exhibited similar instances of
investigation in considerable statements with respect to the silk trade
and other branches of our industry; he had asserted the claims of the
productive classes in Ireland, and in our timber and sugar producing
colonies, with the effect which results from a thorough acquaintance
with a subject; he had promulgated distinct principles with regard to
our financial as well as to our commercial system; he had maintained
the expediency cf relieving the consumer by the repeal of excise in
preference to customs’ duties, and of establishing fiscal reciprocity as
a condition of mercantile exchange. On subjects of a more occasional
but analogous nature he had shown promptitude and knowledge, as in the
instances of the urgent condition of Mexico and of our carrying trade
with the Spanish colonies, both of which he brought forward in the last
hours of the session, but the importance of which motions was recognized
by all parties. Finally, he had attracted the notice, and in many
instances obtained the confidence, of large bodies of men in the
country, who recognized in him a great capacity of labour combined with
firmness of character and honesty of purpose.
At the close of the session (August 28), Cord George visited Norfolk,
where he received an entertainment from his constituents at King’s Lynn,
proud of their member, and to whom he vindicated the course which he had
taken, and offered his views generally as to the relations which should
subsist between the legislation of the country and its industry.
From Norfolk he repaired to Belvoir Castle, on a visit to the Duke of
Rutland, and was present at a banquet given by the agriculturists of
Leicestershire to his friend and supporter the Marquis of Granby. After
this he returned to Welbeck, where he seems to have enjoyed a little
repose. Thus he writes to a friend from that place on the 22nd
September:
‘Thanks for your advice, which I am following, having got Lord
Malmesbury’s Diary; but I am relapsing into my natural dawdling, lazy,
and somnolent habits, and can with difficulty get through the leaders
even of the “Times.”
* * * * ‘The vehemence of the farmers is personal against Peel; it is
quite clear that the rising price of wheat has cured their alarm. The
railway expenditure must keep up prices and prosperity, both of which
would have been far greater without free trade; but in face of high
prices, railway prosperity, and potato famine, depend upon it we shall
have an uphill game to fight.
‘O’Connell talks of Parliament meeting in November, to mend the Irish
Labour-rate Act. Do you believe this?’
The Labour-rate Act, passed at the end of the session [‘46), was one by
which the Lord Lieutenant was enabled to require special barony
sessions to meet in order to make presentments for public works for the
employment of the people, the whole of the money requisite for their
construction to be supplied by the imperial treasury, though to
be afterwards repaid. The machinery of this act did not work
satisfactorily, but the government ultimately made the necessary
alterations on their own responsibility, and obtained an indemnity from
Parliament when it met in ‘47. The early session, therefore, talked
of by Mr. O’Connell, became unnecessary. As the only object of this
Labour-rate Act was to employ the people, and as it was supposed there
were no public works of a reproductive nature which could be undertaken
on a sufficient scale to ensure that employment, the Irish people were
occupied, towards the end of the autumn of ‘46, mainly in making roads,
which, as afterwards described by the first minister, ‘were not wanted.’
In the month of September more than thirty thousand persons were thus
employed; but when the harvest was over, and it was ascertained that its
terrible deficiency had converted pauperism into famine, the numbers
on the public works became greatly increased, so that at the end of
November the amount of persons engaged was four hundred thousand,
receiving wages at the rate of nearly five millions sterling per annum.
These immense amounts went on increasing every week, and when Parliament
met in February, 1847, five hundred thousand persons were employed on
these public works, which could bring no possible public advantage, at
an expense to the country of between £700,000 and £800,000 per month.
No Board of Works could efficiently superintend such a multitude, or
prevent flagrant imposition, though the dimensions of that
department appeared almost proportionably to have expanded. What
with commissioners, chief clerks, check clerks, and pay clerks, the
establishment of the Board of Works in Ireland, at the end of ‘46,
consisted of more than eleven thousand persons.
Always intent upon Ireland, this condition of affairs early and
earnestly attracted the attention of Lord George Bentinck. So vast an
expenditure in unproductive labour dismayed him. He would not
easily assent to the conclusion that profitable enterprise under the
circumstances was impossible. Such a conclusion seemed to him unnatural,
and that an occasion where we commenced with despair justified a bold
and venturesome course. The field is legitimately open to speculation
where all agree that all is hopeless. The construction of harbours, the
development of fisheries, the redemption of waste lands, were resources
which had been often canvassed, and whatever their recommendations, with
the exception of the last, they were necessarily very limited; and the
last, though it might afford prompt, could hardly secure profitable,
employment. Prompt and profitable employment was the object which Lord
George wished to accomplish. Where millions were to be expended by the
state, something more advantageous to the community should accrue than
the temporary subsistence of the multitude.
