_A Third Party_
THE members of the Protectionist opposition returned to their
constituents with the sanguine feelings which success naturally
inspires. Their efforts had surprised, not displeased, the country;
the elections were in their favour; the government business halted; the
delay in the calculated arrival of the famine had taken the edge off the
necessity which it was supposed would have already carried the Corn Bill
through the Commons; while the twin measure which the throes of Ireland
had engendered had developed elements of opposition which even the
calmest observer thought might possibly end in overthrow. Above all,
that seemed to have happened which the most experienced in parliamentary
life had always deemed to be impracticable; namely, the formation of a
third party in the House of Commons.
How completely this latter and difficult result was owing to the
abilities and energies of one man, and how anomalous was the position
which he chose to occupy in not taking the formal lead of a party which
was entirely guided by his example, were convictions and considerations
that at this juncture much occupied men’s minds. And it was resolved
among the most considerable of the country gentlemen to make some
earnest and well-combined effort, during the recess, to induce Lord
George Bentinck to waive the unwillingness he had so often expressed of
becoming their avowed and responsible leader.
When Lord George Bentinck first threw himself into the breach, he was
influenced only by a feeling of indignation at the manner in which he
thought the Conservative party had been trifled with by the government
and Lord Stanley, his personal friend and political leader, deserted by
a majority of the cabinet. As affairs developed, and it became evident
that the bulk of the Conservative party throughout the country had
rallied round his standard, Lord George could not conceal from himself
the consequences of such an event, or believe that it was possible
that the party in the House of Commons, although Lord Stanley might
eventually think fit to guide it by his counsels, and become, if
necessary, personally responsible for its policy, could be long held
together unless it were conducted by a leader present in the same
assembly, and competent under all circumstances to represent its
opinions in debate. Lord George, although a very proud man, had no
vanity or self-conceit. He took a very humble view of his own powers,
and he had at the same time a very exalted one of those necessary to a
leader of the House of Commons. His illustrious connection, Mr. Canning,
was his standard. He had been the private secretary of that minister
in his youth, and the dazzling qualities of that eminent personage
had influenced the most susceptible time of life of one who was very
tenacious of his impressions. What Lord George Bentinck appreciated
most in a parliamentary speaker was brilliancy: quickness of perception,
promptness of repartee, clear and concise argument, a fresh and
felicitous quotation, wit and picture, and, if necessary, a passionate
appeal that should never pass the line of high-bred sentiment. Believing
himself not to be distinguished by these rhetorical qualities, he would
listen with no complacency to those who would urge in private that the
present period of parliamentary life was different from the days of Mr.
Canning, and that accumulated facts and well-digested reasoning on their
bearing, a command of all the materials of commercial controversy, and
a mastery of the laws that regulate the production and distribution of
public wealth, combined with habits of great diligence and application,
would ensure the attention of a popular assembly, especially when united
to a high character and great social position. This might be urged;
but he would only shake his head, with a ray of humour twinkling in his
piercing eyes, and say, in a half-drawling tone, ‘If Mr. Canning were
alive, he could do all this better than any of them, and be not a whit
less brilliant.’
There was also another reason why Lord George Bentinck was unwilling to
assume the post of leader of the Conservative party, and this very much
influenced him. Sprung from a great Whig house, and inheriting all the
principles and prejudices of that renowned political connection which
had expelled the Stuarts, he had accepted, in an unqualified sense, the
dogma of religious liberty. This principle was first introduced into
active politics in order to preserve the possessions of that portion
of the aristocracy which had established itself on the plunder of
the Church. It was to form the basis of a party which should prevent
reaction and restitution of church lands. Whether the principle be a
true one, and whether its unqualified application by any party in the
state be possible, are questions yet unsettled. It is not probable, for
example, that the worship of Juggernaut, which Lord Dalhousie permits
in Orissa, would be permitted even by Lord John Russell at Westminster.
Even a papist procession is forbidden, and wisely. The application of
the principle, however, in Lord George Bentinck’s mind, was among other
things associated with the public recognition of the Roman Catholic
hierarchy by the state, and a provision for its maintenance in Ireland
in accordance with the plan of Mr. Pitt. What had happened, with respect
to the vote on the endowment of Maynooth in 1845, had convinced him that
his opinions on this subject presented an insuperable barrier to his
ever becoming the leader of a party which had contributed three-fourths
of the memorable minority on that occasion. It was in vain that it
was impressed upon him by those most renowned for their Protestant
principles, and who were at the same time most anxious to see Lord
George Bentinck in his right position, that the question of Maynooth was
settled, and there was now no prospect of future measures of a similar
character. This was not the opinion of Lord George Bentinck. He nursed
in his secret soul a great scheme for the regeneration and settlement
of Ireland, which he thought ought to be one of the mainstays of a
Conservative party; and it was his opinion that the condition of the
Roman Catholic priesthood must be considered.
It was in vain, in order to assist in removing these scruples, that it
was represented to him by others that endowment of a priesthood by the
state was a notion somewhat old-fashioned, and opposed to the spirit
of the age which associated true religious freedom with the full
development of the voluntary principle. He listened to these suggestions
with distrust, and even with a little contempt. Mr. Canning had been in
favour of the endowment of the Irish priesthood--that was sufficient for
that particular; and as for the voluntary principle, he looked upon it
as priestcraft in disguise; his idea of religious liberty being that all
religions should be controlled by the state.
Besides these two prominent objections to accepting the offered post,
namely, his unaffected distrust in his parliamentary abilities and his
assumed want of concordance with his followers on a great principle
of modern politics, we must also remember that his compliance with
the request involved no ordinary sacrifice of much which renders life
delightful. He was to relinquish pursuits of noble excitement to which
he was passionately attached, and to withdraw in a great degree from
a circle of high-spirited friends, many of them of different political
connection from himself, by whom he was adored. With all his unrivalled
powers of application when under the influence of a great impulse, he
was constitutionally indolent and even lethargic. There was nothing,
therefore, in his position or his temperature to prick him on in ‘46;
it was nothing but his strong will acting upon his indignation which
sustained him. It is not, therefore, marvellous that he exhibited great
reluctance to commit irretrievably his future life. At a subsequent
period, indignation had become ambition, and circumstances of various
kinds had made him resolve to succeed or die.
On the adjournment, Lord George had gone down to Newmarket, which he
greatly enjoyed after his exhausting campaign. Here some letters on the
subject of the leadership passed, but nothing was definitely arranged
till some time after the re-assembling of Parliament. For convenience
we mention here the result. The wish of the party was repeatedly
and personally urged by the popular and much-esteemed member for
Dorsetshire, and at last Lord George consented to their wishes, on these
conditions: that he should relinquish his post the moment the right man
was discovered, who, according to his theory, would ultimately turn up;
and secondly, that his responsible post was not to restrict or embarrass
him on any questions in which a religious principle was involved.
Before, however, this negotiation was concluded, and while yet at
Newmarket, he wrote to a friend, the day before the House met (April
16th).
‘I think there is no doubt, but that the Irish will take care of Friday
(to-morrow) night. I have not much hope of their keeping up the debate
beyond Friday.
‘It is quite clear from O’Connell’s language at Dublin that we have no
hope from the Irish tail.
‘I still think myself, that delay affords a great chance of something
turning up in our favour; already the rejection of any reciprocity by
M. Guizot has provided us with a grand weapon, which, I trust, you drive
well home into * * * * ’s vitals; a very short delay would probably
bring over similar intelligence from the United States and their Congress.
I trust we shall have an important deputation over from Canada,
representing that the inevitable results of these free-trade measures
in corn and timber will be to alienate the feelings of our Canadian
colonists, and to induce them to follow their sordid interests, which
will now, undoubtedly, be best consulted and most promoted by annexation
to the United States.
‘Lord------‘s intended tergiversation has been, I believe, some time
known; he admits that all farmers without capital, in short, all little
men, must be sacrificed. What a barbarous and odious policy, that
goes upon the principle that none but capitalists are henceforth to
be allowed to live, as farmers at least. We must turn the tables upon
Lord------and all such heartless doctrinaires!
‘I fear the majority in the Lords will be greater than was expected;
I am told that we must endeavour to put ministers in a minority two or
three times before the bill gets to its second reading in the Lords,
no matter upon what question. I hear there are many peers whose votes
depend entirely upon their notions, whether or not Peel can, by hook or
by crook, carry on.’