Lord George had always been a great supporter of railway enterprise in
England, on the ground that, irrespective of all the peculiar advantages
of those undertakings, the money was spent in the country; and that if
our surplus capital were not directed to such channels, it would go, as
it had gone before, to foreign mines and foreign loans, from which in a
great degree no return would arrive. When millions were avowedly to be
laid out in useless and unprofitable undertakings, it became a question
whether it were not wiser even somewhat to anticipate the time when the
necessities of Ireland would require railways on a considerable scale;
and whether by embarking in such enterprises, we might not only find
prompt and profitable employment for the people, but by giving a new
character to the country and increasing its social relations and the
combinations of its industry, might not greatly advance the period when
such modes of communication would be absolutely requisite.
Full of these views, Lord George, in the course of the autumn, consulted
in confidence some gentlemen very competent to assist him in such an
inquiry, and especially Mr. Robert Stephenson, Mr. Hudson, and Mr.
Laing. With their advice and at their suggestion, two engineers of
great ability, Mr. Bidder and Mr. Smith, were despatched to Ireland,
personally to investigate the whole question of railroads in that
country.
Meditating over the condition of Ireland, a subject very frequently
in his thoughts, and of the means to combat its vast and inveterate
pauperism, Lord George was frequently in the habit of reverting to
the years ‘41-42 in England, when there were fifteen hundred thousand
persons on the parish rates; eighty-three thousand able-bodied men,
actually confined within the walls of the workhouse, and more than four
hundred thousand able-bodied men receiving out-door relief. What changed
all this and restored England in a very brief space to a condition
of affluence hardly before known in her annals? Not certainly the
alterations in the tariff which were made by Sir Robert Peel at the
commencement of his government, prudent and salutary as they were. No
one would pretend that the abolition of the slight duty (five-sixteenths
of a penny) on the raw material of the cotton manufacturer, or the free
introduction of some twenty-seven thousand head of foreign cattle,
or even the admission of foreign timber at reduced duties, could have
effected this. Unquestionably it was the railway enterprise which
then began to prevail that was the cause of this national renovation.
Suddenly, and for several years, an additional sum of thirteen millions
of pounds sterling a year was spent in the wages of our native industry;
two hundred thousand able-bodied labourers received each upon an average
twenty-two shillings a week, stimulating the revenue both in excise and
customs by their enormous consumption of malt and spirits, tobacco and
tea. This was the main cause of the contrast between the England of ‘41
and the England of ‘45.
Was there any reason why a proportionate application of the same remedy
to Ireland should not proportionately produce a similar result? Was
there anything wild or unauthorized in the suggestion? On the contrary:
ten years before (1836), the subject had engaged the attention of her
Majesty’s government, and a royal commission had been issued to inquire
into the expediency of establishing railway communication in Ireland.
The commissioners, men of great eminence, recommended that a system
of railways should be established in Ireland, and by the pecuniary
assistance of government. They rested their recommendation mainly on the
abundant evidence existing of the vast benefits which easy communication
had accomplished in Ireland, and of the complete success which had
attended every Parliamentary grant for improving roads in that country.
The weakness of the government, arising from the balanced state of
parties, rendered it impossible at that time for them to prosecute the
measures recommended by the royal commissioners, though they made an
ineffectual attempt in that direction. Could it be suspected that the
recommendation of the commissioners had been biassed by any political
consideration? Was it a Whig commission attempting to fulfil a Whig
object? Another commission, more memorable, at the head of which was the
Earl of Devon, was appointed by a Tory government some years afterwards,
virtually to consider the condition of the people of Ireland, and the
best means for their amelioration. The report of the Devon commission
confirmed all the recommendations of the railway commissioners of ‘36,
and pointed to these new methods of communication, by the assistance of
loans from the government, as the best means of providing employment for
the people.
When Mr. Smith of Deanston was examined by a Parliamentary committee,
and asked what measure of all others would be the one most calculated to
improve the agriculture and condition of Ireland, he did not reply, as
some might have anticipated, that the most efficient measure would be
to drain the bogs; but his answer was, ‘advance the construction of
railways, and then agricultural improvement will speedily follow.’
To illustrate the value of railways to an agricultural population, Mr.
Smith, of Deanston, said, ‘that the improvement of the land for one mile
only on each side of the railway so constructed would be so great, that
it would pay the cost of the whole construction.’ He added, that there
were few districts’ in Ireland, in which railway communication could
be introduced, where the value of the country through which the railway
passed would not be raised to an extent equal to the whole cost of the
railway.
Arguing on an area of six hundred and forty acres for every square mile,
after deducting the land occupied by fences, roads, and buildings, Mr.
Smith, of Deanston, entered into a calculation of the gain deliverable
from the mere carriage of the produce of the land, and the back carriage
of manure, coals, tiles, bricks, and other materials, and estimated the
saving through those means on every square mile to more than £300, or
something above £600 on 1,280 acres abutting each mile of railway,
this being the difference of the cost of carriage under the old mode of
conveyance as compared with the new. Following up this calculation,
he showed that fifteen hundred miles of railway would improve the land
through which it passed to the extent of nearly two million acres at the
rate of a mile on each side; and, taken at twenty-five years’ purchase,
would equal twenty-four millions sterling in the permanent improvement
of the land.
The ground, therefore, was sound on which Lord George cautiously, and
after due reflection, ventured to place his foot.
And now, after the reports of these two royal commissions, what was the
state of railway enterprise in Ireland in the autumn of ‘46, when a vast
multitude could only subsist by being employed by the government, and
when the government had avowedly no reproductive or even useful work
whereon to place them; but allotted them to operations which were
described by Colonel Douglas, the inspector of the government himself,
‘as works which would answer no other purpose than that of obstructing
the public conveyances?’
In ‘46, acts of Parliament were in existence authorizing the
construction of more than fifteen hundred miles of railway in Ireland,
and some of these acts had passed so long as eleven years previously,
yet at the end of ‘46 only one hundred and twenty-three miles of railway
had been completed, and only one hundred and sixty-four were in the
course of completion, though arrested in their progress from want of
funds. Almost in the same period, two thousand six hundred miles of
railway had been completed in England, and acts of Parliament had passed
for constructing five thousand four hundred miles in addition: in the
whole, eight thousand miles.
What then was the reason of this debility in Ireland in prosecuting
these undertakings? Were they really not required; were the elements
of success wanting? The first element of success in railway enterprise,
according to the highest authorities, is population; property is only
the second consideration. Now, Ireland in ‘46 was more densely inhabited
than England. A want of population could not therefore be the cause.
But a population so impoverished as the Irish could not perhaps avail
themselves of the means of locomotion; and yet it appeared from research
that the rate of passengers on the two Irish railways that were open
greatly exceeded in number that of the passengers upon English and
Scotch railways. The average number of passengers on English and Scotch
railways was not twelve thousand per mile per annum, while on the Ulster
railway the number was nearly twenty-two thousand, and on the Dublin and
Drogheda line the number exceeded eighteen thousand.
The cause of the weakness in Ireland to prosecute these undertakings
was the total want of domestic capital for the purpose, and the
unwillingness of English capitalists to embark their funds in a country
whose social and political condition they viewed with distrust, however
promising and even profitable the investment might otherwise appear.
This was remarkably illustrated by the instance of the Great Southern
and Western Railway of Ireland, one of the undertakings of which the
completion was arrested by want of funds, yet partially open. Compared
with a well-known railway in Great Britain, the Irish railway had cost
in its construction £15,000 per mile, and the British upwards of £26,000
per mile; the weekly traffic on the two railways, allowing for some
difference in their extent, was about the same on both, in amount
varying from £1,000 to £1,300 per week; yet the unfinished British
railway was at £40 premium in the market, and the incomplete Irish
railway at £2 discount. It was clear, therefore, that the commercial
principle, omnipotent in England, was not competent to cope with the
peculiar circumstances of Ireland.
Brooding over the suggestions afforded by the details which we have
slightly indicated, Lord George Bentinck, taking into consideration
not merely the advantage that would accrue to the country from the
establishment of a system of railroads, but also remembering the
peculiar circumstances of the times, the absolute necessity of employing
the people, and the inevitable advance of public money for that purpose,
framed a scheme with reference to all these considerations, and which
he believed would meet all the conditions of the case. He spared no
thought, or time, or labour, for his purpose. He availed himself of the
advice of the most experienced, and prosecuted his researches ardently
and thoroughly. When he had matured his scheme, he had it thrown into
the form of a parliamentary bill by the ablest hands, and then submitted
the whole to the judgment and criticism of those who shared his
confidence and counsels. Towards the end of November he was at Knowsley,
from whence he communicated with the writer of these pages. ‘I am here
hatching secret plans for the next session; and now, if you have not
quite abjured politics, as you threatened for the next three months to
do, devoting yourself to poetry and romance, I think I ought to have a
quiet day with you, in order that we may hold council together and talk
over all our policy. I shall be at Harcourt House on the 30th. I shall
stay there till the 3rd of December, for a meeting on that day of the
Norfolk Estuary Company, of which I am chairman. Would that evening
suit you--or Friday--or Wednesday? I am not well acquainted with the
geography of Buckinghamshire, but presume you are accessible either by
rail or road in less than twelve hours.
‘The activity in the dockyard must be in preparation to interfere in
Portugal, to keep King Leopold upon the Portuguese throne: it cannot be
for Mexico, for our friend the “Times” formally abandoned Mexico in his
leader some days ago.
‘* * * * has been entertaining Lord * * * * in Ireland, and writes: “How
Peel must chuckle at the Whig difficulties.” I dare say he does, but
in Ireland it seems to me Lord Besborough is putting the fate Irish
government to shame, whilst the rupture of the _entente cordiale_, the
conquest of California and New Mexico, and the complications in the
river Plata,--are complete inheritances from Lord Aberdeen.
‘Eaton has come to life again: else there was a prospect of George
Manners quietly succeeding him in Cambridgeshire. I fear we shall do no
good in Lincolnshire, notwithstanding the industry of our dear friend
the “Morning Post,” in getting hold of Lord Ebrington’s and Lord Rich’s
letters to Lord Yarborough. I suppose there is no mistake in Lord
Dalhousie (“the large trout”) going out to Bombay with the reversion of
Bengal.
‘The duchy of Lancaster is to be put in commission, Lord * * * * to
be one of the commissioners, _but unpaid_. He has begun, I presume, to
overcome the false delicacy which prevented his acceptance of office
under the Whigs in July. S * * * * thought G * * * * was to be another
of the Board, but that turns out a mistake, but Lord H * * * * is to be.
‘The manufacturers are working short time, and reducing wages in
all directions, John Bright and Sons at Rochdale among the rest. The
Zollverein increasing their import duties on cotton and linen yarn, and
putting export duties of 25 per cent. (some of the states at least) on
grain.’
We must not omit to record, that in the autumn of this year, at Goodwood
races, the sporting world was astounded by hearing that Lord George
Bentinck had parted with his racing stud at an almost nominal price.
Lord George was present, as was his custom, at this meeting, held in the
demesne of one who was among his dearest friends. Lord George was not
only present but apparently absorbed in the sport, and his horses
were very successful. The world has hardly done justice to the great
sacrifice which he made on this occasion to a high sense of duty. He not
only parted with the finest racing stud in England, but he parted with
it at a moment when its prospects were never so brilliant; and he knew
this well. We may have hereafter to notice on this head an interesting
passage in his life.
He could scarcely have quitted the turf that day without a pang. He had
become the lord paramount of that strange world, so difficult to sway,
and which requires for its government both a stern resolve and a courtly
breeding. He had them both; and though the blackleg might quail before
the awful scrutiny of his piercing eye, there never was a man so
scrupulously polite to his inferiors as Lord George Bentinck. The
turf, too, was not merely the scene of the triumphs of his stud and
his betting-book. He had purified its practice and had elevated its
character, and he was prouder of this achievement than of any other
connected with his sporting life. Notwithstanding his mighty stakes and
the keenness with which he backed his opinion, no one perhaps ever cared
less for money. His habits were severely simple, and he was the most
generous of men. He valued the acquisition of money on the turf, because
there it was the test of success. He counted his thousands after a great
race as a victorious general counts his cannon and his prisoners.